Bank of England £5 note
Smallest denomination of England's banknotes
The Bank of England £5 note, also known as a fiver, is a sterling banknote. It is the smallest denomination of banknote currently issued by the Bank of England. On 5 June 2024 and 13 September 2016, a new polymer note was introduced, featuring the images of King Charles III and the late Queen Elizabeth II on the obverse and a portrait of Winston Churchill on the reverse. The old paper note, first issued in 2002 and bearing the image of prison reformer Elizabeth Fry on the reverse, was phased out and ceased to be legal tender after 5 May 2017.
History.
Introduction.
Five pound notes (£5) were introduced by the Bank of England in 1793, following the ten pound note, which had been introduced in 1759 as a consequence of gold shortages caused by the Seven Years' War. The 5 pound note was introduced again, due to gold shortages caused by the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars and was the lowest denomination of note issued until 1797. The earliest notes were handwritten and were issued to individuals as needed. These notes were written on one side only and bore the name of the payee, the date and the signature of the issuing cashier.
Restriction period.
In 1797, due to the extra money needed to fund the war and the uncertainty caused as Britain declared war on France, a series of bank runs drained the Bank of England of its gold supply. The Bank was forced to stop exchanging gold for notes and to issue notes of £1 and £2 denominations. This was known as the 'restriction period', as the exchange of notes for their value in gold was restricted.
The Restriction Period ended in 1821 as the Government had to anchor the value of the currency to gold in order to control sharply rising inflation and national debt. After a brief period to offset any sudden deflation, the UK returned to the gold standard on 1 May 1821. These notes could again be exchanged in full, or in part, for an equivalent amount of gold when presented at the bank. If redeemed in part, the banknote would be marked to indicate the amount that had been redeemed. From 1853 printed notes replaced handwritten notes, with the declaration "I promise to pay the bearer on demand the sum of five pounds" replacing the name of the payee. This declaration remains on Bank of England banknotes to this day. A printed signature of one of three cashiers appeared on the printed notes, though this was replaced by the signature of the Chief Cashier from 1870 onward.
Move away from gold standard.
The right to redeem banknotes for gold ceased in 1931, when Britain stopped using the gold standard. Metal thread was introduced on the £5 note in 1945 as a security feature. The printed black and white notes were replaced from 1957 onwards by new, two-sided notes. The first two-sided £5 notes (series B) were blue and featured a bust of Britannia on the front and a lion on the back. Series C notes, first introduced in 1963, were the first notes to feature an image of the monarch on the front, with Britannia being relegated to the back. From 1971 onward, with the introduction of series D, a British historical figure was portrayed on the reverse: the soldier and statesman the Duke of Wellington in this case. Series E notes, first issued in 1990, are multicoloured, although they are predominantly turquoise-blue. These notes feature a portrait of railway pioneer George Stephenson, as well as for the first time 'windowed' metal thread; this thread appears as a dashed line, yet forms a single line when held up to the light.
2002 Varnish issue.
In 2002, a problem was identified in which the serial numbers could be rubbed off some notes. The problem was highlighted after six members of the public complained to The Bank of England; banks as well as Post Offices stopped distributing the notes at the request of the Bank of England to stop issuing the new £5 notes. The Bank said the move was a "precautionary measure while we carry out further tests and investigative work into what might have caused the fault and how widespread the problem is". The bank consequently did rigorous testing and found the problem to be that the serial numbers were printed over the varnish rather than under it allowing the ink to be removed if enough force was applied. The Bank started to varnish the notes in an attempt to make them last longer than previous notes which only had an estimated lifespan of nine months.
A spokesman for the Bank of England said: "The notes are still legal tender and the public shouldn't have a problem spending them in the shops. As long as shopkeepers check the anti-counterfeit measures, then the lack of serial numbers is not a problem.
"If members of the public are concerned, then they should take the notes back to the bank where they will be exchanged."
The F series £5 note was never issued.
Moving to polymer.
In April 2013, the Governor of the Bank of England Sir Mervyn King announced on behalf of the bank that Elizabeth Fry would be replaced by Winston Churchill on the next £5 note which would enter circulation in 2016. It was also announced that the images featured on the reverse would include the famous 1941 portrait of Churchill ("The Roaring Lion") by Yousuf Karsh, a view of the Houses of Parliament, a quote by Churchill ("I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat") and a background image of Churchill's Nobel Prize in Literature, while the obverse would feature an image of Queen Elizabeth II.
In December 2013 the Bank of England announced that the next £5 note would be printed on a polymer, rather than cotton paper. The bank cited that they would be cleaner, more secure and more durable. It was also said that the new polymer notes would be more environmentally friendly, lasting 2.5 times as long as cotton paper notes, according to the Bank's own environmental testing.
The note was introduced on 13 September 2016, with an initial print run of 440 million notes (worth £2.2 billion), over the period of co-circulation. It was announced that there would be a co-circulatory period with the old series E notes, and then on 5 May 2017, the series E would cease to be legal tender. However, as with all Bank of England notes, they can be exchanged at face value at any time in the future.
Ingredients controversy.
In November 2016, there was controversy when the Bank of England confirmed that the new notes contained traces of tallow. According to an online petition on this issue, this is unacceptable to vegans, vegetarians, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Jews and other groups in the UK, and one Cambridge cafe boycotted the new note. The note's manufacturer, Innovia Security, was looking into changing the recipe for the polymer used, so as to contain no animal products, which are added to polymer pellets at an early stage of production. However, on 10 August 2017 the Bank of England announced that all future notes, including future £5 note prints would continue the use of traces of tallow.
Design.
List of historical designs.
Sources from the Bank of England:
Current designs.
The series G (polymer) note is the only £5 note that is currently legal tender. The old paper series E was withdrawn, following a co-circulation period with both notes being legal tender which ended on 5 May 2017.
Circulation.
The Bank of England is responsible for printing and issuing notes to ensure a smooth monetary supply across the United Kingdom. It reports the number of notes in circulation at any given time. The £5 note circulation peaked in 1979 before the £50 was re-introduced.
Table sources from the Bank of England Statistics
References.
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Music Note
American-bred Thoroughbred racehorse
Music Note (born February 5, 2005, in Kentucky) is retired American Thoroughbred racehorse who was a five-time Grade I stakes winner. At age three, she won the Gazelle, Mother Goose and Coaching Club American Oaks, then finished third to Zenyatta in the Breeders' Cup Ladies Classic. In 2009, she won the Ballerina and Beldame Stakes, the again finished third in the Ladies Classic. She finished with career earnings of over $1.6 million.
Background.
Music Note is a bay mare who was bred in Kentucky by Gainsborough Farm, the American breeding arm of Godolphin Racing. She raced for Godolphin and was originally trained by Tom Albertrani before being switched to Saeed bin Suroor in 2008. She was sired by A.P. Indy, who was the 1991 American Horse of the Year and subsequently a leading sire. She was produced by the unraced mare Note Musicale, who was by leading Irish stallion Sadler's Wells and out of champion It's In the Air. Note Musicale also produced French classic winner Musical Chimes.
Racing career.
Music Note raced twice at age two, finishing fourth in her debut on October 14, 2007, and winning the next time out on November 1, 2007, in a maiden special weight race at Aqueduct.
2008: three-year-old campaign.
Music Note had a long layoff before returning in a one-mile allowance race at Belmont Park on May 22, 2008. For the first three-quarters of a mile, she rated in fourth place while racing four-wide around the turn. She took the lead in the stretch and continued to draw away under a hand ride to win by seven lengths.
On June 28, her connections stepped her sharply up in class by entering her in the Grade I Mother Goose Stakes, then considered the first leg of New York's Triple Tiara for fillies. She went off as to 8-5 second choice in a field of four in which the odds-on favorite was Proud Spell, who was coming off an easy win in the Kentucky Oaks. Both Proud Spell and Music Note stumbled at the break, then Proud Spell moved into second place to the inside of pacesetter Never Retreat with Music Note rating three-wide in third. Entering the stretch, Music Note went to the lead while Proud Spell had to check her stride due to a lack of racing room on the rail and fell back to fourth. Proud Spell was then taken to the outside and started to close ground but then swerved sharply, interfering with Never Retreat. Music Note won easily by <templatestyles src="Fraction/styles.css" />3+1⁄2 lengths over Proud Spell, who was subsequently disqualified to third.
In the absence of Proud Spell, Music Note and her stablemate Little Belle were the odds-on favorites in the Coaching Club American Oaks on July 19. Music Note again rated behind the early pace while racing wide, then moved into contention turning into the stretch. Jockey Javier Castellano urged her forward at the top of the stretch, and Music Note responded by rapidly opening her lead to six lengths in mid-stretch and eleven lengths at the wire. "She has a long, beautiful stride," said Castellano. "She sat just where I wanted her. At the quarter-pole, when I asked her, she just took off."
Moving to Saratoga racecourse in August, bin Suroor considered entering Music Note in the Travers Stakes against colts but ultimately entered her in the Alabama Stakes for fillies, giving her a chance at winning the Triple Tiara. She went off as the 1-2 favorite with Proud Spell at odds of 2-1. Little Belle took the early lead with Proud Spell close behind and Music Note at the back of the tightly bunched field while racing four-wide. Proud Spell took the lead entering the stretch and then held off a sustained drive from Music Note to win by a head. "They both showed their courage, they both dug in," said Larry Jones, the trainer of Proud Spell. "They all had equal shots. Everybody had their chance. That's the way it's supposed to be decided."
Music Note became the overwhelming 1-20 favorite in the Gazelle Stakes on September 13 when her main rival Country Star was scratched after throwing her rider. Music Note broke through the gate prior to the start but recovered and won easily by <templatestyles src="Fraction/styles.css" />8+1⁄2 lengths. "She did it the right way today," said Castellano. "She was comfortable and relaxed. At the three-eighths pole, she grabbed the bit and she wanted to go. I took care of her today for her next race."
Music Note made her final start of the year in the Breeders' Cup Ladies Classic, held that year at Santa Anita. She was the 9-1 fourth betting choice in a top-notch field of eight headed by the undefeated Zenyatta. Music Note settled at the back of the main pack with Cocoa Beach, trailed only by the late-running Zenyatta. The three horses still trailed the field after three-quarters of a mile but then started to move into contention, with Music Note five-wide around the final turn. Zenyatta circled six wide and surged to the lead in the stretch to win easily over Cocoa Beach. Music Note could not match their acceleration but closed steadily for third, beaten by a total of three lengths.
Music Note was a finalist for the Eclipse Award for Outstanding Three-Year-Old Filly, finishing second to Proud Spell.
2009: four-year-old campaign.
Music Note was given a long layoff then returned on June 13, 2009, in the Ogden Phipps Handicap. She made a strong move on the turn but flattened out in the stretch and was a well beaten fifth. After the race, she was "a little stiff behind" and was given another layoff.
Music Note returned on August 29 in the Ballerina Stakes over seven furlongs at Saratoga on a sloppy track. The field of five also included multiple Grade I winners Indian Blessing and Informed Decision, who both went off at odds of 7-5. A relative longshot at 6-1, Music Note started at the back of the field then found room on the rail to take the lead on the turn. She continued to open up her lead down the stretch to win by <templatestyles src="Fraction/styles.css" />5+1⁄4 lengths over Indian Blessing. "She got me [into contention] on her own will," said jockey Rajiv Maragh. "I think that was to our advantage at that point where we weren't eight or nine lengths out of it. When I saw Indian Blessing come alongside of us at the top of the stretch, my filly just started sprinting away."
On October 3, she won the fifth Grade I race of her career, the Beldame Stakes. Going off as the 1-4 favorite in a field of five, she rated in third place down the backstretch then swung wide around the turn. She took the lead at the head of the stretch and continued to open her lead to win by <templatestyles src="Fraction/styles.css" />2+1⁄4 lengths.
Music Note made her final start in the 2009 Breeders' Cup Ladies Classic on November 6, held at Santa Anita. In Zenyatta's absence, Music Note went off as the 5-2 second choice behind Careless Jewel in a field of eight. Careless Jewel went to the early lead and set a fast early pace. Music Note rated well back in fifth and then sixth, trailing by <templatestyles src="Fraction/styles.css" />12+1⁄2 lengths after three-quarters of a mile. When Careless Jewel tired, the field bunched turning for home. Music Note finally found racing room in the final furlong to finish third behind Life Is Sweet.
Retirement and broodmare career.
Music Note was retired after the 2009 Breeders' Cup, returning to Gainsborough Farm to be a broodmare. She has produced three winners, the most notable of which is Mystic Guide, the winner of the 2021 Dubai World Cup.
Pedigree.
Music Note is inbred 5S x 4D to Bold Ruler, meaning Bold Ruler appears in the fifth generation of the sire's side of her pedigree (as the sire of Boldnesian) and in the fourth generation of the dam's side.
References.
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Samsung Galaxy Note 5
Android-based phablet by Samsung Electronics
The Samsung Galaxy Note 5 (stylized as SΛMSUNG Galaxy Note5) is an Android phablet smartphone developed, produced and marketed by Samsung Electronics. Unveiled on 13 August 2015, it is the successor to the Galaxy Note 4 and part of the Samsung Galaxy Note series.
The Galaxy Note 5 carries over hardware and software features from the Galaxy S6, including a changed design with a glass backing, improved camera, and fingerprint scanner. The precluded camera software also includes built in livestreaming functionality as well as features meant for use with the device's bundled, spring-loaded stylus. The device was released together with the Samsung Galaxy S6 Edge+.
The device received positive reviews from critics, who praised the upgraded build quality over prior models, along with improvements to its performance, camera, and other changes. Similarly to the S6, Samsung was criticized for making the Galaxy Note 5's battery non-removable, and removing the ability to expand its storage via microSD. It was argued that these changes potentially alienated power users—especially because the Galaxy Note series had historically been oriented towards this segment of the overall market.
The Galaxy Note 5 is briefly succeeded by the Samsung Galaxy Note 7, released in August 2016. However, that device was ultimately recalled and pulled from the market after repeated incidents where batteries overheated and caught on fire. The discontinued Note 7 was later re-launched as Galaxy Note Fan Edition in July 2017, while a fully-fledged successor, the Samsung Galaxy Note 8, was released in September 2017.
Specifications.
Hardware.
Design.
The Galaxy Note 5 adopts a similar design and construction to the Galaxy S6, featuring a unibody metal frame and glass backing, although unlike the standard S6, the back of the device is curved. It is offered in dark blue, white, gold, and silver color finishes. The storage slot for the S Pen stylus uses a spring-loaded mechanism to eject the pen for more convenience. Due to the design, inserting the pen in reverse could cause it to get stuck. This issue is known as "pengate".
Functionality.
Like on the Galaxy S6, Mobile high-definition link (MHL), a feature introduced with the Galaxy S II and Galaxy Note in 2011, has been removed from the series with the Galaxy Note 5.
The Galaxy Note 5 has a non-removable 3,000 mAh lithium-ion battery and supports the Qi open interface standard.
The Note 5 features a 5.7-inch 1440p Super AMOLED display. It is powered by a 64-bit Exynos 7 Octa 7420 system-on-chip, consisting of four 2.1 GHz Cortex-A57 cores, and four 1.5 GHz Cortex-A53 cores, and 4 GB of LPDDR4 RAM.
The Galaxy Note 5 is available with either 32 GB or 64 GB of storage (a special "Winter Edition" exclusive to South Korea offers 128 GB storage), and utilizes a 3020 mAh battery with wireless and fast charging (Qualcomm Quick Charge 2.0) support. Samsung claims wired fast charging and wireless fast charging to be able to charge the phone entirely in 90 and 120 minutes respectively.
Similarly to the S6, the Note 5 does not offer expandable storage or the ability to remove the battery, unlike its predecessor.
As with the S6, the fingerprint scanner in the home button now uses a touch-based scanning mechanism rather than swipe-based, and the device also supports Samsung Pay.
Camera.
The 16-megapixel rear-facing camera is identical to the Galaxy S6, with an f/1.9 aperture, optical image stabilization, object tracking autofocus, and real-time HDR. Video recording is supported at 2160p with 30 frames per second, 1080p with 60fps and 720p with 120fps.
Software.
The Galaxy Note 5 shipped with Android 5.1.1 Lollipop. The new "Screen off memo" feature allows the phone to be awoken directly to a note screen when the stylus is removed. The Camera app on the Note 5 also allows public and private livestreaming directly to YouTube, and supports export of RAW images.
In February 2016, Samsung began to release Android 6.0.1 Marshmallow for the Galaxy Note 5.
The Galaxy Note 5 also gradually received the Nougat (Android 7.0) update with TouchWiz Grace UX during the first and second quarters of 2017.
European release.
The Galaxy Note 5 was not released in Europe, in favor of solely marketing the S6 Edge+ in the region. Samsung European Vice President of Brand and Marketing Rory O'Neill explained that the decision was based upon market research showing that consumers in the region primarily viewed large-screen phones as being oriented towards entertainment, and not productivity.
Reception.
Reviews.
"The Verge" complimented the higher-quality build of the Galaxy Note 5, describing it as being a "more humane device" due to its lighter build with thinner bezels in comparison to the Galaxy Note 4, along with its display, performance and additional S Pen features. However, the Galaxy Note 5 was panned for not offering a removable battery, expandable storage, or a 128 GB model, considering these oversights to be inappropriate for a device in a series that was "unapologetically meant for power users." The device was also described as being the result of Samsung "[holding themselves] back", having dropped the "old, unfettered excessiveness of the old Note" in favour of developing a "consumer-friendly" device with only minor upgrades over the S6.
"TechRadar" shared a similar degree of positivity towards the Galaxy Note 5, noting that "the sacrifices Samsung felt it needed to make to get to that premium Note 5 design have turned off some longtime users. Thankfully, there's a lot more to like about this phone upgrade than dislike."
Issues.
Following its release, it was discovered that inserting the pen into the Note 5's storage slot backwards could result in permanent damage to the spring mechanism, making the stylus become stuck, or damaging the sensor that detects when the S Pen is removed; all of these scenarios render the stylus unusable. This issue was dubbed "pengate".
Samsung was aware of this issue and stated that it had provided a warning against backward pen insertion in the Galaxy Note 5's manual, but placed more prominent warning labels on the device itself on later shipments.
In January 2016, it was reported that the design of the mechanism had been revised to allow the safe ejection of a pen accidentally inserted backwards, without causing damage to the sensor. This was achieved by using a stronger, differently designed clip that accommodated the pen being stored both ways. It is not possible to confirm which model a device is without opening it.
Sales.
In its first three days on sale, over 75,000 units of the Note 5 (together with the S6 Edge+) were sold in South Korea, exceeding the rate of sales of the previous year's models. A study by AnTuTu detailed that this smartphone was one of the most popular Android devices in the first half of 2016.
Other.
The device has been featured in the music video of "Focus", a song by Ariana Grande, with her writing the phrase "Focus on me" using the stylus.
References.
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Japanese military currency (1894–1918)
 is the name given to money used by the Japanese armed forces for the purchase of supplies in occupied territories. It was mainly issued in denominations of yen, and subsidiary currency of sen with the exception of the first Sino-Japanese War series. This particular article covers pre-Shōwa era currency issued from 1894 to 1918 in three different periods. During this time Japan was militarily involved in the First Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, and events during World War I such as the Siberian intervention. The military currency issued during these events circulated in Japanese Korea, the Republic of China (Manchuria), and the Russian State. All of the notes issued share a similar design which resembles government issued civilian currency which circulated in Japan from 1872 to 1899. Japanese military currency was exchangeable at the given time for both silver and gold bullion. Most of these events were not long term which impacted the amount of surviving currency in different ways. It was also routine after each event for officials to exchange the military currency issued for bullion or other forms of payment such as banknotes. Unredeemed notes were thus either held by the public as commemorates or eventually lost in the decades that followed. Those that remain today are collected and traded depending on the condition and surviving rate of the series.
First Sino-Japanese War (1895).
 were the first currency issued by the Japanese armed forces. The notes were used during the First Sino-Japanese War for only two months as the war ended before they could be used for a longer term. Sino-Japanese Warbonds were printed and released sometime in February 1895 in denominations of 10 tael, 5 tael, 1 tael, 5 sen, 2 sen, and 1 fen. Their design is similar to civilian issued Meiji Tsūhō notes which were in circulation at the time. As the war ended with a peace treaty on April 17, 1895, a majority of the series went unused. Most of these notes were collected by officials who exchanged them at a 1.40 yen per 1 tael rate before disposing of them. The issued series as a whole was thought to have gone extinct until four notes re-surfaced in 1977. These were found hidden in the inner pockets of military uniforms worn by high-ranking officers who served in the Sino-Japanese War. Five other unissued specimen notes remain at the Bank of Japan currency museum for public viewing.
Russo-Japanese War (1904).
 were produced beforehand in 1903 (year 36 of Meiji) in anticipation of an upcoming war. During this time negotiations commenced between Japan and Russia regarding Russian troops in Manchuria. Seeing Russia as a rival, Japan offered to recognize Russian dominance in Manchuria in exchange for recognition of Korea being within the Japanese sphere of influence. Russia refused and demanded the establishment of a neutral buffer zone between Russia and Japan in Korea north of the 39th parallel. Japan officially issued a declaration of war on February 8, 1904, and attacked the Russian Far East Fleet at Port Arthur. Russo-Japanese War military bonds were issued upon declaration in denominations of 10 sen, 20 sen, 50 sen, 1 yen, 5 yen, and 10 yen. Their size ranges from 103mm x 62mm for sen to 130 mm x 92 mm for yen with a design similar to Meiji Tsūhō notes that were issued for civilians in Japan from 1872 to 1899. These Russo-Japanese War military bonds could be converted into silver during the war. Places of redemption were set up across Manchuria as the alloy could not be feasibly carried by the troops making local payments. This series was used abundantly in contrast with "Sino-Japanese Warbonds" as over 140 million yen in notes were issued during the war. The Japanese military also issued some of these notes in the Korean Empire as "special occupation currency".
The Treaty of Portsmouth formally ended the Russo-Japanese War on September 5, 1905. As Russo-Japanese War military bonds were not permitted to circulate in Japan, they "obtained wide currency" in Korea and Manchuria. When the war ended, the Yokohama Specie Bank was authorized to redeem the military notes in exchange for their own notes backed by the silver yen. Additional arrangements were also made to convert the notes into gold in order to target Japanese merchants in Manchuria. The exchange process began in 1910 which allowed Bank of Japan and eventually Bank of Chōsen notes to circulate in the region. Gold certificates were exclusively issued by the latter of these two banks by 1917, but were not popular with the Chinese who preferred silver. Russo-Japanese War military bonds meanwhile continued to circulate until at least 1919 with 300,000 yen reported in circulation. The note exchangements eventually gave rise to Japanese yen silver currency in Manchuria which was used into the 1930s. While "many" of the war notes were collected and destroyed by the government, others chose to keep them as victory commemorates.
World War I (1914–1918).
Qingdao troops.
 were issued for a very short period of time in 1914 as part of the Siege of Tsingtao. Japan had declared war on Germany during World War I and sent troops to Tsingtao (now Qingdao) as it was being used as a port. Qingdao military bonds were issued in September 1914 (year 3 of Taishō) in denominations of 10 sen, 20 sen, 50 sen, 1 yen, 5 yen, and 10 yen which were redeemable in silver. The notes vary in size from 103mm x 70mm for denominations of sen, to 133 mm x 93 mm for denominations of yen. Some of the lower denomination notes were re-printed on repurposed Russo-Japanese War warbonds. Qingdao military bonds have a design similar to other war currency of the time as they are all similar to Meiji Tsūhō notes that were issued for civilians in Japan from 1872 to 1899. Noticeable differences in this particular design include "(x denomination) in silver" printed in English on both sides of the obverse, and once on the reverse. The amount of issued notes is "small" as the siege of Qingdao was settled in less than two months after they were first issued. Most of these notes were redeemed by 1922 (year 11 of Taishō) as the Japanese government replaced them with Yokohama Specie Bank issued civilian currency. The uncollected amount of notes is estimated to be around 160,000 yen.
Siberian intervention.
The final military currency issued before the Shōwa era is referred to as . Towards the end of World War I Japan sent troops to support the allied intervention in Siberia against Soviet Russia and its allies during the Russian Civil War. Gold backed banknotes issued by the Russian government were widely accepted in Siberia and Manchuria before the start of World War I. When the October Revolution caused the Russian monetary system to become chaotic the Japanese looked for ways to exploit the situation by releasing their own currency in the regions. The Japanese government decided in July 1918 that military payments should be made through the Bank of Chōsen using banknotes or gold backed military notes These notes were backed by 10,000 yen in gold coins as military funds given for the duration of the event. Siberian Intervention Warbonds were issued in August 1918 when the event commenced in denominations of 10 sen, 20 sen, 50 sen, 1 yen, 5 yen, and 10 yen. Their size ranges from 109mm x 76mm for sen to 135 mm x 95 mm for yen with a design similar to Meiji Tsūhō notes that were issued for civilians in Japan from 1872 to 1899. The face value of these notes is written twice in both Japanese and Russian on the obverse side to reflect issuance in the regions involved. These notes circulated for a long duration as the Imperial Japanese Army continued to occupy Siberia even after other Allied forces withdrew in 1920. Siberian Intervention Warbonds were actively collected by the Japanese government when soldiers returned from the intervention in October 1922. Those that weren't collected remained in circulation as convertible banknotes that could be exchanged for Bank of Japan notes of the same value. This period of exchange lasted until September 1945 when the Ministry of Finance declared the military bonds invalid.
Collecting.
The value of any given banknote is determined by survivability rate and condition as collectors in general prefer original notes with bright rich coloring. In contrast to this are notes with ink stains, missing pieces, and evidence of repairs which can all impact their value. Exceptions to this include extremely rare banknotes where there are few surviving examples (ex: National Gold Bank Note). The oldest military currency issued during the post-Imperial restoration era include Sino-Japanese Warbonds which had a very short lifespan. These notes are not collectible as there are no records of actual sales outside of institutions such as the Bank of Japan Currency Museum. One the four known "1 tael" notes held by the museum was assessed on April 18, 2020, for 4,000,000 yen (~$35,000+ USD). The second series issued during the Russo-Japanese War is very common as over 140 million yen in notes were issued for the duration. Russo-Japanese War military bonds continued to circulate long after being collected until at least 1919 with people keeping them as victory commemorates. These notes were produced with and without serial numbers which creates two varieties to those looking for a set. On average they are valued in the tens of thousands of yen (~$100+ USD) depending on the denomination. The highest denomination notes of 5 and 10 yen are rare, and are valued much higher in the hundreds of thousands of yen (~$1,000+ USD).
During World War I Japan issued two different series of military currency for events in China and Siberia. The first of these issues are known as Qingdao military bonds which are now scarce due to their survival rate. As with the First Sino-Japanese War, the incident involving the Siege of Tsingtao only lasted for a brief period of time. Most of the issue was either redeemed afterwards or lost over the past century. Notes in the lower denominations are most common with values ranging from the tens to hundreds of thousands of yen. The highest denomination notes of 5 and 10 yen are possibly non-existent now as there have been no recorded sales of them. Siberian Intervention Warbonds were the second and last of these currencies issued before the Shōwa era. Grading services also refer to these notes as part of the Occupation of Siberia series for an encapsulation title. This series follows the pattern of the lowest denominations being the easiest to obtain, as they are valued in the tens to hundreds of thousands of yen. The surviving notes for the highest denominations of 5 and 10 yen are now very rare, with values in the hundreds of thousands to millions of yen. An example of a 10 yen note sold for US$28,680 at an auction held in 2017.
References.
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5'll Getcha Ten
5'll Getcha Ten is the second studio album by American rock band Cowboy. Produced by Johnny Sandlin, the album was released in October 1971 by Capricorn Records. Cowboy formed in 1969 by songwriters Tommy Talton and Scott Boyer. The group was signed to Macon, Georgia-based Capricorn Records by the suggestion of Duane Allman, guitarist and leader of the Allman Brothers Band. Cowboy's first album, "Reach for the Sky", was released in 1970, and they supported the Allman Brothers on a national tour between 1970–71. "5'll Getcha Ten" was recorded at both Capricorn's studio in Macon and Muscle Shoals Sound Studios in Sheffield, Alabama, as the former was still under construction at the time.
Background.
"5'll Getcha Ten" was released in October 1971. Songwriter and co-founder Talton remembered that while the LP carried the carefree


First Brazilian Republic
1889–1930 federal republic in South America
The First Brazilian Republic, also referred to as the Old Republic (, ), officially the Republic of the United States of Brazil, refers to the period of Brazilian history from 1889 to 1930. The Old Republic began with the coup d'état that deposed emperor Pedro II in 1889, and ended with the Revolution of 1930 that installed Getúlio Vargas as a new president. During the First Republic, the country's presidency was dominated by the most powerful states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Because of the power of these two states, based on the production of coffee and dairy, respectively, the Old Republic's political system has been described as "milk coffee politics". At local level, the country was dominated by a form of machine politics known as "coronelism", in which the political and economic spheres were centered around local bosses, who controlled elections.
The country was also marked by a series of rebellions and revolutions against the ruling oligarchies, which culminated into the Revolution of 1930, when the Liberal Alliance, a force of urban middle-class, planters from outside São Paulo and military reformists composed mostly by junior officers (known as "Tenetism"), deposed ruling president Washington Luís (representative of the São Paulo oligarchies) and led to the ascension of Getúlio Vargas as president, heralding the start of the Vargas Era.
Overview.
On November 15, 1889, Field Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca deposed Emperor Pedro II, declared Brazil a republic, and reorganized the government.
According to the new republican Constitution enacted in 1891, the government was a constitutional democracy, but democracy was nominal. In reality, the elections were rigged, voters in rural areas were pressured or induced to vote for the chosen candidates of their bosses (see coronelismo) and, if all those methods did not work, the election results could still be changed by one sided decisions of Congress' "verification of powers commission" (election authorities in the República Velha were not independent from the executive and the Legislature, dominated by the ruling oligarchs). This system resulted in the presidency of Brazil alternating between the oligarchies of the dominant states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, who governed the country through the Republican Party of São Paulo (PRP) and the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). This regime is often referred to as ""café com leite"", 'coffee with milk', after the respective agricultural products of the two states.
The Brazilian republic was not an ideological offspring of the republics born of the French or American Revolutions, although the Brazilian regime would attempt to associate itself with both. The republic did not have enough popular support to risk open elections. It was a regime born of a "coup d'état" that maintained itself by force. The republicans made Deodoro president (1889–91) and, after a financial crisis, appointed Marshal Floriano Vieira Peixoto Minister of War to ensure the allegiance of the military.
Rule of the landed oligarchies.
The officers who joined Field Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca in ending the Empire had made an oath to uphold it. The officer corps would eventually resolve the contradiction by linking its duty to Brazil itself, rather than to transitory governments. The Republic was born rather accidentally: Deodoro had intended only to replace the cabinet, but the republicans manipulated him into founding a republic.
The history of the Old Republic was dominated by a quest for a viable form of government to replace the monarchy. This quest lurched back and forth between state autonomy and centralization. The constitution of 1891, establishing the United States of Brazil ("Estados Unidos do Brasil"), granted extensive autonomy to the provinces, now called States. A federal system was adopted, and all powers not granted in the Constitution to the Federal Government belonged to the States. It recognized that the central government did not rule at the local level. The Empire of Brazil had not absorbed fully the regional provinces, and now they reasserted themselves. Into the 1920s, the federal government in Rio de Janeiro was dominated and managed by a combination of the more powerful states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, and to a lesser extent Pernambuco and Bahia.
Because the monarchy had been overthrown by the Brazilian military, the history of the outset of republic in Brazil is also the story of the development of the Army as a national regulatory and interventionist institution. With the monarchy suddenly eliminated, the Army was left as the country's only long-lasting and powerful national institution. Although the Roman Catholic Church continued its presence throughout the country, it was not national but rather international in its personnel, doctrine, liturgy, and purposes. The Army assumed this new position strategically; the monarchy had become unpopular with Brazil's conservative economic elite after the abolition of slavery, and the Army capitalized on that shift in opinion to amass support for itself within the upper class. Thanks to their success in this area, the Army's prestige managed to eclipse even other military institutions, like the Navy and the National Guard. The Navy's attempts to prevent such hegemony were defeated militarily during the early 1890s. Although it had more units and men in Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul than elsewhere, the Army's presence was felt throughout the country. Its personnel, its interests, its ideology, and its commitments were national in scope.
In the last decades of the 19th century, the United States, much of Europe, and neighboring Argentina expanded the right to vote. Brazil, however, moved to restrict access to the polls. In 1874, in a population of about 10 million, the franchise was held by about one million, but in 1881 this had been cut to 145,296. This reduction was one reason the Empire's legitimacy foundered, but the Republic did not move to correct the situation. By 1910 there were only 627,000 voters in a population of 22 million. Throughout the 1920s, only between 2.3% and 3.4% of the total population could vote.
The instability and violence of the 1890s were related to the absence of consensus among the elites regarding a governmental model, as the armed forces were divided over their status, relationship to the political regime, and institutional goals. The lack of military unity, and the disagreement among civilian elites about the military's role in society, explain partially why a long-term military dictatorship was not established. Although the military did not directly control Brazil, military men were very active in politics; early in the decade, ten of the twenty state governors were officers. The Constituent Assembly, which drew up the constitution of 1891, was divided between two factions. One group sought to limit executive power, which was dictatorial in scope under President Deodoro da Fonseca; the other was the Jacobins, radical authoritarians who opposed the paulista coffee oligarchy and who wanted to preserve and intensify presidential authority. The constitution created by this assembly established a federation that was officially governed by a president, a bicameral National Congress (Congresso Nacional; hereafter, Congress), and a judiciary. However, the real power was held by the states, and by local potentates called "colonels." The colonels largely controlled Brazil's internal politics through a system of unwritten agreements known as "coronelismo". Coronelismo, which supported state autonomy, was called the "politics of the governors". Under it, the local oligarchies chose the state governors, who in turn selected the president.
This informal but real distribution of power emerged, the so-called politics of the governors, to take shape as the result of armed struggles and bargaining. The populous and prosperous states of Minas Gerais and São Paulo dominated the system and swapped the presidency between them for many years. The system consolidated the state oligarchies around families that had been members of the old monarchical elite. And to check the nationalizing tendencies of the army, this oligarchic republic and its state components strengthened the navy and the state police. In the larger states, the state police were soon turned into small armies. The Head of the Brazilian army ordered that it would doubled so they could defend them.
"Latifúndio" economies.
Around the start of the 20th century, the vast majority of the population lived in communities that were essentially semi-feudal in structure, though accumulating capitalist surpluses for overseas export. Because of the legacy of Ibero-American slavery, abolished as late as 1888 in Brazil, there was an extreme concentration of such landownership reminiscent of feudal aristocracies: 464 great landowners held more than 270,000 km2 of land ("latifúndios"), while 464,000 small and medium-sized farms occupied only 157,000 km2.
After the Second Industrial Revolution in the advanced countries, Latin America responded to mounting European and North American demand for primary products and foodstuffs. A few key export products— coffee, sugar, and cotton— thus dominated agriculture. Because of specialization, Brazilian producers neglected domestic consumption, forcing the country to import four-fifths of its grain needs. As in most of Latin America, the economy around the start of the 20th century therefore rested on certain cash crops produced by the "fazendeiros", large estate owners exporting primary products overseas who headed their own patriarchal communities. Each typical "fazenda" (estate) included the owner's chaplain and overseers, his indigent peasants, his sharecroppers, and his indentured servants.
Brazil's dependence on factory-made goods and loans from the technologically and economically superior North Atlantic diminished its domestic industrial base. Farm equipment was primitive and largely non-mechanized; peasants tilled the land with hoes and cleared the soil through the inefficient slash-and-burn method. Meanwhile, living standards were generally squalid. Malnutrition, parasitic diseases, and a lack of medical facilities limited the average life span in 1920 to twenty-eight years. Because of the comparative advantage system and lack of an open market, Brazilian industries could not compete against the technologically superior Anglo-American economies. In this context the Encilhamento (a Boom & Bust process that first intensified, and then crashed, in the years between 1889 and 1891) occurred, the consequences of which were felt in all areas of the Brazilian economy throughout the subsequent decades.
The middle class was not yet active in political life. The patron-client political machines of the countryside enabled the coffee oligarchs to dominate state structures to their advantage, particularly the weak central state structures that effectively devolved power to local agrarian oligarchies. Known as "coronelismo", this was a classic boss system under which the control of patronage was centralized in the hands of a locally dominant oligarch known as a coronel, who would dispense favors in return for loyalty.
Thus, high illiteracy rates went hand in hand with the absence of universal suffrage by secret ballot and the demand for a free press, independent from the then dominant economic influence. In regions where there was not even the telegraph, far from major centers, the news could take 4 to 6 weeks longer to arrive. In those circumstances, for lack of alternatives, along the last decade of the 19th century and the first of the 20th, a free press created by European immigrant anarchists started to develop, and, due to non-segregated conformation (ethnically speaking) of Brazilian society, spread widely, particularly in large cities.
During this period, Brazil did not have a significantly integrated national economy. Rather, Brazil had a grouping of regional economies that exported their own specialty products to European and North American markets. The absence of a big internal market with overland transportation, except for the mule trains, impeded internal economic integration, political cohesion and military efficiency. The regions, "the Brazils" as the British called them, moved to their own rhythms. The Northeast exported its surplus cheap labor and saw its political influence decline as its sugar lost foreign markets to Caribbean producers. The wild rubber boom in Amazônia lost its world primacy to efficient Southeast Asian colonial plantations after 1912. The nationally oriented market economies of the South were not dramatic, but their growth was steady and by the 1920s allowed Rio Grande do Sul to exercise considerable political leverage. Real power resided in the coffee-growing states of the Southeast— São Paulo, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro— which produced the most export revenue. Those three and Rio Grande do Sul harvested 60% of Brazil's crops, turned out 75% of its industrial and meat products, and held 80% of its banking resources.
Brazil in World War I.
Preceding.
Political dynamics.
Following the creation of the republic in 1889, there were many political and social rebellions that had to be subdued by the regime, such as the Two Naval Revolts (1891 & 1893–94), the Federalist Rebellion (1893–95), War of Canudos (1896–97), Vaccine Revolt (1904), Revolt of the Whip (1910) and the Revolt of Juazeiro ("Sedição de Juazeiro", 1914). The Contestado War, a rebellion pitting settlers against landowners, also raged from 1912 to 1916. Therefore, with the onset of World War I, Brazilian elites were interested in studying the events of the Mexican Revolution with more attention than those related to the War in Europe.
By 1915 it was also clear that the Brazilian elites were dedicated to making sure Brazil followed a conservative political path; they were unwilling to embark upon courses of action, whether domestically (i.e. adopting the secret ballot and universal suffrage) or in foreign affairs (making alliances or long-term commitments), that could have unpredictable consequences and potentially risk the social, economic, and political power held by the Brazilian elite. This course of conduct would extend throughout the 20th century, an isolationist foreign policy interspersed with sporadic automatic alignments against "disturbing elements of peace and international trade".
Ruy Barbosa was the main opposition leader, campaigning for internal political changes. He also stated that, due to the natural conflict between Brazilian commercial interests and the Central Powers' strategic ones (demonstrated for example in the German submarine campaign as well as in the Ottoman control over the Middle East), Brazilian involvement in the war would be inevitable. So he advised that the most logical way to proceed would be to follow the United States, which was working for a peace agreement but at the same time since the sinking of the RMS "Lusitania" was also preparing for war.
Social Dynamics.
The formation of the operary class takes its place at the end of 19th century, and it was related with the ongoing changes caused by the expansion of the coffee economy. Because of that expansion, the "progress" of the capitalist economy sufficed the conditions for the establishment of a "nucleus" of service and fabril workers at São Paulo. Beyond that, many immigrants from Europe had arrived, and between them were the refugees of the Paris Commune, bringing communist and anarchist ideas. Because of those ideas, problems for the very conservative regime of large estate owners emerged. Further on, masses of industrial workers became unhappy with the "status quo" and began engaging in massive protests, mostly in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. After a General Strike in 1917, the government attempted to brutally repress the labor movement in order to prevent new movements from beginning. This repression, supported by legislation, was very effective in preventing the formation of labor unions considered to be really free by the workers involved.
War.
There were two main lines of thought regarding Brazil's joining the war: One, led by Ruy Barbosa, called for joining the Entente; another side was concerned about the bloody and fruitless nature of trench warfare, nurturing critical and pacifist feelings in the urban worker classes. Therefore, Brazil remained neutral in World War I until 1917. However, as denunciations of corruption exacerbated internal problems in the state, President Venceslau Brás began feeling the need to divert public attention from his government; this goal could be accomplished by focusing on an external enemy and thus stoking a sense of unity and patriotism.
During 1917, the German Navy sank Brazilian civilian ships off the French coast, creating such an opportunity. On October 26 the government declared war on the Central Powers: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire. Soon after, the navy was ordered to capture Central Powers' ships found on the Brazilian coast, and three small military groups were dispatched to the Western Front. The first group consisted of medical staff from the Army, the second consisted of Army sergeants and officers, and the third consisted of military aviators, both of Army and Navy. The Army's members were attached to the French Army, and the Navy's aviators to the British Royal Air Force. By 1918 all three groups were already in action in France.
By that time Brazil had also sent a Naval fleet, the Naval Division in War Operations or "DNOG", to join the Allies' Naval Forces in the Mediterranean.
During 1918, protests broke out against the military recruitment; this, in conjunction with the news of the ongoing revolution in Russia, only strengthened the isolationist sentiment among the Brazilian elites. In addition, the devastating advent of Spanish flu further prevented the Brás administration from getting involved more deeply. Ultimately, the armistice in November 1918 prevented the government from carrying out its plan for war. Despite its modest participation, Brazil gained the right to partake in the Paris Peace Conference.
Demographic changes.
From 1875 until 1960, about 3 million Europeans emigrated to Brazil, settling mainly in the four southern states of São Paulo, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul. Immigrants came mainly from Portugal, Italy, Germany, Spain, Japan, Poland, and the Middle East. The world's largest Japanese community outside Japan is in São Paulo. In contrast, Brazil's indigenous population, located mainly in the northern and western border regions and in the upper Amazon Basin, continued to decline during this same period; largely due to the effects of contact with the outside world such as commercial expansion into the interior. Consequently, indigenous full-blooded Amerindians now constitute less than 1% of Brazil's population.
Developments under the Old Republic.
In the early twentieth century, demographic changes and structural shifts in the economy threatened the primacy of the agrarian oligarchies. Under the Old Republic, the growth of the urban middle sectors, though slowed by dependency and entrenched oligarchy, was eventually strong enough to propel the middle class into the forefront of Brazilian political life. In time, growing trade, commerce, and industry in São Paulo undermined the domination of the republic's politics by the landed gentries of that state (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais, dominated by dairy interests, known then by observers as the politics of "café com leite"; 'coffee with milk'.
Long before the first revolts of the urban middle classes to seize power from the coffee oligarchs in the 1920s, Brazil's intelligentsia and farsighted agro-capitalists, dreamed of forging a modern, industrialized society inspired by positivism— the "world power of the future". This sentiment was later nurtured throughout the Vargas years and under successive populist governments, before the 1964 military junta repudiated Brazilian populism. While these populist groups were somewhat ineffectual under the Old Republic, the structural changes in the Brazilian economy opened up by the Great War strengthened these demands.
The outbreak of World War I in August 1914 was the turning point for the dynamic urban sectors. Wartime conditions prevented Britain from exporting goods to Brazil, thus creating space for Brazil's domestic manufacturing sector to grow. These structural shifts in the Brazilian economy helped to increase the ranks of the new urban middle classes. Meanwhile, Brazil's manufacturers and those employed by them enjoyed these gains at the expense of the agrarian oligarchies. This process was further accelerated by the declining world demand for coffee during World War I. The central government, dominated by rural gentries, responded to falling world coffee demand by bailing out the oligarchs, reinstating the valorization program. Valorization, government intervention to maintain coffee prices by withholding stocks from the market or restricting plantings, had some successes in the short term; however, coffee demand plunged even more precipitously during the Great Depression, creating a decline too steep for valorization to reverse.
Paradoxically, economic crisis spurred industrialization and a resultant boost to the urban middle and working classes. The depressed coffee sector freed up the capital and labor needed for manufacturing finished goods. A chronically adverse balance of trade and declining rate of exchange against foreign currencies was also helpful; Brazilian goods were simply cheaper in the Brazilian market. The state of São Paulo, with its relatively large capital base, large immigrant population from Southern and Eastern Europe, and wealth of natural resources, led the trend, eclipsing Rio de Janeiro as the center of Brazilian industry. Industrial production, though concentrated in light industry (food processing, small shops, and textiles) doubled during the war, and the number of enterprises (which stood at about 3,000 in 1908) grew by 5,940 between 1915 and 1918. The war was also a stimulus for the diversification of agriculture. Growing wartime demand of the Allies for staple products— for instance, sugar, beans, and raw materials— sparked a new boom for products other than sugar or coffee. Foreign interests, however, continued to control the more capital-intensive industries, distinguishing Brazil's industrial revolution from that of the rest of the West.
Struggle for reform.
With manufacturing on the rise and the coffee oligarchs imperiled, the old order of "café com leite" and "coronelismo" eventually gave way to the political aspirations of the new urban groups: professionals, government and white-collar workers, merchants, bankers, and industrialists. Increasing support for industrial protectionism marked 1920s Brazilian politics with little support from a central government dominated by the coffee interests. Under considerable middle class pressure, a more activist, centralized state adapted to represent the interests that the new bourgeoisie had been demanded for years — one that could utilize a state interventionist policy consisting of tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas to expand the domestic capital base. Manufacturers, white-collar workers, and the urban proletariat alike had earlier enjoyed the respite of world trade associated with World War I. However, the coffee oligarchs, relying on the decentralized power structure to delegate power to their own patrimonial ruling oligarchies, were uninterested in regularizing Brazil's personalistic politics or centralizing power. Getúlio Vargas, leader from 1930 to 1945 and later for a brief period in the 1950s, would later respond to these demands.
During this time period, the state of São Paulo was at the forefront of Brazil's economic, political, and cultural life. Known colloquially as a "locomotive pulling the 20 empty boxcars" (a reference to the 20 other states) and still today Brazil's industrial and commercial center, São Paulo led this trend toward industrialization due to the foreign revenues flowing into the coffee industry.
Prosperity contributed to a rapid rise in the population of recent working class Southern and Eastern European immigrants, a population that contributed to the growth of trade unionism, anarchism, and socialism. In the post-World War I period, Brazil was hit by its first wave of general strikes and the establishment of the Communist Party in 1922.
Meanwhile, the divergence of interests between the coffee oligarchs— devastated by the Depression— and the burgeoning, dynamic urban sectors was intensifying. According to prominent Latin American historian Benjamin Keen, the task of transforming society "fell to the rapidly growing urban bourgeois groups, and especially to the middle class, which began to voice even more strongly its discontent with the rule of the corrupt rural oligarchies". In contrast, the labor movement remained small and weak (despite a wave of general strikes in the postwar years), lacking ties to the peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population. As a result, disparate social reform movements would crop up in the 1920s, ultimately culminating in the Revolution of 1930. The 1920s revolt against the seating of Artur Bernardes as president signaled the beginning of a struggle by the urban bourgeoisie to seize power from the coffee-producing oligarchy.
This era sparked the Tenente revolts as well. Junior military officers ("tenentes", or lieutenants), who had long been active against the ruling coffee oligarchy, staged their own revolt in 1922 amid demands for various forms of social modernization, calling for agrarian reform, the formation of cooperatives, and the nationalization of mines. Though ultimately unsuccessful, the Tenente revolts illustrated the conflicts that would go on to underpin the Revolution of 1930.
Fall of the Old Republic.
The 1930 general election.
The Great Depression set off the tensions that had been building in Brazilian society for some time, spurring revolutionary leaders to action.
The elections of 1930 pitted Júlio Prestes, of the pro-establishment Republican Party of São Paulo, against Getúlio Vargas, who led a broad coalition of middle-class industrialists, planters from outside São Paulo, and the reformist faction of the military known as the "tenentes".
Together, these disparate groups made up the Liberal Alliance. Support was especially strong in the provinces of Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul, because in nominating another Paulista to succeed himself, outgoing President Washington Luís had violated the traditional alternation between Minas Gerais and São Paulo. Vargas campaigned carefully, needing to please a large range of supporters. He used populist rhetoric and promoted bourgeois concerns. He opposed the primacy of São Paulo, but did not challenge the planters' legitimacy and kept his calls for social reform moderate.
The election itself was plagued by corruption and denounced by both sides: when the victory of Prestes with 57,7% of votes was declared, Vargas and the Liberal Alliance refused to concede defeat, sparking tensions in the country. On July 26, 1930, vice-presidential candidate João Pessoa of the Liberal Alliance was assassinated in Recife, sparking the beginning of the Brazilian Revolution.
The Revolution.
The 1930 revolution began in Rio Grande do Sul on October 3 at 5:25pm. Osvaldo Aranha telegraphed Juarez Távora to communicate the beginning of the Revolution. It spread quickly through the country. Eight state governments in the northeast of Brazil were deposed by revolutionaries.
On the 10th of October, Vargas launched the manifesto, "Rio Grande standing by Brazil" and left, by rail, towards Rio de Janeiro, the national capital at the time.
It was expected that a major battle would occur in Itararé (on the border with Paraná), where the federal troops were stationed to halt the advance of the revolutionary forces, led by Colonel Góis Monteiro. However, on October 12 and 13, the Battle of Quatiguá took place (possibly the biggest fight of the revolution), although it has been little studied. Quatiguá is located to the east of Jaguariaíva, near the border between São Paulo state and Paraná. The battle did not occur in Itararé since the generals Tasso Fragoso and Mena Barreto and Admiral Isaiah de Noronha ousted President Washington Luís on October 24 and formed a joint government.
At 3pm on November 3, 1930, the junta handed power and the presidential palace to Getulio Vargas; the new administration abrogated the 1891 Constitution, dissolved the National Congress and started to rule by decree, ending the Old Republic. A Constituent Assembly was convened in 1934, following the failed Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932: the Assembly enacted a new Constitution and elected Vargas as new President of Brazil, starting the Second Brazilian Republic.
Notes.
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Prince Luís of Orléans-Braganza (1878–1920)
Exiled Brazilian royal
Prince Luís of Orléans-Braganza (26 January 1878 – 26 March 1920), nicknamed "the Perfect Prince", was the second son of Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil and Prince Gaston, Count of Eu, and patriarch of the Vassouras branch of the House of Orléans-Braganza. His grandfather, Pedro II of Brazil, was the last emperor of Brazil.
He was exiled along with his family as the result of the 1889 coup d'état that resulted in the formation of the republic. In 1908, the year he married, his older brother Pedro renounced his claim to succeed his mother in her claim to the imperial throne, leaving "Dom" Luís as her heir. In this role he worked with monarchists in Brazil in several attempts to restore the monarchy. At the outbreak of World War I he enlisted as an officer with the British Armed Forces and saw action in Flanders where he contracted a virulent form of rheumatism that caused his death at the age of 42. His efforts on behalf of the Allies of World War I saw him decorated by Belgium, France and Great Britain.
Childhood.
Luís was born at Petrópolis on 26 January 1878, to Prince Gaston d'Orléans, Count of Eu, and Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil. His maternal grandparents were Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil, and Princess Teresa Cristina of the Two Sicilies while his paternal grandparents were Prince Louis, Duke of Nemours, and Princess Victoria of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. He was named after his paternal grandfather. His name in full was Luís Maria Filipe Pedro de Alcântara Gastão Miguel Rafael Gonzaga. As the second oldest son of the heiress to the imperial throne of Brazil, he was not expected to one day ascend to the throne.
From a young age he demonstrated a strong and determined personality. While on a trip to Europe with his family, an earthquake occurred on 23 February 1887, and while his older brother Pedro appeared very nervous and cried, Luís simply stood calm and showed no emotions. The differences between him and his oldest brother were well known. His father wrote in a letter dated February 1889 that Pedro was "just as incapable and careless in this [playing pool with Pedro II] as in everything else." Although Pedro was gentle and likeable, he did not like to study and was often clumsy, while Luís had a strong will, was active and apparently intelligent.
Gaston affirmed in another letter, written in March 1890, that "Baby Pedro [was] always notable for laziness and ineptness," while "Luís does the identical course work all by himself with admirable distinction and capacity." The prince very early showed the interest in literature that would result in his authorship of several books about his travels around the world, such as "Dans les Alps", "Tour d´Afrique", "Where four empires meet" and "Under the Southern Cross".
Luís was always impelled to action thanks to his restless spirit that would take him in his childhood to sports and as an adult to politics. At the height of the campaign for the abolition of slavery in Brazil, he and his brothers published a newspaper in favor of abolitionism in the palace of Petrópolis. When the coup that replaced the monarchy with the republic occurred on 15 November 1889, Isabel preferred to send her children to Petrópolis, where later Luís would remember that "locked up in the palace, they had left us during two long days in the most complete ignorance of what was happening out there" until they were sent back to their parents and then left for forced exile. As they had not been able to take anything with them, except for a few personal objects that they could carry with their hands, the imperial family saw itself in a poor financial situation that was only made worse by Pedro II's refusal to accept the five thousand contos of Réis offered initially by the new republican government. In December 1889, the government stopped the family's income from Brazil. They had no alternative but to accept help from their few friends and from Gaston's father.
In 1890, fifteen-year-old Pedro, thirteen-year-old Luís, and their younger brother Antônio (nicknamed "Totó"), moved along with their parents to the outskirts of Versailles. After the death of Pedro II in 1891 the monarchists made various efforts to restore the monarchy in Brazil. However, none of the imperial family provided any kind of aid or even words of explicit support. Luís's older brother, Pedro, reached the age of majority in 1893, but he had no capacity or desire to assume the monarchist cause. In the same year he left for Vienna, capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to study in the military school at Wiener Neustadt. According to his own mother it was "clear that he must do something and a military career seems to us the only one he should follow". Luís and his brother Antônio followed their older brother at the same military school.
Adulthood.
By 1896, Pedro was in love with Austro-Hungarian noblewoman Elisabeth "Elsi" Dobržensky. Meanwhile, Luís was ambitious and active, eager to make his mark on the world. He was a mountaineer, and climbed Mont Blanc in September 1896. He traveled to southern Africa, central Asia and India, and later wrote and published travelogues of his experiences. Luís was seen by his parents as the only member of the Imperial family capable of helping the monarchist movement in Brazil.
After he returned to France in 1907 he planned an ambitious project to defy the decree banishing the imperial family from Brazil by travelling to Rio de Janeiro. His sudden arrival, widely discussed in newspapers, created an uproar in the old imperial capital. It also caused difficulties for Brazilian politicians by placing the imperial family at the center of attention and many Brazilians went to welcome him. However, Luís was prevented from disembarking and was not allowed to set foot on his native land by the republican government. Nonetheless, he sent his mother a telegram saying: "Hindered of disembarking by the Government, I greet the Redeemer of Slaves on the bay of Guanabara in the eve of May 13." Some time later he wrote about his experiences on this trip in the book "Under the Southern Cross" ("Sob o cruzeiro do sul") published in 1913.
Luís became engaged to his cousin Maria Pia of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, a granddaughter of a brother of Luís's maternal grandmother, Teresa Cristina. Meanwhile, his brother Pedro, then the heir to Isabel, desired to marry Elizabeth Dobržensky. His mother disapproved of the marriage because Elizabeth was part of the minor nobility rather than royalty. Isabel agreed to accept the marriage with the condition that Pedro would renounce his position as heir. Pedro had no interest in becoming emperor and so he renounced his rights to the succession on 30 October 1908.
I Prince Pedro de Alcântara Luís Filipe Maria Gastão Miguel Gabriel Rafael Gonzaga of Orléans and Braganza, having maturely reflected, have resolved to renounce the right that, by the Constitution of the Empire of Brazil, promulgated on March 25, 1824, accords to me the Crown of that nation. I declare, therefore, that by my free and spontaneous will I hereby renounce, in my own name, as well as for any and all of my descendants, to all and any rights that the aforesaid Constitution confers upon us to the Brazilian Crown and Throne, which shall pass to the lines which follow mine, conforming to the order of succession as established by article 117. Before God I promise, for myself and my descendants, to hold to the present declaration.Cannes October 30, 1908 signed: Pedro de Alcântara of Orléans-Braganza
This renunciation was followed by a letter from Isabel to royalists in Brazil:November 9, 1908, [Castle of] EuMost Excellent Gentlemen Members of the Monarchist Directory,With all my heart I thank you for the congratulations upon the marriages of my dear children Pedro and Luís. Luís' took place in Cannes on day 4 with the brilliance that is desired for so solemn an act in the life of my successor to the Throne of Brazil. I was very pleased. Pedro's shall take place next on day 14. Before the marriage of Luís he signed his resignation to the