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Dr. Wendy Wolfe
When: Noon, Friday, Feb.19
Where: Armstrong's Ogeechee Theatre (second floor of the Student Union) 11935 Abercorn St.
IT doesn’t matter how many times someone tells us that all those sculpted, skinny bodies on Instagram and in glossy magazines are Photoshopped; most of us still hold ourselves up to that unreal ideal.
There’s no doubt that our media-swamped society has a detrimental effect on how we feel about what we see in the mirror. More than 80 percent of women report that images in advertising make them feel insecure about their appearance, and an overwhelming 90 percent of girls ages 15-17 are unhappy with their bodies. The self-criticism starts even earlier: Forty percent of 9 year-olds have tried dieting, and more than 80 percent of 10 year-old girls are afraid of “being fat.”
The statistics show that we spend trillions of dollars a year on products and waste hours obsessing over cellulite. Negative body perception can also lead to fad dieting and other harmful behaviors that throw hormones and metabolism out of whack, and some may develop into full-blown eating disorders. Other studies show that body dissatisfaction can be a precursor to clinical depression.
So how do we learn to ignore the critical self-talk and love the skin we’re in?
Dr. Wendy Wolfe thinks gratitude may be the key.
The Armstrong State University associate professor of psychology has conducted several studies on “gratitude-based” therapy techniques, such as writing a daily list of things to be thankful for and practicing mindful thinking. She recently completed research on how those techniques can apply specifically to body image and eating disorders, and the results are promising.
“What we found is that gratitude worked better than cognitive restructuring, which has been one of the traditional methods used to treat eating disorders,” says Dr. Wolfe, who will present her complete findings at a free lecture titled “Acceptance and Appreciation-Based Interventions for Reducing Body Dissatisfaction: Challenging our Thinking about Thinking,” on Friday, Feb. 19.
She explains cognitive restructuring as the process of identifying problematic or distorted thoughts and teaching a person to move through them. It’s a technique that is also used to treat depression and anxiety, and while it helps many people overcome their conditions, there are others who don’t respond well to analyzing their unpleasant thoughts.
“Anecdotally, the issue with cognitive restructuring is that you’re asking people to focus on thoughts that elicit negative emotions, and some people don’t like to do that,” says Dr. Wolfe, who did graduate work on the connection between addiction and eating disorders at Syracuse University. She also served as a clinical psychologist at Georgia Southern before joining the Armstrong faculty in 2006.
“Even if the outcome is positive and the thinking becomes more adaptive, the process can be averse for some folks. I was interested in trying something different.”
While only 1 to 3 percent of American women are diagnosed with clinical anorexia or bulimia, Dr. Wolfe says that dysfunctional “subthreshold” behaviors like restrictive eating and excessive exercise are much more common and can impact quality of life.
“Over the years, I’ve seen a fair amount of women, and one of the hardest things to change is negative thoughts and feelings about the body,” she says. “Even when restrictive eating or binging and purging behaviors are normalized, the body dissatisfaction remains.”
Some may think that gratitude lists are fine for Oprah and her acolytes but that clinical psychologists ought to stick to the science. And they have: Dr. Wolfe’s lab based its study on research conducted in the UK that compared the two therapies and found that gratitude intervention worked as well as cognitive restructuring when applied to body dissatisfaction. The British study also found that the gratitude-based treatment had a lower dropout rate, which Dr. Wolfe found promising.
She designed a similar protocol to focus on college-aged women, the population at highest risk for eating disorder onset. In exchange for course credit, approximately 100 female Armstrong students were randomly assigned to three groups for a period of two weeks: One wrote daily gratitude lists about the things they valued in themselves, another went through the process of cognitive restructuring and a third was a control group that had no prescribed activity. Participants rated their mood, body perception and other emotional markers at the beginning and end of the study.
There were significantly fewer dropouts in the gratitude group than the cognitive one, which is consistent with other research. The biggest surprise of the study is the positive effect that the gratitude exercises had on body perception.
“What we found is that gratitude did even better than the other,” reports Dr. Wolfe. “In fact, in the cognitive restructuring group, there was a pattern where the women became more dissatisfied and experienced a more negative mood during the study.”
Dr. Wolfe points out that the study participants are not a clinical sample in that they were not seeking treatment for eating disorder issues. But since body image concerns are “fairly normative” in women, the unexpected conclusions may point to an accessible tool for the greater population.
She notes that body dissatisfaction doesn’t only affect women.
“There have always been sub-groups of the male population at risk, wrestlers and jockeys and such, and in the past decade there has been more of a cultural focus of men maintaining a slim physique. The ‘ideal male physique’ is leaner and thinner than before, and we are seeing more of those sub-clinical patterns in men.”
While she calls her findings “very preliminary” and stresses that they need to be evaluated further, Dr. Wolfe posits that there may be role for gratitude intervention as part of a broader treatment package. Since aspects of the technique mirror some of those used in Alcoholics Anonymous, she thinks it may be a promising intervention in addiction as well.
“I’ve seen more and more research that is consistent with a movement in the field of psychology towards focusing on positivity and resiliency and things that improve well-being instead of focusing on symptoms,” she says.
In the meantime, Dr. Wolfe and her lab assistants continue to conduct ongoing research about body dissatisfaction in a scientific environment, measuring the effects of media and testing ways to mitigate those negative thoughts about our thighs.
“The undergrads play a key role in informing the lab and what measures are used,” she says of her students.
“A lot of young women can relate to this. I usually don’t have hard time finding participants for this kind of research.”

domain: psychology


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The 97 medalists from Iloilo in the recent Palarong Pambansa 2017 held in the Province of Antique last April 23-29, 2017 will receive cash incentives this coming June 20, 2017.
Governor Arthur Defensor, Sr. said the cash incentives will come from the funds of the Provincial School Board (PSB).
The giving of cash incentives to medalists was institutionalized by virtue of an ordinance passed by the Sangguniang Panlalawigan. It was devised to motivate the athletes and recognize them for giving honor to the province.
Gov. Arthur Defensor, Sr. gives a message to the athletes and guests during the opening of the Fourth Congressional District Sports Association (CDSA) meet in Banate, Iloilo on Wednesday, Nov. 16, 2016.
Iloilo Governor Arthur Defensor, Sr. released a total of P25.4 million for various school projects in the province on Tuesday, November 15, 2016. The fund that went to 60 schools and 26 municipalities came from the Provincial School Board (PSB) chaired by the governor himself.
The Center for Sports and Physical Fitness (CSPF) of the Province of Iloilo has launched a sports developmental clinic for the youth ranging from 17 years old and below. The sports clinic is in preparation for the upcoming Governor Defensor Sports Developmental League.
Gov. Arthur Defensor, Sr. speaks before the athletes and coaches of the eight towns of the Second District during the opening of the Second Congressional District Sports Association (CDSA) Meet at Leon Central Elementary School in Leon, Iloilo on Tuesday, November 8, 2016.
Governor Arthur Defensor, Sr. urged the youth to continue engaging in sports activities as it will help them grow into better persons. He made the call during his speech at the opening of the First Congressional District Sports Association (FCDSA) Meet hosted by the municipality of Oton on Thursday, November 3, 2016.
The Iloilo Physical Fitness and Sports Development Council (IPFSDC) headed by retired schools superintendent Dr. Raymundo Lapating (3rd from left) conducted a meeting at the Capitol boardroom on Tuesday, July 12, 2016, to tackle preparations for the upcoming sports events in the province of Iloilo.
Iloilo province will turn 115 years old on Monday, April 11, 2016. The occasion marks the establishment of the civil government of Iloilo province in 1901 where Gen. Martin Delgado was appointed as the first provincial governor.

domain: sports


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X-Men v.s. Street Fighter
Several months after announcing that X-Men Vs. Street Fighter would be coming home to the Saturn, Capcom finally unveiled a playable version of the game (at TGS in September). The game, which will come bundled with a special 4 Megabyte RAM cartridge, is nearly finished and looks spectacular. The animation is smooth and fast, and there's hardly any load times during play (thank the RAM cart for that).
In case you've never played XMVSF, it's basically an upgraded X-Men: CotA with both X-Men and Street Fighter characters and a new system where each player picks two fighters and can freely switch between the two during play (they each have their own life bars). Gameplay, like in X-Men, is fast and furious, and super moves are greatly exaggerated (moreso than in Marvel Super Heroes), making for some cool visual effects.
Unfortunately, unlike Marvel Super Heroes, which doesn't require the older 2 Megabyte RAM cart to play (it's a nice option, but not necessary), XMVSF requires the new 4 Meg cart, which means it's unlikely that the game will be released anywhere outside of )apan (bundling it in would mean raising the price to about $75--something Capcom U.S.A. is probably not too excited about). Still, Capcom says the game will reach the U.S., so we'll just have to wait and see if they can keep the price down or release it without the cart.
MANUFACTURER - Capcom
THEME - Fighting
NUMBER OF PLAYERS - 1 or 2
Processor: PC compatible, P-200
OS: Windows 9x, Windows 2000 Windows XP, Vista, Win 7, Win 8, Win 10.
Game Features:Single game mode Multiplayer (Hotseat)

domain: entertainment


text:
A PAIR OF DIAMOND EAR CLIPS Each designed as circular and baguette-cut diamond stylized ribbons, gathered by a circular and pear-shaped diamond demi-floret motif, mounted in platinum. Would guess circa 1950s-1960s.
India, Rajasthan, Jaipur | Bracelets with Confronting Makara Heads (Karas), 19th century. Gold, diamonds, and crystalline inset in the kundan technique, with polychrome enamel (minakari)
Diamond earrings - Burcherer | pinterest : ☼
Exemplify your style with these diamonds and rubies earrings. | Use Instagram online! Websta is the Best Instagram Web Viewer!
b r designs surat - Google Search
Elegant jewelry...we have lots of it at Fine Things On Campbell, 495 Campbell Avenue, West Haven, CT

domain: artistic


CX70: The first “Push and Talk” capable mobile phone from Siemens
With the introduction of the CX 70, Siemens mobile is the world’s first manufacturer to offer an end-to-end solution for “Push and Talk” (PaT) based on open specifications. The service features walkie-talkie functionality over mobile networks and makes group calling easier and faster than ever before. As the first Voice-over-IP application, Push and Talk is based on the IP Multimedia Subsystem (IMS), the technology platform for many future multimedia services.
“We don’t want any proprietary solutions and also employ open standards for Push and Talk,” Lothar Pauly, Member of the Board of Siemens’ mobile communication division, explains. “Only with complete interoperability will we be able to develop the promising potential of this new service to the full.” To ensure that Push and Talk works as quickly as possible across all networks and with as many devices from other phone manufacturers as well, Siemens mobile is relying on IMS switching technology, which enables IP-based connections between mobile phones and is based on the specifications of the Third Generation Partnership Project (3GPP). IMS will be the control layer for many innovative multimedia services, such as video transmission, instant messaging and virtual reality application like multiparty gaming.
For network operators, Push and Talk over IMS, which can already be implemented into GPRS networks, represents another step towards 3G. The IP Multimedia Subsystem is part of the third generation of mobile communication. Early integration of this technology facilitates the quick implementation of new IMS-based services. The Push and Talk server can be seamlessly integrated into the IMS network structure and linked to existing infrastructure components. Thanks to Siemens mobile’s modular design, small startup solutions can be easily expanded to 100 times their original size. Lothar Pauly: “IMS makes mobile networks ready for the future.”
This is how Push and Talk works: First, the user selects the people he or she wants to talk to from a list. At the push of a button, all of these previously defined addressees receive an invitation which they can accept or decline. As soon as the calling partners have confirmed, the initial caller pushes the PaT button and starts the conversation, which everyone hears simultaneously. There is no time-consuming call setup, because the “Always On” feature of the GPRS network maintains the connection all along. Any group member can reply by pressing the PaT button. The communication can only go in one direction at a time, however: whoever presses the PaT button first, talks first. Push and Talk is therefore similar to traditional voice radio, although the new service can do much more. Since it runs over mobile networks, it can be used anywhere, even internationally. And PaT calls can be heard only by the registered members of a group call – a clear benefit in terms of security.
As a provider of a complete portfolio of products ranging from mobile phones to mobile infrastructure components, Siemens is the ideal company to introduce Push to Talk. Lothar Pauly: “We will steadily expand this new market segment and play a leading role in its development.” In addition to its color display and built-in digital camera, the Siemens CX70 already features the full Push and Talk functionality – however, the operator is responsible for the set up of the PaT feature. The tri-band phone is the first model in a broad portfolio of devices for the PaT service, all of which will provide access to IMS core networks and be equipped with an open-standard PaT client. Siemens mobile can thus guarantee its phones’ interoperability with the infrastructure of other manufacturers. Pauly: “Starting next year, all mid-range Siemens mobile phones will be Push and Talk capable.”
The potential of Push and Talk is huge. As operators roll out the service through all their networks, they are adding a new option which is characterized primarily by speed. According to industry analyst Northstream AB, “Push and Talk has the potential to increase the traffic over mobile networks. The mobile voice chat supplements SMS and eliminates the cumbersome setup of conference calls. This mobile service will soon be able to replace the traditional radio communications of freight forwarders, courier services, taxi companies or building contractors. For private users, Push and Talk has a chance of becoming the latest trend. It is conceivable, for example, that network operators will offer open PaT forums. Push and Talk is a new service for the mass market,” according to Lothar Pauly. “This service is not only interesting for contractors and field staff, but is also an attractive offer for young people, clubs and associations, i.e. for anyone who wants to maintain contact
with lots of people, either privately or professionally.”


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Mobile Gaming: Tetris, Tap Tap Revenge and the rise of Angry Birds
Over the years mobile games have evolved from a mere combination of black pixels to deliver PC quality graphics. The ever growing popularity of mobile phones forced the video gaming industry to shift their focus onto mobile gaming.
The first ever video game introduced in mobile phone was Nokia's Snake in the year 1998. A black and white 2D game with pixelated graphics, Snake, marked the beginning of gaming in mobile phones. The 'snake' was already installed on every Nokia handset. The goal of the game was to prevent the snake from hitting the screen or any other obstacle while saving itself from its growing length.
With over 350 million players across the world, it has been one of the widely played mobile games. Hugely popular at the time, many people today have fond memories of playing Snake on their first Nokia handset.
Tetris- PC game from 1984
After the release of Snake, an already popular PC game was incorporated into mobile gaming. Tetris- PC game from 1984, was introduced in mobile in 2000. Tetris revolutionised already existing mobile games by introducing colours to it. The puzzle game involved modifying and controlling each new piece falling from the top to match colours.
Sonic the Hedgehog
In 2001 Sonic the Hedgehog was also brought into handsets.The game featured Sonic running to stop the evil Doctor Robotnik from taking over the world.
Arcade style games, Space invaders, and bowling incorporated into mobile gaming
In 2002, with the launch of Java support smartphone, mobile gaming was further evolved with the launch of Arcade style games. Space invaders and bowling were introduced on phones. From 2004 to 2007, numerous arcade style games were ported to mobile phones to attract the arcade players who were already aware of the game and would love to leisure it on a portable device.
1979 Atari game
In 2004 the classic 1979 Asteroid Zone was incorporated into a mobile game. The 1979 Atari game aimed at shooting asteroids in deep space.
Touch Screen Games
In 2007, the launch of Apple iPhone changed the rules of the game again. With the invention of the touch screen, the Tap Revolution mobile games were getting more and more advanced. The touch interface had forced the game developers to change the entire game strategy.
Tap Tap Revenge
The first game with improved graphics, for an all touch device, was officially launched with this. Tap Tap Revenge, where players had to hit incoming balls on the screen in tune with the rhythm. The game was played on the entire screen.
With further advancement, plain and simple pixelated graphic games were transformed into more beautiful and realistic games. Angry Birds, the 2009 launch by Rovio on iPhone, devised real life physics in gameplay. The game was very popular among the game enthusiasts. Angry Birds involved shooting animated birds to break down walls.
Following the success of iPhone, Google launched its Android platform in 2008, to compete with the ever growing popularity of iOS. The next two years saw more smart devices in the market which further escalated the demand for more apps and games. Mobile gaming continued to improve graphics and add new genres such as puzzle matching and multiplayer games.
In 2011 the monotonous puzzle based and shooting games were replaced by fast paced action game Temple Run. Temple Run emerged as one of the most popular games of all time. The unique gaming experience featured an endless running experience in a 3D graphic.
Clash of Clans
In 2012, war strategy game "Clash of Clans" made its way into the mobile phones. Supercell introduced the game and made it even better with awesome multiplayer capabilities.The game connected people from different parts of the world where they could form villages, join clans and fight for their virtual land.
Asphalt introduced in 2013 reinvented the mobile gaming segment. Asphalt 7 brought retina display graphics to mobile which meant detailed visuals along with matching audio output. Gameloft's improved version of Asphalt, Asphalt 8: Airborne, further showed great graphics. It gave a very high-level racing through this game. The multiplayer gaming experience gave tough competition to PCs and consoles.


Smarten your home with the PM2 smart power strip from VOCOlinc. Equipped with 3 outlets and 3 USB ports, this smart power strip lets you control multiple devices individually using the LinkWise App on your smartphone. The automated on-off schedule function helps in reducing energy consumption and saving money.
COMPATIBILITY: With the VOCOlinc Intelligent Multi-socket you can control your household appliances via Apple HomeKit, Amazon Alexa, Google Assistant
REMOTE CONTROL: After configuring your virtual assistant, you can use your iOS device and Android device to remotely control and monitor connected devices, whether if you're at home or outside
DEDICATED APP: With the LinkWise app you can create scenes, set times, view the connected devices and ALWAYS keep the updated firmware
100% SAFE AND RELIABLE: Output overcurrent protection, overvoltage protection, overtemperature protection, short circuit protection and overload protection


As you may expect the most common subjects on airgun forums are the functions and foibles regarding the tons involving different models, but following closely right behind the model discussion posts is the gossip about airgun ammunition or pellets. You may not assume that a. 177 caliber pellet from Manufacturer A might perform wildly various from a. 177 caliber pellet through Manufacturer B in the same airgun, but they perform. To make it even even more complicated Manufacturer B’s ammo may overcome Manufacturer A’s in a different atmosphere rifle or pistol.
We will discuss a number of the different characteristics of airgun pellets and just how you can use this info to your advantage when picking a pellet regarding your air gun or pistol.
A new lighter pellet will leave the barrel of an airgun faster than the heavier pellet and it will also accelerate faster downrange. That means less time to target plus a flatter trajectory since there is less time intended for gravity to job its magic. A new heavier pellet will tend to have a less level trajectory not because of its pounds but because that spends more moment to target providing gravity with more time to pull this for the earth.
Typically 12 ga shot that most affects typically the flight of a great airgun pellet is definitely air resistance. Air flow resistance increases along with the cube involving speed. Whenever you multiply the speed of a pellet moving downrange you increase the air resistance by simply eight times. Actually light. 177 good quality pellets lose strength due to air flow resistance so rapidly that after a 35 yd. or so it will end up being moving slower as opposed to the way a heavier pellet fired from your exact same gun. Air resistance is probably unimportant for target filming out to 10 m nonetheless it would participate in a big role inside a hunting picture beyond that variety. This is one of the reasons that you need to hunt using the heaviest pellet your airgun is designed for effectively.
In add-on to the weight of the pellet air resistance may vary based on the form of the pellet. Wadcutters are level nose pellets used for paper target filming. With the 10 michael range the raise in air level of resistance is almost minimal but the similar as together with the effect of weight further than 35 yd. the particular flat nose begins working like a good air brake.
Moderate weight round nostril pellets offer typically the best compromise with regard to both weight plus shape for medium powered air weapons. For small quality and reliability air rifles (. 177 and. 20) the best shopping ammo is a new round nose hollowpoint. This pellet goes through the air mainly because well as a new regular round nasal area and mushrooms on impact significantly raising the force associated with the shot.
The best advice regarding air rifle bullets is to try out several different brands, a number of different shapes, plus several different weights. What you read within the airgun message boards could possibly be true typically but may certainly not work for your own air rifle. In case you are only an periodic shooter and even now want the most effective accuracy and range after that choose a high grade pellet from the same manufacturer of which made your gun. Lady best to avoid no-name offers because there might be significant variability among pellets in typically the same package.


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Kristin Tattar of Estonia is out in front after day 2 of the PDGA World Disc Golf Championships in Kansas, USA. The Estonian leads the women's event on 13 under par, after completing the course in 58 shots (ten under par) on Tuesday, then following up with a three under par round of 66 on Wednesday.
Ella Hansen of the United States is currently in second place, two shots behind Tattar on -11, while Missy Gannon, also from the USA, is in third on -10.
Finland's Henna Blomroos, who was in second after the opening day, dropped back to sixth at the close of day 2 and now trails Tattar by five shots.
In the men's competition, Estonia's Albert Tamm is in joint 39th position on -10, ten shots behind leader Aaron Gossage of the USA (-20). Silver Lätt is in 85th place, five shots behind Tamm on -5.
The final round of the championships takes place on Saturday, September 3.
The full set of results from the World Disc Golf Championships in Kansas can be found here.
Editor: Michael Cole

domain: news


text:
In this section
START OF Factsheets and guides
END OF Factsheets and guides
Download print version(PDF, 233KB)
Order publication online
Why is Child Safety Services involved with my family?
Child Safety Services becomes involved with your family if they are concerned about your safety or whether someone is looking after you properly.
Child Safety is part of a government department called the Department of Child Safety, Youth and Women. You may have heard it called another name like ‘DOCS’, ‘the department’ or ‘child safety’.
If Child Safety is involved in your life, you might still live at home, or with a carer, or in care.
The law says children and young people need to be safe where they live. If Child Safety is concerned about your safety and wellbeing, they can ask the Childrens Court to make an order (decision) for them to check out your situation, or for you to be placed in care.
Going to court doesn’t mean anyone is in trouble. The court’s role is to hear the facts about your situation and then make a decision about how to take care of you and keep you safe. Because the decision affects you, you can have a say about it (if you want to).
Child protection law aims to:
The court will make its decision by looking at:
This resource has been developed as part of the Childrens Court Participation Project. It is intended to be used with children and young people aged 10 to 17 years by child safety officers, lawyers and youth workers.

domain: law


Families still searching for loved ones after Indonesia earthquake and tsunami01:01
A week after Indonesia was hit by a powerful earthquake and tsunami, rescue efforts are still underway, but hopes for finding anyone alive are fading.
Growing movement honors homeless veterans with dignified farewell02:09
‘Super blood wolf moon’ will be visible across the U.S. tonight01:19
Prince Philip gets back behind the wheel days after crash01:16
New study finds pre-k benefits endure through eighth grade01:30
Native American families seek justice for women missing or killed in unsolved crimes02:16
Upset in Iran after American-born journalist for state TV detained in the U.S.01:41


The “Vegesaurs” are vegetable-and fruit-shaped dinosaurs that address such as getting to sleep, sharing, friendship, nurturing mealtimes and play for preschoolers.
“We are delighted to be able to partner with Studio 100 on the upcoming “Vegesaurs” series,” says Claudia Mennen, chief executive officer, BrandLoyalty. “A continuing focus for food retailers is to encourage children to choose healthier options, and therefore making vegetables fun through the ‘Vegesaurs’ is a perfect way to connect with kids across the globe.”
All 20 episodes, each with a run time of five minutes, will be available this fall for linear and non-linear distribution.
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Ready Player One, Ernest Cline’s novel about a near future world centred on virtual reality is such a quick read, because it’s basically set out like a movie.
A tribute to 80s geekery with numerous references to music, film and games of that era, it is fitting that the legendary Steven Spielberg is at the helm as the release date draws near.
The official trailer is a visual spectacle and one wonders how close the movie will be to the book. We will find out very soon! Highly recommended for anyone who loved Stranger Things and all things 80s.
Ready Player One will be released in March 2018.
… still there’s more …


Do you love to listen to music? If you are one of music lovers around the world, you might have your priority in the genre of music that you love. However, have you ever know about good music genres around this world? Well, for your information, there are so many styles of music that belong to be the good music. One of the genres might be your favorite. Are you curious about it?
The first genre that can be categorized as one of good music genres is heavy metal. This kind of music genre might not become everyone’s favorite, but there are so many heavy metal lovers in the world. Some people who do not like to listen to music with a high beat, they would not like this kind of music. However, you have to know that this kind of music, for several people, can represent their soul and also their heart. So, what do you think about heavy metal?
Then, jump to the second music genre, we have the pop genre as our favorite. Pop is a very general music genre for popular music that becomes the mainstream in the music genre. Many people love this kind of music to listen.
Classical becomes of the best music genre in the world. Well, even though the world changes every day and modern things come up every time, classic music still becomes one of the greatest music genres ever. Many people think that they might love to be relaxed with the relaxing music from the classical one. Are you one of the classical music lovers?
Besides classical, pop, and also the heavy metal, actually, there are still many kinds of music genres that categorized as the good one. So, do you have your preference? That is all about three good music genres for you.
What do you think first about classical music? Yeah, it will be so slow, nice, soft and somehow it makes people sleepy. This classical music is actually has a very good function to the development of baby’s brain starting from when the baby is in the womb. That is why this music is recommended to be heard for all babies. Then, do you know that this music comes since there are some classical music composers? Who are they? Here is the explanation of some composers of classical music.
To begin with, there is Johann Sebastian Bach. He was born in 1685 and died in 1750. He is a German composer of classical music and having been wrote more than 1100 compositions. There are songs, cantatas, arias, organ works and many more which have been created. Some popular works of him are Air on G String and Brandenburg Concertos.
After that, there is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. Who does not know Mozart, ne of the great composers in his young age. Born as Austrian, he had mastered violin and piano in his 5 age. There are over 600 works have been composed by Mozart and many works of him are very popular until today such as Piano Concerto no 21 and Symphony no 40.
Then, do not forget that we have Ludwig van Beethoven. A pianist and composer from Germany who had composed many famous works and those works have been listened until this day. What makes him great as classical music composer is that many of his works are created when he is almost deaf. Some works of him are Sonata no 14 and Bagatelle no 25.
Those are three great classical music composer in the world. Actually, there are so many so many composers which you can know, and they are three of them.


It's a fundamental problem around ordered delivery - somewhere in your system you need to throttle everything down to a single thread. This is unavoidable.
Where you choose to do this can make a large difference to throughput. You could choose to make your entire message processor single-threaded. This would ensure order was maintained but at a cost of low throughput.
However, there is a way you can still process messages concurrently, but then you need to somehow assemble them in the correct order again. There is an integration design pattern called Resequencer - http://eaipatterns.com/Resequencer.html.
However the resequencer pattern this relies on you being able to stamp each message with a time-stamp or sequence number on the way into your system if there is nothing already in your messages to indicate ordering.
Additionally, is ordered delivery a requirement across the entire message set coming in from the queue? For example, it may be that only some of your messages have a need to be delivered in order.
Or it could be that you can group your messages into "sets" under a correlating identifier - within each set order needs to be maintained but you can still have concurrent processing on a "per-set" basis.


text:
For two games and forty minutes, everything was different in
Yost Ice Arena. It didn’t sound the same and it didn’t
feel the same. The performance of the Michigan hockey team
certainly didn’t look the same, either.
Why’d this happen? Well, yesterday’s game
wasn’t included in student’s season ticket plans, so
the attendance was paltry (the announced crowd was 5,873, but it
was less). Based on the magnitude of the game, it could have been
played in Michigan Stadium in front of 110,000. Everyone was tight
— from the fans to the players to the coaches.
Though everything changed in yesterday’s final period,
there’s still one more reason Michigan barely eked out its
first-round series against the CCHA’s worst team:
Nebraska-Omaha freshman goaltender Chris Holt and the
Mavericks’ defense came to Ann Arbor with a sound gameplan,
one that left Michigan coaches and players searching for answers
until the weekend’s final period.
The Mavericks had been preparing to play Michigan for three
weeks, and they were ready to combat the Wolverines’ deep,
talented offense. Nebraska-Omaha focused on crowding the area in
front of its net so as to force Michigan to fire away from the
perimeter. Nebraska-Omaha planned to block the shots they did let
The plan worked. The Maverick defenders stopped 91 shots in the
series, while the Wolverines prevented just 25 shots from reaching
their goal. They also shut down Michigan’s powerplay 20 times
in 22 attempts.
“Nebraska came up with a great series,” Berenson
said. “Their goalie played well, their team started to
believe in their system. Their coach said that was best they played
And most of the shots that made it past the Mavericks’
defense were stopped by Holt. The Mavericks’ 3.46 goals
against average is more than one goal higher than Michigan’s
team GAA, but nobody who watched this weekend’s games would
have noticed that.
Michigan’s offense was slowly coming alive yesterday, and
Holt made many eye-popping saves in the second period to keep the
Mavericks in the lead.
“They struggled in goals-against this season,”
Berenson said. “This kid came in here and stood on his
“But if you look at the shot chart, we weren’t
getting shots from the slot area. All our shots were coming from
Last year, Holt played on the U.S. Under-18 team with current
Wolverine freshmen Mike Brown, T.J. Hensick and Matt Hunwick.
Though Holt’s performance took many by surprise, his three
former teammates weren’t among them.
“It’s not really out of the ordinary,” Hunwick
said. “He was a pretty solid goaltender last year. We were a
young team so we couldn’t help out a whole lot.”
Holt, who was drafted by the New York Rangers last summer,
believes that the lessons he learned from this weekend’s
series will pay off the next three years.
“I feel as though I matured a lot,” Holt said.
“Playing against this team has been a real pleasure;
it’s been a real battle and I know what I need to do …
Hopefully I can come back and really flourish next
But with the CCHA Tournament and possibly the NCAA Tournament on
the line, Michigan finally came to life in the third period. Only
5-of-26 shots were blocked, and Jeff Tambellini’s
game-clinching goal came on the powerplay. But, more than anything,
the Wolverines are relieved to still be alive.
“This weekend seemed to take a month,” Berenson


text:
Embrace some history with pictures of Sultan Ahmed Mosque, Istanbul’s iconic Blue Mosque. Whether you practice Islam or not, you cannot deny the spectacular architectural beauty of this sight.
Perhaps you’ve travelled there on holiday and want to keep a fond reminder of your trip? Maybe you’re an architectural enthusiast and would like to marvel at this staggering feat of construction every day? Or perhaps you would simply love a beautiful artistic symbol of your faith? You could even create a quiet prayer corner in your house and decorate it with a print of the Sultan Ahmed Mosque. Whatever your reason for being drawn to this unique building, you’ll find a stunning selection of Sultan Ahmed Mosque images to choose from.
You’ll find a great selection of Sultan Ahmed Mosque artworks, from historic paintings to modern photographic prints. We love Jean-Baptiste Hilaire’s seafaring perspective in ‘View of Sultan Ahmed from Uskudar’ and the intimate portrayal of everyday life in the mosque (as well as the ornate interiors) in the ‘Sultan Ahmed Mosque’ painting.
Choose a photographic print which highlights the unusual blue roof that gave this sight its nickname and bring a splash of vibrant colour to your walls at the same time. ‘Blue Mosque in Sultan Ahmed at dusk’ is a popular print, as is the night-time view with its sparkling lights in ‘Blue Mosque’. Or how about a close-up of those iconic spires?
When it comes to choosing the right material for your Sultan Ahmed Mosque prints, it helps to think about the colour palette of your chosen image and also the interior design theme of the room you plan to hang it. Photographic prints with vibrant colours look fantastic printed onto slender Alu-Dibond for an intensive finish, while landscapes are given an intriguing sense of depth when printed onto glossy acrylic glass.
Prints featuring close-ups of the mosque’s white walls could look lovely printed onto lightweight Forex foam board to enhance their finer details, and traditional paintings of Sultan Ahmed Mosque are given an authentic museum finish when printed onto stretched cotton canvas. And if you’re looking for the most affordable option? Our high-quality photo paper gives a great performance for the price and can easily be framed to achieve a more professional look.


A shocking video of a 75-year-old man at a Michigan care home being brutally beaten that is doing the rounds on Twitter has caught the attention of US President Donald Trump. The incident was reported to have happened at Westwood Nursing Center, Detroit, and the video surfaced on Twitter on Thursday.
"Is this even possible to believe? Can this be real?" the president wrote on Twitter. "Where is this nursing home, how is the victim doing?" Trump tweeted from his official account which has more than 80 million followers.
The video shows a young man persistently punching the elderly man in the face dozens of times. Initially, the man was lying front side down on a bed. He keep getting the punches while he was seated. The tormentor was a 20-year-old patient, according to the authorities.
The Detroit Police Department thanked twitterati for bringing the incident to their attention. "Thank you to everyone for your assistance in bringing the senior home incident to our attention. The @detroitpolice is investigating the situation, and an arrest has been made. Thank you again. #ProtectAndServe #OurCommunity."
The incident occurred on May 15 during the coronavirus lockdown, Fox News reported. A tipster said the incident could have been addressed quicker if the nursing home was receiving visitors. The suspect was not a long-term resident at the facility. He was undergoing temporary rehabilitation treatment, as per WDIV-TV.
Police will continue to receive Westwood's cooperation. "The safety, health, and well-being of our residents remains a top priority of Westwood. We will continue to monitor the situation," said the law firm representing the care home.
The Detroit Free Press reported that the unidentified suspect has been arrested. He was taken to the Detroit Detention Center as investigation continues. The elderly man received non-life-threatening injuries and was taken to hospital.
Twitter users were furious after watching the video. One user called Maggie wrote: "If this savage beast had been wearing a MAGA hat we'd know everything down to his shoe size and dog's name by now. Prison is too good for him!" Another, going by the name Northerner In LDN, wrote: "This video footage will be on the internet forever, this "person" will have this incident following him for the rest of his worthless life. No one should ever give him a job, his relationships will never last once this is seen. Relatives will disown him."


Easy step by step guide to retrieve and define BMW OBD1 trouble codes.
Difficulty Level - 3
Begin with your vehicle on level ground, in park with the emergency brake set.
Step 1 - Gathering codes on a BMW before 1995 is performed using the check
engine light. Turn the ignition key to the "ON" position (do not start engine.)
Step 2 - Press the gas pedal five times to the floor in rapid succession
within five seconds, when the code gathering is activated the check engine light
will flash "ON" and then "OFF", count the blinks. The first set of blinks will give
the first digit of the trouble code, there will be a pause, then restart blinking,
this will be the beginning of the next code digit and so on. For example: twelve
flashes followed by fifteen more flashes the code number is 1215.
Step 3 - Once repairs are complete, clear the codes by disconnecting the
battery for five minutes
Code 1211 MCU (computer) malfunction.
Code 1215 Air mass flow sensor fault (MAF.)
Code 1221 Oxygen sensor (O2.)
Code 1222 Oxygen sensor control.
Code 1223 Engine coolant temperature (ECT.)
Code 1224 Air intake temperature.
Code 1231 Battery voltage.
Code 1232 Idle throttle valve switch.
Code 1233 Full load throttle valve switch.
Code 1251/1252 Injection valve.
Code 1261 Fuel pump relay circuit.
Code 1262 Idle speed control valve.
Code 1263 Fuel tank vent valve.
Code 1264 Oxygen sensor heater relay.
Code 1444 No failure.
Written by Ken Lavacot Co-Founder and CEO of 2CarPros.com 35 years in the automotive repair field, ASE Master Technician, Advanced Electrical and Mechanical Theory.
COMMENTS TO THIS ARTICLE
Please use our question form if you have a specific question about your car as we are not able to give you a full answer on this page.


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examiner Jamie Campbell Bower has some considerable experience living in franchise-land thanks to the "Twilight Saga" and his short stint in "Harry Potter," but with "The Mortal Instruments: City Of Bones" on the rise for release this August, he'll be taking an even bigger leap into the zeitgeist -- assuming, that is, that Cassie Clare fans are able to accept him as their hunky series leader Jace Wayland.
"I like his sarcasm," Bower said of his favorite characteristic of Jace. Indeed, the character has no shortage of one word zingers to throw about throughout the adventure, but for Bower there's also a softer side in there to relish. "I like his vulnerability [too]," Bower added. "I think that's really, really connected with me in a strange way, just this horrible feeling that he has inside of him. I love that."


The first three of the proposed 32 berths at the Lamu port are almost ready for use. The state has postponed the official launch of the first berth several times since it was completed last year. The first launch was planned for December, with Maersk, a Danish-based container shipping line, indicating that it would call at the facility loaded with transshipment cargo.
From the onset, it is important to point out that Lamu port was not premised as a transshipment hub. Rather, it targeted two transit markets: Ethiopia, with a population of over 100 million, and South Sudan a new state with a population of about 12 million that was anticipated to import a lot of materials for reconstruction after many years of war.
A year before his second term ended, President Mwai Kibaki was joined by the then Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir in laying down a foundation plaque of the project. The Sh2 trillion port, part of the Lamu Port South Sudan Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET) was projected to contribute between 2 and 3 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to Kenya’s economy.
But now questions are now being raised about the viability of the proposed Lamu port and even whether the project will be able to attract private investors to complete the remaining berths as initially envisaged.
When Uhuru Kenyatta succeeded Mwai Kibaki in 2013, his administration gave the LAPSSET project a wide berth. Instead, he threw his entire weight on the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) line as his legacy project, which he finished earlier than scheduled.
The government has since failed to allocate sufficient resources to the project, with the first berths taking over 8 years to complete. For instance, the National Treasury will disburse Sh6 billion towards the project in the current financial year, which is down from the Sh10 billion allocated in the 2019/2020 fiscal year.
As Kenya was taking its time to develop LAPSSET infrastructural projects, dramatic geopolitical shifts were taking place in the Horn of Africa, which put into question whether the country was staring at another white elephant project in the making.
When Uhuru Kenyatta succeeded Mwai Kibaki in 2013, his administration gave the LAPSSET project a wide berth. Instead, he threw his entire weight on the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) line as his legacy project, which he finished earlier than scheduled.
Dr. Kilonzo Mutule, who was a lead consultant in the project’s formative years, developed a concept paper on the LAPSSET project in 2008 and set some parameters for its economic viability. In his concept paper, Dr. Kilonzo identified six components of the project. In order to become a transport and commercial hub for the region, he noted, Kenya would have to, at a minimum, develop: (a) a commercial port of international standards capable of handling high volumes of containers and other goods traffic; (b) a free trade zone along with the port to foster the growth of trade and commercial activity to make the area into a commercial hub; (c) a new beach resort city having facilities of international standards for native and international tourists; (d) an airport capable of being an air hub for the region; (e) a railway network to enable movement of goods from the port and the free trade zone to other parts of Kenya and the countries of the region; and (f) a road highway network to support the capacity of the railway network and provide for greater movement of goods into more areas.
Lamu: The proposed sea route for Ethiopia and South Sudan
The LAPSSET project was envisaged as an immediate project for landlocked Ethiopia, which has over the years been desperately seeking connections to more sea routes. Its direct line of sight with Addis Ababa allowed for the shortest railway link between the Addis and Lamu. Ethiopia’s dependence on imported goods had shifted 98 percent of its traffic to the Djibouti port, which was about 85 percent of the whole port’s traffic in 2009.
A study carried out by the African Trade Policy Centre (ATPC) in 2009 indicated that exorbitant charges incurred by Ethiopia at the port of Djibouti had seen the landlocked East African country’s economy hit the doldrums. An alternative port looked like a great idea for the country.
The high charges involved, reduced free time for imported cargo, and the inadequacy of storage facilities were some of the factors that had ballooned Ethiopia’s total logistics cost for its import and export of commodities, the study noted. “The estimated total transit costs have been consuming over 16 percent of Ethiopia’s foreign trade value, which is about $2 million per day, which literally bleeds the economy,” stated the study.
According to Dr. Kilonzo’s concept paper, the long-term solution to Ethiopia’s transport problems lay in the construction of a second port in Lamu. Indeed, Ethiopia had completed the building of a good tarmac road from Addis Ababa to Moyale quite a while ago.
For South Sudan, several options of seaports to that country left Lamu port as the most convenient route. The considerations for this choice took into account several factors, including security, number of borders to crossing points, nature of the terrain, length of the route, and accessibility to the West and East by sea.
South Sudan was expected to export crude oil. Traditionally, it has been doing so through a pipeline currently connecting its oil fields to the Red Sea at Port Sudan in Sudan, a country it had been at war with for many years. It was proposed that a pipeline be constructed alongside the railway line, thus linking the South Sudan’s oil fields to the Lamu Free Port. At Lamu, some of the crude would be refined for the sub-regional market while the rest would be exported to various destinations. Single Buoy Moorings (SBM) would be put in place at the port to facilitate tanker loading in the high seas. It was also proposed that a second pipeline going the opposite way could be constructed from the Lamu refinery to Addis Ababa to transport oil products to Ethiopia.
However, things have not been good for South Sudan, which has since independence from Sudan faced numerous challenges. The government has struggled to build new governance institutions while dealing with low human and institutional capacity. It has not been able to diversify revenue streams or to provide basic services to its population, half of which is estimated to be illiterate and living below the poverty line.
Enter Eritrea, Somaliland and Djibouti
But things now look completely different due to significant developments in Ethiopia, the main target market. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the new Ethiopian leader, accelerated efforts the country had undertaken in the last decade to tackle its logistics nightmares, which played out to Kenya’s disadvantage. The new prime minister forged a truce with Eritrea, an arch-rival player. He struck a deal with President Isaias Afwerki that included restoring Ethiopian access to the ports of Massawa and Assab.
Since Eritrea gained independence in the early 1990s, Ethiopia became a landlocked country, which hampered its ambitions to emerge as an economic and political powerhouse in the Horn of Africa. Eritrea, a former province of Ethiopia, hosted the major port for Ethiopia until 1998 when the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea erupted. Ethiopia had been using Assab port, which is 887km northeast of Addis Ababa, as a major logistics hub.
Ethiopia has also put its focus on another port in Somaliland. With this new move, the Somaliland port of Berbera is set to become the most modern port in the Horn of Africa early next year when its first phase is completed. In a strange turn of events, and with Arab Gulf states’ growing interest in the Horn of Africa region due to geopolitical and strategic considerations, in May 2016, DP World, a global port mega-operator agreed to develop Berbera port and manage the facility for 30 years. Ethiopia acquired a 19% interest in the port project. The other partners in the project are DP World, with a 51% share, and Somaliland, with a 30% share. The total investment of the two-phased port project will reach $442 million. DP World will also create an economic free zone in the surrounding area, targeting a range of companies in sectors from logistics to manufacturing, and a road-based economic corridor connecting Berbera with Ethiopia.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the new Ethiopian leader, accelerated efforts the country had undertaken in the last decade to tackle its logistics nightmares, which played out to Kenya’s disadvantage.
The port deal with Somaliland, a region that declared autonomy from Somalia in 1991, but which is still not internationally recognised by the international community, gave Somaliland some clout as an independent state. Port Berbera is now the closest sea route to Ethiopia, a journey of 11 hours by road. It has opened the route needed for huge growth in the import and export of livestock and agricultural produce.
The United Arab Emirates-based DP World Group port officials said that the port, which currently has the capacity to handle 150,000 container port traffic- Twenty-Foot Equivalent Units (TEUs), is expected to expand into handling one million TEUs of 20 and 40-foot mixed units, not so far from 1.3 TEUs Mombasa port is managing.
In addition, Djibouti has made far reaching development of its port. Djibouti International Free Trade Zone (DIFTZ) was officially inaugurated in July 2018. The initial phase, a 240-hectare zone, is the result of a $370 million investment and consists of three functional blocks located close to all of Djibouti’s major ports.The project also creates major business opportunities for Djibouti and East Africa as the region’s export manufacturing and processing capacity is expanded in key sectors such as food, automotive parts, textiles and packaging.
Doraleh Multipurpose Port, Port of Ghoubet and Tadjourah have all been completed in recent years. The Doraleh Port is strategically located, connecting Asia, Africa, and Europe. It can handle between two and six million tonnes of cargo a year on its bulk terminal and breakbulk terminal respectively.
Another key milestone for Djibouti port is the standard gauge railway (SGR). A 750-kilometre SGR line connecting Addis Ababa with the port in Djibouti has since been constructed, cutting a three-day journey down to 12 hours. In an ambitious road-building programme, flagship projects include a 200km expressway connecting Hawassa, home to the country’s largest industrial park, with the capital Addis Ababa.
Djibouti has also received global attention due to its strategic location. Virtually, all of the sea trade between Asia and Europe passes along the Red Sea on its way to or from the Suez Canal. As a result, Gulf and Middle Eastern powers, China, the United States and France have developed great interest on this route. The country today hosts 5 military bases.
A different strategy
LAPSSET authority chief, Mr Sylvester Kasuku, in a TV interview this year, acknowledged that there is a need for a paradigm shift on rolling out the LAPSSET project partly due to the delay in developing onshore infrastructure to connect the corridor.
Apart from the construction of the first three berths, Lamu port has already been connected to the national power grid. The government has also constructed the 500-kilometre Isiolo-Moyale road. Lamu-Garsen route is already undergoing construction while the Garsen-Moyale route is being rehabilitated.
With a natural depth of 18 months, transshipment business should now be a key area of focus to keep Lamu port busy. However, a new strategy of marketing the port as a transshipment hub would be needed, according to Gilbert Langat, the Chief Executive Officer of Shippers Council of East Africa (SCEA), since as a country, Kenya has not performed well on this port business segment.
Out of 1.3million TEUs the port handled in Mombasa, transshipment cargo constituted a paltry 121,577 TEUs in 2018 and 211,604 TEUs in 2019. In February 2016, Phase I of Kipevu Container Terminal was completed, adding 550 000 TEUs to Mombasa port’s container capacity, which created room for country to experiment in transshipment cargo as a new business frontier for the port. However, this berth is currently being used by Maersk, the biggest shipping line at the Mombasa port that commands over 30 per cent of the port’s cargo volume. Phase II is expected to provide an additional 450 000 TEU.
Kenya Ships Agents Association (KSAA) CEO, Juma Tellah, said that Mombasa port transshipment has a huge potential only if the government relaxes some of the measures it has put in place. Due to some challenges at Dar es Salaam port, some shipping lines occasionally use Mombasa for transshipment to Tanzania.
Port Berbera is now the closest sea route to Ethiopia, a journey of 11 hours by road. It has opened the route needed for huge growth in the import and export of livestock and agricultural produce.
The Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) still requires shipping lines to lodge entries with customs. Although shipping lines successfully lobbied to be allowed to lodge the entries without the aid of freight forwarders, which came at an extra cost, the delays still take a huge toll. Shipping lines have been pushing for the use of inward and outward manifests to reconcile movement of cargo in and out of the port, which is a common practice all over the world.
Although the government has held its ground that this can only be canvassed through the East Africa Community Customs Management Act (EACCMA), Tanzania, a signatory, does not require shipping lines to lodge transshipment cargo entries, according to Tellah.
Zanzibar and other East African islands are popular destinations for Kenya’s transshipment cargo, with volumes going as far as the Far East. According to Langat, Lamu can also be an ideal location for the transshipment of goods destined for Europe.
The other option for making the LAPSSET corridor viable is for the counties it traverses to leverage on the project and open up their economies. The Government’s LAPSSET Corridor Development Plan has already divided the Northern Eastern region into nine growth areas: Lamu growth area, Garissa-Bura growth area, Wajir growth area, Moyale growth area, Lokichogio growth area, Turkana growth area, Isiolo-Meru Archers Post growth, area and the Mwingi growth area.
Each of the growth areas has an identified set of economic activities and investment opportunities that are set to spur economic growth of the area and the Northern Eastern region. These include the Isiolo-Meru area being a logistics centre along the corridor and a resort city and the Moyale, Wajir and Garissa-Bura growth areas mainly for the establishment of of Export Processing Zones for livestock and animal by-products.
Directly related to the Lamu port is the potential of Isiolo, Lokichogio and Moyale for the setting up of inland container depots, which may increase transport efficiency, and facilitate cross-border trade with neighbouring countries that will be linked by LAPSSET.
It is expected that public sector resources will be sourced to develop physical and social infrastructure to facilitate investment. To achieve such accelerated integrated development, the government should ensure an enabling business environment that fosters investment.
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Is Somalia’s Quest for Membership of the EAC Premature?
Somalia must first ensure sustained progress in stability, infrastructure development, governance, and economic growth before considering full membership of the East African Community.
The current members of the East African Community (EAC) are Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and South Sudan. The Somali Federal Government, under the leadership of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, has expressed a strong interest in joining the EAC, sparking questions among Somali citizens as to whether the country is ready to join such a large and complex regional bloc.
During President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud initiated Somalia’s pursuit of EAC membership during his previous term as a president from 2012 to 2017. However, little progress was made during his first term and, following his re-election, President Hassan reignited his pursuit of EAC membership without consulting essential stakeholders such as the parliament, the opposition, and civil society. This unilateral decision has raised doubts about the president’s dedication to establishing a government based on consensus. Moreover, his decision to pursue EAC membership has evoked mixed responses within Somalia. While some Somalis perceive joining the EAC as advantageous for the country, others express concerns about potential risks to Somalia’s economic and social development. President Hassan has defended his decision, emphasising that Somalia’s best interests lie in becoming a member of the EAC.
To assess Somalia’s readiness to join the EAC, the regional bloc undertook a comprehensive verification mission. A team of experts well versed in politics, economics, and social systems, was tasked with evaluating Somalia’s progress. The evaluation included a thorough review of economic performance, trade policies, and potential contributions to the EAC’s integration efforts. During this process, the team engaged with various government institutions and private organisations, conducting comprehensive assessments and discussions to gauge Somalia’s preparedness.
One of the key requirements for Somalia is demonstrating an unwavering commitment to upholding principles such as good governance, democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. Somalia must also showcase a vibrant market economy that fosters regional trade and collaboration.
Successful integration into the EAC would not only elevate Somalia’s regional stature but would also foster deeper bonds of cooperation and shared prosperity among the East African nations. While this is a positive step towards regional integration and economic development, there are several reasons for pessimism about the potential success of Somalia’s membership in the EAC.
Somalia must also showcase a vibrant market economy that fosters regional trade and collaboration.
Somalia has faced significant challenges due to prolonged conflict and instability. The decades-long civil war, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism, has had a devastating impact on the country’s infrastructure, economy, governance systems, and overall stability.
The following fundamental factors raise valid concerns about Somalia’s readiness to effectively participate in the EAC.
Infrastructure plays a critical role in regional integration and economic growth. However, Somalia’s infrastructure has been severely damaged and neglected due to years of conflict. The country lacks adequate transportation networks, reliable energy systems, and while communications infrastructure has improved, internet penetration rates remain low and mobile networks – which are crucial for seamless integration with the EAC – can be unavailable outside of urban centres. Rebuilding such infrastructure requires substantial investments, technical expertise, and stability, all of which remain significant challenges for Somalia.
Political stability and governance
The EAC places emphasis on good governance, democracy, and the rule of law as prerequisites for membership. Somalia’s journey towards political stability and effective governance has been arduous, with numerous setbacks and ongoing power struggles. The lack of a unified government, coupled with weak state institutions and a history of corruption, raises doubts about Somalia’s ability to meet the EAC’s standards. Without a stable and inclusive political environment, Somalia may struggle to effectively contribute to the decision-making processes within the regional bloc.
Economic development and trade
Somalia’s economy has been heavily dependent on the informal sector and faces substantial economic disparities. The country needs to demonstrate a vibrant market economy that fosters regional trade and collaboration, as required by the EAC. However, the challenges of rebuilding a war-torn economy, tackling high poverty rates, and addressing widespread unemployment hinder Somalia’s ability to fully participate in regional trade and reap the benefits of integration.
Somalia continues to grapple with security challenges, including the presence of extremist groups and maritime piracy. These issues have not only hindered the country’s development but also pose potential risks to the stability and security of the entire EAC region. It is crucial for Somalia to address these security concerns comprehensively and to establish effective mechanisms to contribute to the EAC’s collective security efforts.
Economic Disparity and Compatibility
Somalia’s economy primarily relies on livestock, agriculture, and fishing, which may not align well with the more quasi-industralised economies of the other EAC member states. This mismatch could result in trade imbalances and pose challenges for integrating Somalia into the regional economy. For instance, according to the World Bank, Somalia’s GDP per capita was US$447 in 2021 whereas it is US$2081 for Kenya, US$1099 for Tanzania, and US$883 for Uganda. Furthermore, Somalia faces significant economic challenges, including capital flight that drains resources from the country, contributing to its status as a consumer-based economy.
This divergence in economic structures could lead to trade imbalances and impede the seamless integration of Somalia into the regional economy. The substantial economic gap between Somalia and other EAC member states suggests a significant disparity that may hinder Somalia’s ability to fully participate in the EAC’s economic activities. Additionally, Somalia has yet to demonstrate fiscal or economic discipline that would make it eligible for EAC membership. While Somalia has a functioning Central Bank and the US dollar remains the primary mode of financial transactions, the risk of integration lies with the other EAC members; cross-border trade would occur in an environment of instability, posing potential risks to the other member state.
Somalia faces significant economic challenges, including capital flight that drains resources from the country, contributing to its status as a consumer-based economy.
While these fundamental challenges remain, it is important to acknowledge the progress Somalia has made in recent years. This includes the gradual improvement in security conditions, the establishment of key governmental institutions, and the peaceful transfer of power. One can also argue that many of these fundamental economic, infrastructure, political instability, and security concerns exist across the East African Community. However, what makes Somalia unique is the scale of the challenges it faces today. Somalia has adopted a federal political structure, which has not worked well so far. This level of fragmentation and civil political distrust makes Somalia’s case unique. More than ever, Somalia needs meaningful political and social reconciliation before it can embark on a new regional journey.
The absence of an impact assessment by the relevant ministries in Somalia is alarming. Without this assessment, it becomes challenging to make informed decisions about the potential benefits of joining the EAC and the impact on our economy and society. Conducting this assessment should be a priority for Somalia’s ministries to ensure a comprehensive evaluation of the potential benefits and risks involved in EAC membership. Furthermore, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s decision to pursue Somalia’s integration into the EAC lacks political legitimacy as a decision of this nature would normally require ratification through a popular vote and other legal means through parliament. The failure to achieve this could potentially allow another president in the future to unilaterally announce withdrawal from the EAC.
Fragile state of Affairs and internal disputes
The recent reopening of the Gatunda border post between Uganda and Rwanda after a three-year period of strained relations indicates a fragile state of affairs. The East African Court of Justice has ruled that Rwanda’s initial closure of the border was illegal, highlighting the contentious nature of inter-country disputes. Furthermore, Tanzania and Uganda have formally lodged complaints against Kenya, alleging unfair advantages in trade relations, and have even gone as far as threatening Kenya with export bans. These grievances underscore the underlying tensions and competition between member states, which could potentially hinder the harmonious functioning of the East African Community. These political and economic disagreements among member states increase the risks associated with Somalia’s membership. Somalia must carefully evaluate whether it is entering a united and cohesive bloc or one plagued by internal divisions. Joining the East African Community at this juncture carries the risk of being drawn into ongoing disputes and potentially being caught in the crossfire of inter-country rivalries.
Conflict in South Sudan
The prolonged conflict in South Sudan, which has been ongoing since its admission to the East African Community (EAC) in 2016, serves as a cautionary tale for Somalia. Despite the EAC’s efforts to mediate and foster peace in the region, the outcomes have been mixed, resulting in an unsustainable peace. This lack of success highlights the challenges faced by member states in resolving conflicts and maintaining stability within the community. Somalia must carefully evaluate whether its participation in the EAC will genuinely contribute to its stability, economic growth, and development, or if it risks exacerbating existing internal conflicts. Joining the community without a solid foundation of political stability, institutions, and peace could potentially divert resources and attention away from domestic issues, hindering Somalia’s progress towards resolving its own challenges. South Sudan’s admission to the EAC in 2016 was seen as a major step towards regional integration and stability. However, the country has been mired in conflict ever since, with two civil wars breaking out in 2013 and 2016. The EAC has been involved in mediation efforts, with mixed results.
Somalia must evaluate the readiness of its institutions, infrastructure, and economy to effectively engage with the East African Community. Comprehensive preparations are crucial to ensure that joining the community is a well thought-out and strategic decision, rather than a hasty move that could further destabilise the nation. Somalia needs to assess whether its infrastructure, institutions, and economy are sufficiently developed to cope with the challenges and demands of integration. Premature membership could strain Somalia’s resources, impede its growth, and leave it at a disadvantage compared to more established member states.
Somalia must carefully evaluate whether it is entering a united and cohesive bloc or one plagued by internal divisions.
Somalia must ensure sustained progress in stability, infrastructure development, governance, and economic growth before considering full membership of the EAC. A phased approach that prioritises capacity building, institution-strengthening, and inclusive governance would enable Somalia to lay a solid foundation for successful integration and reap the maximum benefits from EAC membership in the long term. Failure to address these concerns would make Somalia vulnerable to exploitation and market monopolies by stronger economies, and could also risk a lack of seamless convergence for Somalia’s membership. While there is political will from EAC leaders to support Somalia’s membership, it is vitally important that they make the right decision for Somalia and the EAC bloc as a whole to ensure a successful integration. I believe that, at this juncture, the disadvantages of Somalia joining the EAC outweigh the benefits.
2023 Marks 110 Years Since the Maasai Case 1913: Does it Still Matter?
It was a landmark case for its time, a first for East Africa and possibly for the continent. A group of Africans challenged a colonial power in a colonial court to appeal a major land grab and demand reparations. They lost on a technicality but the ripple effects of the Maasai Case continue to be felt.
In the name Parsaloi Ole Gilisho there lies an irony. It was spelled Legalishu by the colonial British. Say it out loud. He gave them a legal issue, all right. And a 110-year-old headache.
This extraordinary age-set spokesman (a traditional leader called ol-aiguenani, pl. il-aiguenak) led non-violent resistance to the British, in what was then British East Africa, that culminated in the Maasai Case 1913. Ole Gilisho was then a senior warrior, who was probably in his mid- to late thirties. In bringing the case before the High Court of British East Africa, he was not only challenging the British but also the Maasai elders who had signed away thousands of acres of community land via a 1904 Maasai Agreement or Treaty with the British. This and the 1911 Agreement – which effectively rendered the first void – are often wrongly called the Anglo-Maasai Agreements. In Ole Gilisho’s view, and those of his fellow plaintiffs, these elders had sold out. The suit accused them of having had no authority to make this decision on behalf of the community. This represented a very serious challenge by warriors to traditional authority, including that of the late laibon (prophet) Olonana, who had signed in 1904, and died in 1911.
The British had expected the Maasai to violently rebel in response to these issues and to colonial rule in general. But contrary to modern-day myths that the Maasai fought their colonisers, here they resisted peacefully via legal means. They hired British lawyers and took the British to their own cleaners. Spoiler: they lost, went to appeal, and lost again. But archival research reveals that the British government was so convinced it would eventually lose, if the Maasai appealed to the Privy Council in London (they didn’t), that officials began discussing how much compensation to pay.
The facts are these. The lawsuit was launched in 1912. There were four plaintiffs, Ole Gilisho and three fellow Purko (one of the 16 Maasai territorial sections) Maasai. In Civil Case No. 91 they claimed that the 1911 Maasai Agreement was not binding on them and other Laikipia Maasai, that the 1904 Agreement remained in force, and they contested the legality of the second move. They demanded the return of Laikipia, and £5,000 in damages for loss of livestock during the second move (explained below). Ole Gilisho was illiterate and had never been to school. But he and his fellow plaintiffs were assisted by sympathetic Europeans who were angered by the injustice they saw being perpetrated against a “tribe” that British administrators conceded had never given them any trouble. These sympathisers included people who worked for the colonial government, notably medical Dr Norman Leys and some district officials, lawyers, a few missionaries, the odd settler, and a wider group of left-wing MPs and anti-colonial agitators in Britain.
What had led up to this? After the 1904 Agreement, certain groups or sections of Maasai had been forcibly moved from their grazing grounds in the central Rift Valley around Naivasha into two reserves – one in Laikipia, the other in the south on the border with German East Africa. The British had pledged that this arrangement was permanent, that it would last “so long as the Maasai as a race shall exist”. But just seven years later, the British went back on their word and moved the “northern” Maasai again, forcing them at gunpoint to vacate Laikipia and move to the Southern Reserve. In all, it is estimated that the Maasai lost at least 50 per cent of their land, but that figure could be nearer 70 per cent. The ostensible reason for moving them was to “free up” land for white settlement – largely for British settlers but also for South Africans fleeing the Boer War (also called the South African War).
But just seven years later, the British went back on their word and moved the ‘northern’ Maasai again, forcing them at gunpoint to vacate Laikipia and move to the Southern Reserve.
By the time the case came to court, Ole Gilisho had become a defendant, even though he was in favour of the plaint. So were at least eight other defendants. He had signed the 1904 Agreement, and now stood accused with 17 other Maasai of having no authority to enter into such a contract. The first defendant was the Attorney General. Ole Gilisho’s son-in-law Murket Ole Nchoko, misspelled Ol le Njogo by the British, and described as a leading moran (il-murran or warrior) of the Purko section, was now the lead plaintiff. The plaint was called Ol le Njogo and others v. The Attorney General and others.
Challenges facing the plaintiffs
Most Maasai were illiterate in those days, and this obviously placed them at a major disadvantage. They could not write down their version of events. They were forced to rely, in their dealings with officials and their own lawyers, upon translators and semiliterate mediators whose reliability was questionable. But it is evident, from the archival record which includes verbatim accounts of meetings between Maasai leaders and British officials in the run-up to the moves and case, that the level of verbal discourse was highly sophisticated. This comes as no surprise; verbal debate is a cornerstone of Maasai society and customary justice. Unfortunately, that alone could not help them here. They knew they needed lawyers, and asked their friends for help. Leys, who was later sacked from the colonial service for his activism, admitted in a private letter: “I procured the best one in the country for them.” This was more than he ever admitted openly.
Local administrators used intimidation and all kinds of devious means to try and stop the case. (I didn’t come across any evidence that the Colonial Office in London sanctioned this; in fact, it ordered the Governor not to obstruct the main lawyer or his clients.) They allegedly threatened Ole Gilisho with flogging and deportation. They threatened and cross-questioned suspected European sympathisers, including Leys and the lawyers. They banned Maasai from selling cattle to raise the legal fees, and placed the Southern Reserve in continuous quarantine. It was hard for the plaintiffs, confined to a reserve, to meet their lawyers at all. At one point, lawyers were refused passes to enter the reserve, and their clients were prevented from leaving it.
We hear Ole Gilisho’s voice in the archival record. Forced to give a statement explaining his actions to officials at Enderit River on 21 June 1912, when asked if he had called Europeans to his boma, he replied: “Is it possible for a black man to call a white man?” He denied having called the Europeans (probably lawyers or go-betweens), saying they had come to him. Leys later explained to a friend that Ole Gilisho had probably been “terrified out of his wits”, and hadn’t meant what he said.
What happened in court
The case was thrown out when it first came before the High Court in Mombasa in May 1913. The Maasai appealed, and that is when the legal arguments were fully aired by both sides – lawyers for the Crown and the Maasai. The appeal was dismissed in December on the grounds that the plaintiffs’ claims were not cognisable in municipal courts. The two agreements were ruled not to be agreements but treaties, which were Acts of State. They could not, therefore, be challenged in a local court. It was impossible for the plaintiffs to seek to enforce the provisions of a treaty, said the judges – “The paramount chief himself could not bring such an action, still less can his people”. Claims for damages were also dismissed.
The Court of Appeal’s judgement centred on the status of a protectorate, in which the King was said to exercise powers granted to him under the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1890. Irrational as it sounds, the Crown claimed that British East Africa was not British territory, and the Maasai were not British subjects with any rights of access to British law, but “protected foreigners, who, in return for that protection, owe obedience” to the Crown. As Yash Pal Ghai and Patrick McAuslan later put it, when discussing the case in a 1970 book: “A British protected person is protected against everyone except the British.” On the plus side, the judges ruled that the Maasai still retained some “vestige” of sovereignty. (The Maasai’s lawyer argued that they did not.) This triggered later moves by Maasai politicians, in the 1960s, to float the idea of secession from Kenya and the possible creation of a sovereign Maasai state. John Keen had threatened this in 1962 at the second Lancaster House Conference in London, attended by a Maasai delegation.
Alexander Morrison, lawyer for the Maasai, argued that British rule and courts were established in the protectorate, which had not been the case 30 years earlier. The Maasai were not foreigners but equal to other British subjects in every way. The agreements were civil contracts, enforceable in the courts, and not unenforceable treaties. If one took the Crown’s claim about Acts of State to its logical conclusion, he argued, a squatter refusing to leave land reserved for the Maasai could only be removed by an Act of State. None of his arguments washed with the judges. (See my 2006 book Moving the Maasai for a fuller account.)
Morrison advised his clients to appeal. It seems they couldn’t raise the funds. However, oral testimony from elders reveals a different story: Ole Gilisho had planned to sail to England to appeal to the Privy Council, but he was threatened with drowning at sea. This is impossible to verify, but it rings true.
In an interview carried out on my behalf in 2008 by Michael Tiampati, my old friend John Keen had this to say about the outcome of the case: “If the hyena was the magistrate and the accused was a goat, you should probably know that the goat would not get any form of justice. So this is exactly how it was that the Maasai could not get any fair justice from British courts.”
Contemporary African resistance
Unbeknown to the Maasai, there was growing anti-colonial resistance in the same period in other parts of Africa. All these acts of resistance have inspired African activists in their continuing struggles. To mention a few: the Chilembwe rebellion in Nyasaland, now Malawi (1915); the Herero revolt in German South West Africa, now Namibia (1904–1908); resistance in present-day Kenya by Mekatilili wa Menza (largely 1913-14); the First Chimurenga or First War of Independence in what is now Zimbabwe (1896–1897); and the Maji Maji rebellion in German East Africa, now Tanzania (1905–1907). But none of these rebellions involved lawsuits. The closest precedent may have been R vs Earl of Crewe, Ex-parte Sekgoma in 1910. Chief Sekgoma, who had been jailed by the British in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana) after many attempts to remove him as chief, instructed his lawyer to bring a writ of habeus corpus against the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Crewe. He demanded to be tried in an English court, refusing an offer of release on condition that he agrees to live in a restricted area of the Transvaal. The suit was dismissed, the court ruling that the King had unfettered jurisdiction in a protectorate, and his right to detain Sekgoma was upheld. Sekgoma apparently said: “I would rather be killed than go to the Transvaal. I will not go because I have committed no crime – I wish to have my case tried before the courts in England or else be killed.” Freed in 1912, he died two years later.
The case, and other key events in early twentieth century Maasai history, have given rise to several myths. They include the idea that the stolen land should “revert” to the Maasai after 100 years, but that was not stated in the 1904 Agreement, which was not limited in time, was not a land lease, and has not “expired” as many people claim. Neither agreement has. Keen knew this, but nonetheless called for the land to “revert”. Other myths include the idea that Olonana’s thumbprint was placed on the 1911 Agreement posthumously, and it must therefore be invalid. But neither his thumbprint nor name are on the document, which was “signed” by his son Seggi. Anyhow, Olonana was a key ally of the British, who had no reason to kill him (which is another myth).
The original of the 1904 Agreement has never been found, which has led some Maasai to believe that it never existed and therefore all the land must be restored and compensation paid for its use to date. There may be sound legal arguments for restorative justice, but this is not one of them. These myths are ahistorical and unhelpful, but may be understood as attempts to rationalise and make sense of what happened. Some activists may wish that the Maasai had resisted violently, rather than taken the legal route. Hence the insistence by some that there was a seamless history of armed resistance from the start of colonial rule. Not true. There are much better arguments to be made, by professional lawyers with an understanding of international treaty rights and aboriginal title, which could possibly produce results.
Ole Gilisho had planned to sail to England to appeal to the Privy Council, but he was threatened with drowning at sea.
Where does all this leave the Maasai today? Over the years, there has been much talk of revisiting the case and bringing a claim against Britain (or Kenya) for the return of land or reparations for its loss. None of this has resulted in concrete action. I attended a planning workshop in Nairobi in 2006 when plans were laid for a lawsuit. VIPs present included the late Ole Ntimama, scholar Ben Kantai and John Keen. Keen declared, with his customary flourish, that he would stump up a million shillings to get the ball rolling. I don’t know how much money was raised in total, but it disappeared into thin air. As did the lawyers.
Leading lawyers have advised that too much time has passed, and (unlike the successful Mau Mau veterans’ suit) there are no living witnesses who could give evidence in court. It is unclear whether the agreements still have any legal validity. The British government might argue, as it previously has, including in response to my questions, that it handed over all responsibility for its pre-1963 actions to the Kenyan government at independence. This is a ludicrous argument, which is also morally wrong. Former colonial powers such as Germany have accepted responsibility for historical injustices in their former colonies, notably Namibia. Has the time come for Ole Gilisho’s descendants to call a white man to court?
Who Is Hustling Who?
In Kenya, political elites across the spectrum are trying to sell off the country for themselves—capitulation is inevitable.
My drive to Limuru happened on the first Wednesday (July 19) of the protests. Everything was eerily quiet, Nairobi, renowned for its traffic jams, was quiet. Matatus and buses were parked in their hubs. Shops and stalls were closed. Even the hawkers that dot the roads and highways stayed home. Save for the heavy police presence everywhere, it felt like the country had come to a standstill.
We got to Kangemi shortly after the police had shot and wounded two protestors—the road was strewn with stones and armed riot police huddled by the side of the road waiting for the next wave of attacks that never came. In the end, six people would be shot to death throughout the country, and countless were injured and arrested. Coming from the US, where police arrest protestors and shoot black people, there were no surprises here. The US can hardly be the standard of good policing or democratic practices, but the lives lost simply for asking the government to center the people in its economic planning seemed especially cruel.
But it was the emptiness of the roads that made the whole drive eerie. Perhaps I was refracting what was happening in Kenya through what followed the 1982 coup in which 240 people were killed; or the ethnic clashes of the 1990s that culminated in the 2007 post-election violence. Yet, there was a general agreement among people that there was something different about the Kenya of today—that something was already broken and the nightmares to come were slowly but surely revealing themselves—like a bus carrying passengers and the driver realizing the brakes were out just as it was about to descend a steep hill.
Voting with the middle finger
But all this was predictable. President Ruto has been a known quantity since the 1990s when he led the violent Moi youth wingers. He and his running mate and later president, Uhuru Kenyatta, were brought in front of the ICC to face charges of crimes against humanity following the post-election violence in 2007. Some key witnesses disappeared and others were intimidated into silence. Who in their right mind gives evidence against those in control of the state? The ICC was already discredited as being Western-crimes-against-humanity friendly (the US has never been a signatory rightly afraid its former presidents, such as George Bush, would be hauled before the court). The ICC eventually withdrew the case in March 2015.
I kept asking everyone I met, why was Ruto voted in spite of his history? The answers varied: He rigged the elections; he did not rig and if he did, he only managed to be better at it than Raila Odinga; he appealed to the youth with the idea of building a hustler nation (what a telling term); the Kikuyus have vowed never to have a Luo president and therefore opted for Ruto who is Kalenjin as opposed to Odinga who is Luo.
I sat with older Kikuyu men in the little Nyama Choma spot in Limuru Market and they talked about a generational divide between the Kikuyu and youth (Ruto) and the elderly Kikuyus (Odinga). But the one I heard over and over again was that Kenyans are tired of the Kenyatta and Odinga political dynasties. As one Trump supporter was to say, they voted for him with the middle finger. And so, the Kenyans who voted for Ruto were giving a middle finger to the Kenyatta, Moi and Odinga political dynasties. But no one had really expected buyer’s remorse to kick in one year into the Ruto presidency.
I also asked about Odinga’s protests: what was the end game? One theory is that he was looking at power-sharing, having done it once before, following the 2007 elections. In our shorthand political language, he was looking for another handshake. Some said the people have a right to protest their government, and he is simply asking the government to repeal the tax hikes and reinstate the fuel subsidies. Others believed that he wants to be a genuine and useful voice of opposition for the good of the country and its poor.
My own theory is that he is attempting a people-powered, centered, democratic, and largely peaceful takeover—where people take to the streets to overthrow an unpopular government. We saw this in Latin America in the 2000s. In response to Odinga’s absence during the three days of protests (he was sick), some leaders in his Azimio party have started using this language. The only problem with this strategy is that the sitting government has to be wildly unpopular. Ruto still has a lot of support, meaning that he does not have to compromise or give up power. It was to my mind turning into a stalemate and I was worried that the state would respond with more state-sponsored violence.
But real economics broke the stalemate. In a country where people are barely surviving and the majority are poor without savings to rely on, or relatives to reach out to for help, the hawkers, small stall and shop owners simply went back to work. In other words, those that would have been hurt the most by three days of protests (a day at home literally means a day without food for the family) simply went back to work, and the matatus and buses hummed back to life, slowly on Thursday and full throttle by Friday.
Saturday around Westlands might as well have been as busy as a Monday as people overcompensated for lost time to either sell or shop. If the protests were going to succeed the opposition (composed of some of the wealthiest families in Kenya, including Odinga’s) really should have thought about how best to protect those who would be the most affected. They should find legal and innovative ways to put their money where their political mouths are.
Cuba as Kenya’s north star
Odinga had to change tactics and called for a day of protest against police violence instead of three-day weekly protests in perpetuity. He is now in danger of turning into a caricature of his old revolutionary self and becoming an Al Sharpton, who instead of protesting the American government for the police killings of black people, protests the police themselves leaving the government feeling sanctimonious. Obama or Biden could weigh in, in righteous indignation without offering any real change (remember Obama’s emotional pleas over gun shootings and police shootings as if he was not the one occupying the most powerful office in the US)?
The one question that keeps eating at me is this: why is the most apparent outcome at the time a surprise later? Ruto was always going to sell off Kenya with a percentage for himself and his friends. Odinga was always going to capitulate. The end result is that the Kenyan bus will continue to careen on without brakes. So, what is to be done?
I was in Cuba earlier this year. I got a sense of the same desperation I felt in Kenya but the difference is Cubans have free access to healthcare, education, housing, and food security. They have free access to all the things that make basic survival possible. Before calling for the tax hikes and cutting fuel subsidies might it not have been more prudent to have a safety net for Kenyans? Would that not have been the most logical thing? But of course not, Ruto is acting at the behest of the IMF and big money. Ruto has learned the art of pan-African political rhetoric. Abroad he can call for a different non-US-centered economic system and castigate the French president over paternalism but at home, his politics are hustler politics.
Life in Cuba is difficult, as a result of relentless sanctions from the US, but it is far from impossible. It remains the north star for those who understand discussions around fundamental change as the only starting point. We can have arguments about the nature of those fundamental changes, but we can all agree we should not be a country where one family, say the Kenyatta family, owns more than half a million acres of land. Or where, as Oxfam reported, four individuals hold more wealth than that held by 22 million Kenyans. The kind of politics that begin with a necessity for fundamental change will obviously not come from Ruto.
But one hopes it can still come from the Odinga camp. Or even better, from a genuinely progressive people-powered movement that has inbuilt questions of fundamental change in its political, economic, and cultural platform.
In spite of the empty roads, Limuru Market was thriving and Wakari Bar kept its reputation as one of the best places for Nyama Choma and for lively political conversations. People are paying attention, after all, it is their lives and livelihoods on the line. Politicians, especially those in the opposition and the political left should listen as well.
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