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A discussion of whether internal migration can be a conduit out of poverty for vulnerable and rural households in low-income countries.
Internal migration is ‘an important route out of poverty in places where conventional development efforts have had limited success’ (IOM, 2005). To what extent do you agree with this statement? Excerpt
The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) (2005, p.23) maintains that ‘internal migration is turning out to be an important route out of poverty in places where conventional development efforts have had limited success’. This is a reflection of the growing recognition in the development literature that internal migration can be a conduit out of poverty for vulnerable and rural households in low-income countries (IOM 2005). However, in this paper it is counter-argued that the relationship between migration and poverty is a function of contextual specificity and is neither linear nor simple.
First, it cannot be assumed that all poor people have the wherewithal to move. Empirical research suggests that the poorest of the poor or chronically poor people are less likely to be able to move due to spatial remoteness, high costs of moving and ‘risk related to foregone domestic product’ (Skeldon 2003, p.1). The ability to adopt migration as a livelihood strategy is dependent on interactions between institutions of the household, community, state and market (Moore 2001), as well as access to and control over resources or capital (Kothari 2002). Secondly, when the poor do migrate, it is not clear whether they are able to enhance their livelihoods and whether outcomes are influenced by the initial deprivation levels of the migrant (Wheeler, Sabates and Castaldo 2007). These deliberations are underpinned by the idea that there are no a priori factors which cause people to migrate and which lead to a particular set of outcomes (Kothari 2002; Amin 1995).
One may thus argue that internal migration is not always development-induced, as the IOM asserts. This argument is premised on the notion that it is difficult to delineate between the causes and consequences of migration (Amin 1995) because migration is both a cause and consequence of poverty (Skeldon 2003; Kothari 2002). Significant is the idea articulated by Amin (1995, p.32) that ‘migrations are not only the consequences of an unequal development, which could in itself be the result of “natural” causes such as the different natural potential of different regions. Migration is also in itself a part of the unequal development, as it serves to reproduce the conditions that aggravate these’. This suggests that people may migrate out of poverty in order to improve their livelihoods and/or migrate into more vulnerable conditions and concomitantly become further impoverished through the act of moving (Kothari 2002; Skeldon 2003).
The dialectics between migration and poverty have spawned polemical debates in the development discourse. In some quarters, internal migration is associated with adverse or little distributional effects as measured by urban demographics and conventional economic indices of poverty and inequality (Stark and Yitzhaki 1982). For example, Nord (1998) found that the migration patterns of the poor reinforce pre-existing spatial concentrations of poverty. De Haan and Rogaly (2002) on the other hand, highlight the contextual specificity of migration–poverty interactions, while Kothari (2002) and Skeldon (2003) illustrate that migration can both alleviate and perpetuate poverty.
These ‘mixed reviews’, according to Sabates-Wheeler, Sabates and Castaldo (2007, p. 308), are rooted in the complexity of drawing empirical distinctions between cause and effect. This paper further suggests that because poverty is a multidimensional construct, the outcome of migration on poverty is a function of how the latter is measured and conceptualised. Thus the crux of this paper is to explore the manner and extent to which migration contributes to ‘a process whereby the longer term prospects for moving out of poverty are better, or worse, than before’ (Kothari 2002, p.10). In this regard, this paper posits two overarching questions: first, under what conditions can migrating be a successful livelihood strategy by which the poor can improve their living conditions and move out of deprivation? Secondly, to what extent and in what ways does poverty shape the decision to migrate and what are the consequences of movement?
To address its empirical enquiries, the paper will focus primarily on the specificities of internal migration in Ghana. There is a strong policy orientation in the country in support of what Grant and Nijman (2004) have termed a regional push or government bias towards spatially concentrated growth regions, under the assumption that those regions will propel the larger national economy to higher levels of development. A corollary of such policies in Ghana has been the exacerbation of unequal development, poverty levels and spatial differentiation between the country’s North and South regions. These differences have engendered linkages between and even within the two regions, including migration, remittance flows and trade (Boakye-Yiadom 2008). For these reasons, Ghana presents an interesting case study in relation to the research objectives of this paper. While the paper acknowledges the multidimensional quality of poverty, the impacts of migration on poverty are analysed at the meso-level in terms of monetary remittances due to data constraints. In Ghana, urban settlements are defined as a population threshold of 5,000. All localities with a population size of less than 5,000 are designated as rural.
- Internal migration: A strategy for the poor?
Migration constitutes a significant if not dominant role in the livelihood strategies of the poor (Kothari 2002). In much of the literature, poverty and unemployment are believed to fuel large scale population movements from deprived areas to those which are perceived to offer better economic prospects (Kothari 2002; see Todaro 1976). For example, it is assumed by academics and policymakers that internal migration usually entails flows from poor rural areas to richer urban areas (Tsegai and Le 2011). This is Bakewell’s (2007) idea of a sedentary bias whereby migration is perceived as ‘development-induced’ (McDowell and de Haan 1997) or symptomatic of unequal development — as the IOM suggests in its assertions. In the case of Ghana, such assumptions are insufficient to explain population movements as studies illustrate that the propensity to move is shaped by different factors which are both internal and exogenous to the household.
Data from the Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS) 5 illustrate that there is less migration in the North than in the southern regions of the country (GLSS 2008, p.50). Non-migrants, defined as ‘those born at their current place of residence who have never stayed away for a year or more’, made up over half the populations of the Northern, Eastern and Upper West regions at 58.5 per cent, 69.6 per cent and 65.2 per cent, respectively, in 2005/06 (GLSS 2008, p.50). Migrants in the Upper East and Northern regions made up just three per cent of their populations, while the Upper West had a somewhat higher migration rate of eight per cent (Ackah and Medvedev 2010, p.5). The South, particularly Accra, had the largest proportion of in-migrants with approximately four in every ten residents of the region in this category (GLSS 2008, p.50). By contrast, the level of in-migration is generally low in the North, particularly in the Upper East (6.7 per cent) and Upper West (6.1 per cent) (GLSS 2008, p.50). This suggests that regions with higher rates of in-migration have lower levels of poverty, and vice versa.
Over two-thirds of internal migrants in Ghana come from the relatively better off southern regions–Ashanti, Central, Eastern and greater Accra (Ackah and Medvedev 2010). The evidence contradicts common perceptions that most migrants originate in the North; this area accounts for only ten per cent of internal migration in the country. Though out-migration from the North is low, migrants from the more urbanized regions mostly originate in rural areas (Ackah and Medvedev 2010). Thus, the GLSS data denote that the broad dynamic entails spatial movements from poorer to richer areas (McKay et. al 2011).
Rural–rural migration, on the other hand, is primarily undertaken by poorer, less educated groups with fewer assets. Moving from one place to another entails economic and social costs and requires a certain level of capital (particularly social and economic) which may preclude some (Kothari 2002). Still, Caldwell (1968a) notes that rural–rural migration bears many similarities to rural–urban patterns in that spatial movements are generally towards better off regions. Drawing from this proposition, rural–rural flows are not antithetical to rural–urban movements (ibid.). Barrett et al. (2001) have shown that Ghanaian men travel (seasonally and temporarily) from the North to the more fertile cocoa growing areas (Ashanti, Brong Ahafo, and northern parts of the Volta region) as labourers seeking employment during the cocoa season. The ‘period of inactivity’ in the North coincides with the time of peak agricultural demand in those regions so the men can work on a cyclical basis and return home for the single growing season (Anarfi et al. 2003; Abdulai 1999).
The GLSS does not encompass the various differentials in rural out-migration. Data are not disaggregated into levels of poverty and therefore do not indicate whether those who migrate are the poor within the poorer regions (McKay et al. 2011, 2). Broadly, it is difficult to determine whether the propensity to move is nuanced by initial deprivation levels of the migrant. McKay et al. (2011) have, however, done so by drawing linkages between population quintiles and levels of out-migration (ibid.). They found significant levels of internal migration in all quintiles but slightly lower levels in the poorest fifth of the Ghanaian population (ibid.). These findings, they suggest, are indicative that the poorest of the poor cannot afford to move (ibid., p.3). Caldwell (1968b) records similar observations. That a cross-section of the population are excluded or cannot migrate to certain areas due to poverty raises questions about the possibility of increased spatial inequality and concentrations of poverty as a result of out-migration by better off groups.
Not only is inequality a possible outcome of migration, it may also be a primary determinant (Waddington 2003). At the community level, Ackah and Medvedev (2010) found that communities with higher levels of literacy, higher rates of subsidized medical care and better access to water and sanitation are less likely to produce out-migration while the lack of access to these services increases the likelihood of out-migration (ibid.). Ewusi (1986) showed the same findings. Beals, Levy and Moses (1967, p.486) found negative effects on migration in communities with low incomes, but the income of individual households has a positive effect on the probability of migrating. Similar findings have been documented by Caldwell (1968b). However, despite the inequalities and lack of development concomitant with the rural areas, Caldwell (1968a) demonstrated that some people do not want to move because of a preference for village life, satisfaction of farming, the imperative to care for the old and infirm and laziness or a lack of desire to move. Hence, while migration remains central to many households, it is a response to the conditions of poverty for some (Kothari 2002) but not all.
Men are more likely to migrate than women, which Bukh (1979) attributes to the ‘breadwinner’ concept (Bukh 1979) whereby men are culturally expected to seek the proverbial bread for their wife and children (Dugbazah 2007, p.78). Also younger, better educated persons between the ages of 15 and 25 (Caldwell 1968b, p.368) are more likely to migrate to urban areas (Tutu 1995; Caldwell 1968b; Ackah and Medvedev 2010; Boakye Yiadom 2008). According to Ackah and Medvedev (2010, p.10) these are usually ‘the best of the worst’ within disadvantaged communities. Family size also plays a significant role in out-migration–the propensity to migrate increases exponentially with family size and the probability of an individual moving to a town increases with the total number of siblings of either sex (Caldwell 1968b). There is also an inverse relationship between the propensity to migrate and the distance from the area of destination (Caldwell 1968b; Ackah and Medvedev 2010). Hence, it is clear that there are different motivators influencing the decision to migrate that are internal and external to the household (Kothari 2002).
- Poverty and inequality: The consequences or benefits of migrating.
‘Perhaps the critical issue in the migration and poverty equation is whether remittances can help to alleviate poverty’ (Skeldon 2003, p.11). In this regard, Dugbazah (2007) has argued that migrant remittances can be a valuable source of income and livelihood for poor households in Ghana; they can serve as an avenue for risk diversification and, concomitantly, alter local household income distribution. Indeed, a substantial portion of the literature on Ghana has focused on the impact of internal migration on household income/consumption and welfare gaps between rural and urban communities (e.g. Tutu 1995; McKay et al. 2011). It is estimated that annual internal remittances in Ghana are approximately US$324 million. However, Skeldon (2003) has cautioned that more important than the idea or amount of income are the uses to which monies are put and the probable impact of remittances on communities of origin. In this case, the idea of investment as opposed to consumption becomes another yardstick by which the migration–poverty nexus is measured.
A significant number of econometric studies have sought to establish a correlation between migration and household welfare (cf. Ackah and Medvedev 2010; Boakye Yiadom 2008; Dugbazah 2007; Beals, Levy and Moses 1967); these have generally found a positive association between the two variables. Using a cross section of households (3,987) from the GLSS5 sample, Ackah and Medvedev’s (2010, p.15) analysis shows that migration is beneficial for only a subset of households who send migrants to urban areas. Though their study does not establish a causal link between out-migration and household welfare, there is the indication that migrants sent to urban areas are more likely to send remittances and remit larger amounts (ibid.). This denotes a positive correlation between the two variables provided migration is directed towards urban areas (ibid.). Though households that send migrants to rural areas also receive remittances, payments often cannot recoup the expenses incurred in moving, resulting in decreases in household welfare (ibid.). This shows that the dialectics between migration and poverty is not linear; migration is not necessarily better for all households as some can become further impoverished.
These dynamics are underpinned by differentials in initial deprivation levels and characteristics of the two migrant groups. Migrants destined for urban areas tend to have better initial deprivation levels at micro- and meso-levels and they are generally educated individuals from communities with lower average levels of education, which increases their earning potential (ibid.). Additionally, migration to urban areas entails a larger number of family members moving together or chain migrating, suggesting that their combined earning ability is greater and they are thus more likely to receive remittances of greater amounts (ibid.). Thus in Ackah and Medvedev’s study, household size, education, migration experience/direction and social capital are important determinants in shaping the welfare impacts of out-migration on poor households.
Findings from Boakye-Yiadom’s (2008, p.273) research using data from the 1998/99 round of the GLSS (GLLS 4) also depict a positive correlation between remittances and poverty at the meso-level, with remittances reducing the incidence of poverty by 6.4 per cent. Research findings also indicate that more than 60 per cent of rural households in the sample, which would have been poor in the absence of remittances, were able to escape poverty. Concurrently, however, it is indicated that some migrants who are poor would have been non-poor had they not migrated (ibid.). Tsegai (2005, p.24) explored income differentials between migrant and non-migrant households in the Volta region, using data from a household survey conducted in the region and found that migrant households earn more than their non-migrant counterparts. Examining the welfare outcomes of migrants and non-migrants in Ghana in 1991/2 and 1998/9 (using nationally representative survey data), Litchfield and Waddington (2003, p.10) found that migrant households have statistically significantly higher living standards than non-migrants. Notably, however, when non-monetary indicators of living standards, such as education enrolment, are incorporated into the study, there appears to be no differences between migrant and non-migrant households (ibid.). This highlights the imperative for more inclusive, multidimensional approaches to poverty that is currently lacking in the literature.
Qualitative studies have also shown that remittances ‘make a strong contribution to reducing economic vulnerability at least at the household and local community level’ (Dugbazah 2007, p.383). Dugbazah (2007) notes that remittances can significantly ease the purchase of consumer goods and, in some cases, increase household savings. Looking at the welfare impacts of migration on the Abutia villages in the Volta region of Ghana, Dugbazah illustrates that remittances serve as the most essential source of family income for most households surveyed and even supersede agricultural income in some cases (ibid). The centrality of remittances is encapsulated by the fact than an overwhelming 98 out of 107 households receive remittances, whilst only nine households do not (ibid.). At the same time, however, the quantity of annual remittances are generally low. Though the average annual remittance in the area is approximately GHC 180 ($99.23), almost two-thirds of households receive less than GHC 100 ($55.13) (ibid., p.379-380). Some households receive as little as GHC10 ($ 5.51) throughout the year, and others receive up to GHC 3,600 ($1,984.61) (ibid.). These remittances are generally sent on either a monthly or bi-monthly basis and although the sum is small on the aggregate and sometimes infrequent, Dugbazah maintains that the remittances are significant for meeting basic needs and reducing household poverty and vulnerability (ibid. p.381). Thus, this paper posits that while remittances may not reduce the incidence of poverty, they can reduce its severity. One may draw linkages with this perspective and Skeldon’s (2003) imperative of focusing on the impact, as opposed to the amount, of remittances in discussions on migration–poverty dialectics.
Abdulai, Awudu. 1999. International migration and agricultural development in Ghana. Scandinavian Journal of Development Alternatives 18, no.1: 61-74.
Ackah, Charles and, Denis Medvedev. 2010. Internal migration in Ghana: Determinants and welfare impacts. Policy Research Working Paper 5273, World Bank.
Amin, Samir. Migrations in contemporary Africa: A retrospective view. In The Migration Experience in Africa, edited by Jonathan Baker and Tade Akin Aina, Uppsala: Nordiska, Afrikainstitutet, 1995.
Anarfi, John, Stephen Kwankye, Ofuso-Mensah Ababio,and Richmond Tiemoko. 2002. Migration from and to Ghana: A Background Paper. Migration, Globalisation and Poverty Working Paper C4.
Bakewell, Oliver. 2007. Keeping them in their place: The ambivalent relationship between development and migration in Africa. IMI Working Paper 8, James Martin 21st Century School, University of Oxford.
Barrett, Christopher, Thomas Reardon, and Patrick Webb. 2001. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: Concepts, dynamics, and policy implications. http://inequality.cornell.edu/publications/working_papers/Barrett-Reardon-Webb_IntroFinal.pdf (accessed April 1, 2012).
Beals, Ralph, Mildred Levy, and Leon Moses. 1967. Rationality and migration in Ghana. The Review of Economics and Statistics 49, no. 4: 480-486.
Boakye-Yiadom, Louis. 2008. Rural-urban linkages and welfare: The case of Ghana’s migration and remittance flows. PhD diss., University of Bath.
Bukh, Jette.1979.The Village Woman in Ghana. Upsalla: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies.
Caldwell, John. 1968a. African Rural-Urban Migration. Canberra: Australian National University Press.
Caldwell, Jonh. 1968b. Determinants of rural-urban migration in Ghana. Population Studies: A Journal of Demography 22, no. 3:361-377. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00324728.1968.10404945 (accessed March 17, 2012).
De Haan, Arjan, and Ben Rogaly. 2002. Migrant workers and their role in rural change. Journal of Development Studies 38: 1–14. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00220380412331322481 (accessed April 1, 2012).
Dugbazah, Justina. 2007. Gender, migration and rural livelihoods in Ghana: A case of the Ho district. PhD diss., University of Birmingham.
Ewusi, Kodwo. 1986. The Dimension and Characteristics of Rural Poverty in Ghana. Accra, ISSER Technical Publication.
Ghana Statistical Service. 2008. Ghana Living Standards Survey–Report of the Fifth Round (GLSS5).” Accra: GSS.
Grant, Richard and, Jan Nijman. 2004. The re-scaling of uneven development in Ghana and India. Journal of economic and social geography 95, no.5: 467-481.
IOM. 2005. Migration, development and poverty reduction in Asia. Geneva: IOM.
Kothari, Uma. 2002. Migration and chronic poverty. Working paper no 16, Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester.
Litchfield, Julie, and Hugh Waddington. 2003. Migration and poverty in Ghana: Evidence from the Ghana Living Standards Survey. Sussex Migration Working Paper 10.
McKay, Andy, Adriana Castaldo, Saskia Gent, Priya Deshingkar, and Matteo Sandi. 2011. Internal migration and poverty: Evidence from Ghana and India. Briefing Paper, Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium, briefing paper no.1, University of Sussex.
Moore, Karen. 2001. Frameworks for understanding the intergenerational transmission of poverty and well-being in developing countries. CPRC Working Paper 8, International Development Department, School of Public Policy, University of Birmingham. http://www.chronicpoverty.org/uploads/publication_files/WP08_Moore.pdf (accessed April 21, 2012).
Nord, Mark .1998. Poor people on the move: Country to country migration and the spatial concentration of poverty. Journal of Regional Science 38, no.2: 329–351. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9787.00095/pdf (accessed April 15, 2012).
Sabates-Wheeler, Rachel, Ricardo Sabates, and Adriana Castaldo. Tackling poverty-migration linkages: Evidence from Ghana and Egypt. Social Indicators Research 87, no. 2: 307-208. DOI: 10.1007/s11205-007-9154-y (accessed April 25, 2012).
Skeldon, Ronald. 2003. Migration and poverty. Paper presented at the conference on African Migration and Urbanization in Comparative Perspective, Johannesburg, South Africa, June 4 – 7.
Stark, Oded and, Shlomo Yitzhaki. 1982. Migration, growth, distribution and welfare. Economics Letters 10, no. 3: 243-249.
Todaro, Michael. 1976. Internal Migration in Developing Countries. Geneva: International Labour Organization.
Tsegai, Daniel and, Quang Bao Le. 2011. District-level spatial analysis of migration flows in Ghana: Determinants and implications for policy. Regional Science Policy and Practice 3, no. 2: 87-100. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1757-7802.2011.01031.x/abstract (accessed April 25, 2012).
Tsegai, Daniel. 2005. Migration and Household Income Differentials. Paper Presented at the 11th EADI General Conference on Insecurity and Development, Bonn 21 -24 September.
Tutu, K. A. “Determinants of Internal Migration.” In Migration Research Study in Ghana, by K.A. Twum-Baah, J. S. Nabila and A. F. Aryee. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service, 1995.
Waddington, Clare. 2003. Livelihood outcomes of migration for poor people. Working Paper T1, Sussex Centre for Migration Research.


text:
Ingredients.—½ a lb. of cold mutton, 1 lb. of mashed potato, 1 oz. of butter or dripping, ½ a pint of gravy or stock, 1 teaspoonful of parboiled and finely-chopped onion, salt and pepper.
Method.—Cut the meat into small thin slices. Melt half the butter or fat in a stewpan, add to it the potato, salt and pepper, and stir over the fire until thoroughly mixed. Grease a pie-dish, line the bottom thinly with potato, put in the meat, sprinkle each layer with onion, salt and pepper, pour in the gravy, and cover with potato. The potato covering may be given a rough appearance by scoring it in every direction with a fork, or it may be made to resemble an ordinary crust by being smoothed over with a knife, notched at the edges, and brushed over with the yolk of egg before baking. When egg is not used for this purpose, the remainder of the butter or fat must be put on the top of the pie in small pieces. Bake in a moderate oven until the surface is well-browned.
Time.—To bake, from 30 to 40 minutes. Average Cost, 10d. to 1s. Sufficient for 3 or 4 persons.
1070.—SPICED MUTTON. (Fr.—Mouton Épicé.)
Ingredients.—A boned leg or shoulder of mutton, 8 ozs. of common salt, 1 oz. of bay-salt, ¾ of an oz. of saltpetre, 4 ozs. of moist sugar, 1 teaspoonful of pepper, 1 dessertspoonful of finely-chopped shallot or onion, 1 saltspoonful of powdered allspice, 1 saltspoonful of powdered cloves.
Method.—Mix the ingredients together, rub the preparation well into the meat, and repeat daily for a fortnight. When ready, rinse in warm water, and bind into a good shape with strong tape. Cook very gently for 5 or 6 hours in good stock, or water flavoured with vegetables, press between 2 dishes until cold, glaze, and use as required.
Time.—To pickle, 14 days. To cook, 5 to 6 hours. Average Cost, 10d. to 1s. per lb. Seasonable at any time.
Ingredients.—2 lb. of neck of mutton, 2 lb. of apples sliced, 1 lb. of onions sliced, 1 tablespoonful of mushroom ketchup, sugar, salt and pepper, suet paste (see Pastes).
Method.—Divide the neck into cutlets, place them in a piedish, and season rather well with salt and pepper. Add the apples and onions in layers, sprinkle with sugar, and half fill the dish with boiling water. Bake in the oven for about 1½ hours. Before serving, pour the gravy out at the side, skim off all the fat, add the mushroom ketchup, season to taste, and return to the pie. Serve hot. Bake in the oven for about 1½ hours.
Time.—Two hours. Average Cost, 2s. 3d. Sufficient for 5 or 6 persons. Seasonable at any time.

domain: food


'It has everything to do with TRPs.'
'It is a potboiler as Bollywood stars are involved.'
The death of Bollywood actor Sushant Singh Rajput has gone from being a case of suicide to a cause celebre, thanks to the shrill campaign by some television news channels.
The nightly overdose of conspiracy theories, fulminations against some politicians and the Mumbai police and even investigations into the case all come at a time of major developments like the raging coronavirus pandemic which shows no sign of abating, the collapse of the economy and Chinese transgressions into Indian territory, all of which seem to have been overshadowed by Rajput's death.
Upset by the nightly media trial, eight retired senior Indian Police Service officers moved the Bombay high court against the 'unfair, malicious and false media campaign' against the Mumbai police in the Sushant Singh Rajput death case.
Former director of general of police, Maharashtra Dhanushkodi Sivanandan is one of the petitioners in the case in which the high court observed on Thursday, September 3, that the media needs to exercise restraint while publishing news about the investigation.
'We urge and expect the media to exercise restraint before publishing or reporting on details of the investigation and report in such a manner that it does not hamper the investigation, Justice A A Sayed and Justice S P Tavade said.
Speaking to A Ganesh Nadar/Rediff.com, Sivanandan says, "e are not asking for gagging or muzzling the media."
While the Mumbai police were inquiring into the case, was it right for the Bihar police to file an FIR in the same case?
It is right for the Bihar police to file an FIR. They have to file a zero FIR. Then they have to send it to the concerned police station. They should have sent it to Mumbai.
People can file an FIR anywhere. Like, when there is a robbery in a train. You file the FIR at the next station.
You are upset by the false propaganda against the Mumbai police, but what about the fact that actress Rhea Chakraborty is being crucified on some television channels without any evidence?
We are talking about the shrill coverage. They are appointing their own investigators. Hearsay is being used as facts.
News agencies cannot investigate, conduct the case and go to court. That only the police can do. The Mumbai police and the CBI are doing that.
About Rhea Chakraborty -- I am not taking sides. Let the truth come out. Let the investigation close and prove it to the court beyond doubt. The Mumbai police or the CBI has to do that.
So far no evidence has come out. Professionalism in broadcasting is necessary. There is a moral code of conduct which everyone should follow.
The court has to judge, not the media. We need a chargesheet to proceed.
What is your personal opinion in the Sushant Singh Rajput case, was he murdered or was it a case of suicide?
99% in my opinion, it is suicide.
From the evidence so far, I think he was depressed. (But) It is not conclusive proof.
This is not the first time media shrillness has occurred. It was there even in the Aarushi Talwar murder case. But no one thought of restraining the media from playing investigator and judge.
So what made you and your colleagues take this step of moving the court?
The Sushant Singh Rajput case is more hyperactive than the Aarushi Talwar case. It has gone beyond belief. They have gone sky high.
Even in the Jessica Lal murder case they had gone overboard.
Many people are happy with this case taking the centre-stage, as it keeps the attention away from the pandemic and the economy. What is your view on this?
In my view, I agree.
But a blanket ban on reporting this case might do more harm than good, isn't it?
All we are saying is, report only after authentication.
You cannot appoint investigators, you cannot charge sheet. That is the work of the CBI.
You cannot judge and hang on a TV channel.
Report only what the investigating agencies authenticate. You have to follow an ethical and moral code of conduct.
While some sections of the media may be sensationalist, the Right to Know is an important part of democracy, isn't it?
Everyone has the right to information. We are not asking for gagging or muzzling (the media). All we are asking is, stick to your own code of conduct.
What exactly are your expectations from the court?
We are expecting the court to uphold Freedom of Expression, but we would be happy if they heard our petition to tone down the shrill voices.
To publish facts, as and when the investigating agencies give them to you.
If the Mumbai police believes its image is being tarnished, it could file a defamation case.
There are two types of defamatory cases, civil and criminal. Civil cases are cumbersome.
All we want is for them (the television channels) to be restrained as per their own code of conduct.
Do you agree that the media frenzy has nothing to do with the Mumbai police or Sushant Singh Rajput, but everything to do with politics?
It has everything to do with TRPs. It is a potboiler as Bollywood stars are involved.
What can the CBI do in the case that the Mumbai police cannot?
They will investigate and take a call. I have worked with the CBI for three years. I was joint director (west zone) from 2001 to 2004.
I have complete faith in them. If they have a case, they will file.


text:
[London]: Printed at Strawberry-Hill for R. and J. Dodsley in Pall-Mall, 1757. Illustrated with engraved title page vignette.
First edition, first issue. 11ff. including half title and title pages. This is the first book Horace Walpole, long time friend of Thomas Gray, printed at his Strawberry-Hill Press.
Quarto, full brown crushed morocco, lettered in gilt, inner gilt dentelles, marbled endpapers, top edges gilt by Rodt & Son, London. Extremities a little rubbed, spine a little darkened, six leaves, including title page, with professional repairs of tears.

domain: artistic


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Have you ever thought about “spiritual writing,” using different literary forms to express your spiritual longings and experiences? Or would you like to hear or share the reflections of others, including significant spiritual writers? Come to a newly forming group in the fellowship hall at Midway Presbyterian Church to explore spiritual memoir, essays, journals, reflections, and prayers.
For that first meeting, please feel free to bring something you’ve written, or a piece by someone else, and be prepared to read it aloud if you wish (let’s make a 5 minute limit to start). If nothing comes to mind, you may want to just talk (or write) about why you’re interested in a group like this.
We’ll be informal, with a purpose of listening and supporting, not offering critique. All are welcome.
More information? Contact Melissa Bane Sevier at (859) 321-3568 or firstname.lastname@example.org.

domain: literature


text:
Whitewater kayaking might not be for the faint of heart, but rapids are my sanctuary
Head northwest along the Potomac River about 15 miles from Washington, D.C., and you'll find a world-class whitewater playground. The Great Falls area of this mighty river — steeped in history — has been my urban sanctuary for more than two decades.
I got hooked on whitewater kayaking after a rafting trip down the Gauley River in West Virginia. I had just retired from being a competitive in-line speed skater and was looking for a sport that required a similar blend of skill, discipline, rhythmic motion and technique.
We were a team of eight on the raft, muscling through the turbulent rapids under the yelling command of a guide. But I was drawn by the folks in the small, colorful plastic boats all around us — mesmerized by the way they carved through the same big water with precision, artistry and grace under pressure. The age range looked to be teenagers to seniors. I knew at that point that a switch from the asphalt to the water would feel just right.
Within a week of that trip, I purchased my first kayak — a Prijon Hurricane. A few extra bucks for cold weather outfitting and I could paddle year-round. The Great Falls section of the Potomac River, bordering Maryland and Virginia, became my new backyard.
The Potomac offers outdoor adventure and a workout
The epic rapids along this section of the Potomac offer thrills and challenges for anyone from the die-hard to the weekend warrior.
Full disclosure, I have not descended the Great Falls rapid itself. Just watch any helmet-cam video online and you'll see why. It's not for the faint of heart. When I get on the river, I usually start just below the falls and run rapids that nonetheless require skill and a certain amount of physical and mental fortitude.
It's the best combination of outdoor adventure and full-body workout. Plus, it's nearby and accessible.
On the roughly 8-mile stretch between Great Falls and Little Falls, there's a little bit of every difficulty level — the Great Falls rapid itself being a Class V+ (expert), according to American Whitewater. Most of the currents below that range from Class I (beginner) to Class III and are ideal for learning how to "read water." In other words, how the river flows in order to navigate boulders, eddies and potentially hazardous obstacles, all in the company of blue herons, ducklings and rock climbers along the scenic Mather Gorge.
It's also a perfect place to learn the most critical part of the sport: how to upright the kayak if capsized. The feeling of being trapped upside down was definitely my first mental hurdle to overcome.
That's because whitewater kayaks are not your typical recreational or sit-on-top kayak. In a whitewater boat, I wedge my lower body into the cockpit and then seal myself in the kayak with a tight-fitting neoprene spray skirt. The idea is for the boat to be an extension of the body. The hips, thighs, knees and feet work together along with the arms and torso to maneuver the kayak through the rapids.
Paddling local waters has led to so much more
These boats are also designed to spin on a dime, so maintaining a steady and rhythmic stroke can take some getting used to. Once I got the basics down, I was out there practicing and playing in the rapids just about every day. With the skills I developed on these local waters, I've been able to tackle big rivers in the French Alps, Norway, Panama and across the East Coast, including the Gauley.
There is a fairly large whitewater kayaking community in the D.C. metro area, a few clubs, social media groups and kayak instruction schools. The Potomac has been a training ground for former and aspiring Olympians. The sport has been growing in popularity, mostly driven by the early days of the pandemic and the impulse to expand our outdoor activity options.
And while Washington, D.C., is a major metropolitan city, I'm able to transition from being in a downtown office to a whitewater haven in about a half-hour — barring traffic delays.
As much as I love paddling on the Potomac and the social aspects of the sport, there's an awkward side to it that I've become increasingly aware of over the years. As a Black man, I'm often the only person of color when I meet up with other kayakers to run a river.
Early on, the awkwardness was rooted in not wanting to draw too much attention to the fact that I was the only nonwhite person in the group. There's also the awkwardness (maybe even occasional uneasiness) of driving rural back roads to access certain rivers.
Lily Durkee, who is Asian American, has had similar experiences since she started whitewater kayaking on the Potomac when she was 9. In June 2020, she co-founded Diversify Whitewater, a nonprofit that organizes whitewater and other water sports events across the country to raise awareness among underrepresented groups, women and communities of color and to help remove barriers of entry to the sports.
I've become more comfortable as an 'only' in the sport I love and, ultimately, it's about feeling safe around those with whom I paddle.
"Going to the events and seeing the expressions on people's faces and hearing the laughter on the river is probably one of the most rewarding things I have experienced paddling," Durkee says.
Recently, a dozen or so outdoor enthusiasts showed up for a Diversify Whitewater event on the Potomac. After some water-reading basics, the novice crew paddled off and made it through a couple of Class II-ish rapids unscathed, with grins from ear to ear.
But was that afternoon's thrill enough to get them hooked on the sport, and will I see any of them on the river again someday?
I've become more comfortable as an "only" in the sport I love and, ultimately, it's about feeling safe around those with whom I paddle. When I'm running a river, serious injury can be staring me in the face at every turn. The common bond with my fellow kayakers rests in how we look out for each other on the water.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.

domain: geography


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Here are the 2010 Standard Mileage Rates:
Beginning on Jan. 1, 2012, the standard mileage rates for the use of a car (also vans, pickups or panel trucks) will be:
- 55.5 cents per mile for business miles driven
- 23 cents per mile driven for medical or moving purposes
- 14 cents per mile driven in service of charitable organizations
The rate for business miles driven is unchanged from the mid-year adjustment that became effective on July 1, 2011. The medical and moving rate has been reduced by 0.5 cents per mile.

domain: finance


text:
Call to Book
As you may know, before enrolling in Acupuncture College, I graduated from Camosun College’s Visual Arts Program. It was quite a lateral move, going from my primary interests of drawing, painting, and sculpture, to studying how the mind and body works, and how to help them heal. I felt that way as well.
At the time, I wasn’t thinking about careers or livelihoods, I was just pursuing my interests. I went to art school to become a better artist, and I went to acupuncture school to learn how to be healthy and help my loved ones to be healthy too. Partway through acupuncture school I got married and had a child, so livelihood became a much more emphasized part of the picture. This helped me to bring a level of seriousness to my studies to become the licensed and competent practitioner that I am today.
Looking back I have asked myself. “why did you go strait from art school to acupuncture school?” and I recognize how each of these aspects of my life fulfill a different purpose for me. Making art has always been a very liberated and self permitting act for me. In my creative process I enter a time warp where I attempt to balance chaos and control and that time is really just for me. Others may get something from what I do, but that isn’t the reason I do it. I do it because I like to do it.
I wanted my life and career to serve a higher purpose that that, and I didn’t want to compromise my art to try and make it serve that purpose. To that goal, I went about facilitating others creative process though Interactive art installations “Creation Stations” at festivals and through BC, chalk art jams though Victoria and Vancouver, and phosphorescent light painting installations, “Glow On”. I shared my own creative process via live painting at events and festivals throughout BC. I also found much joy in collaborating on public mural projects for the Rock Bay Restoration Project, and Stair Well at Centennial Square (Victoria), and displaying my artwork alongside other indigenous artists at Open Space. These were fun, engaging, and meaningful things to be part of. I’ve had a solo shows, at the Ministry of Casual Living, and Spiral Cafe, and continued to chip away at new pieces for future shows I’m planning. I also love admiring my daughter’s passion for drawing, and collaborating on projects with her here and there.
Right now I am finding little ways to fit more art visual arts practice into my everyday life. The Life that I am working toward is one that again balances my creative process with my professional practice. As these are both meaningful parts of myself, I wish to nourish and integrate both, so as to continue to grow into my fullest and truest self.
Pictures from my March 2020 show at the Ministry of Casual Living – “Dihedral”


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text:
Healthy Protein Recipes and Meal Ideas
Looking after your body is not just about exercise. It’s important that you eat a healthy balanced diet too. So we’ve put together some really tasty and easy-to-follow recipes using your Goddess Nutrition™ sports supplements, that not only taste great but also make incredible fitness-friendly snacks!
Guilt-Free Brownie Bites
Tuesday, December 18, 2018
Makes 16-20 bites.
- 170g plain flour
- x3 scoops (90g) Chocolate Brownie Complete Slimming Meal Replacement
- 50g cacao powder (or cocoa powder)
- 1 teaspoon baking powder
- 2 eggs
- 1 tablespoon vanilla extract
- 170g runny honey
- 140g low-fat Greek yoghurt
- 1 ripe banana (peeled)
- 1 ripe avocado (peeled and pitted
- 80g fresh spinach
- 85g dark chocolate chips
- (Muffin/Cupcake cases)
- Preheat oven to 180 degrees C
- In a large bowl, combine the flour, meal replacement powder, cacao powder and baking powder
- Use a blender to blend together the eggs, banana, avocado, vanilla extract, honey, yoghurt and spinach until smooth
- Pour the wet ingredients into the dry ingredients and mix until just combined (do not over mix else the result will be more “cake-like”)
- Mix in the dark chocolate chips
- Place muffin/cupcake cases onto a muffin tray and carefully spoon the batter evenly into the cases so that they are around three quarters full
- Bake for around 20 minutes, or until fully cooked through
- Enjoy as a guilt-free snack!
We’d love to see how your treats turned out! Tag us on social media and use the hashtag #GoddessNutrition.


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STAMFORD, Conn. -- A West Haven Pplumber was arrested after allegedly punching a Stamford Fire Marshal in the face, according to Patch.com.
Anthony Malangone, 38, was allegedly responding to a call in Stamford for a burst pipe. Fire Marshals arrived on the scene when Malangone was unable to contain the leaky pipe, which began pouring water on electrical outlets, Patch.com said.
Malangone was allegedly attempting to leave the home when fire marshals attempted to question him. Malangone then allegedly punched the marshal in the face and kicked him in the chest, according to Patch.com.
- 1 Stamford Man Charged With Spitting At Cabbie During Traffic Dispute
- 2 Stamford's First Snowfall Of Season Could Arrive Over Weekend
- 3 Merritt Reopens In Greenwich After Truck Slams Into Bridge, Catches Fire
- 4 Popular Armonk Restaurant Plans Stamford Opening
- 5 Another Frigid Winter Unlikely In Stamford, NOAA Predicts

domain: news


text:
One would think that our world, compared to the past centuries where pandemics have killed millions of people is better equipped when it comes to fending off diseases thanks to medical breakthroughs and innovations. Intuitively, we expect less infectious diseases to pop out and spread today.
However, we know that this is not true at all. One can recall diseases such as SARS, Ebola, Zika, HIV/AIDS and the current Wuhan Coronavirus seemingly plaguing our world in never before seen frequencies. What is happening?
The frequency of disease outbreaks can be attributed mainly to three factors:
- We travel more and we travel further than ever
- We live closer together, e.g., in urban areas
- Poverty — a huge weakener of health — is rampant
All of these factors lead to increased exposure and vulnerability to infectious diseases. This is the main reason why disease outbreaks are more rampant than they were in the past.
Moreover, climate change is also closely linked to the prevalence of infectious diseases, since the warming climate is a perfect environment for some disease carriers like mosquitoes to thrive.
From our partners:
Now we have to ask, where are these emerging infections coming from, to begin with?
According to the Baylor College of Medicine, emerging infections result from:
- Previously unknown infectious agents
- Known agents that reached new locations
- Known agents with previously unrecognized roles in diseases
- Re-emergence of diseases which has once died down
Preventing the spread
Knowing this, how then, do we stop these infections from spreading? Let’s boil it down one by one.
For previously unknown infectious agents & known agents with previously unrecognized roles in diseases
For previously unknown or unrecognized agents, much research is needed in order to understand the mechanics of transmission. In this case, medical researchers should be given firepower in the manner of funds to empower them.
For known agents that reached new locations
This is applicable for people who travel or plan to settle elsewhere. While people inhabiting a country have gained immunity, this might not be applicable to you. With this, full awareness of the potential risks and getting the appropriate immunizations, if available, is the responsible thing to do.
For the re-emergence of diseases which has once died down
The reemergence of diseases in a location where it has already died down is indicative of a decline in the health measures previously enforced for its suppression. The reinforcement of these measures is therefore imperative.
Another possible reason could be the appearance of new strains which gained resistance to medications used to fend them off. This is due to the overuse of antibiotics which is quite prevalent in our world. Refusal to get vaccination is, of course, another factor to take into account. The public health sector should maintain its aggression when it comes to disseminating accurate information to the public.
Not a lost cause
While the emergence of a disease is practically unpredictable, it doesn’t mean that we’re helpless. Our circumstances might be a huge disfavour in combating these diseases, but we still have our developed medical technology in our favour.
We should empower our citizens to become healthy, to practice basic hygiene daily, and be well-informed by disseminating information and providing them with access to health services. We shouldn’t wait out diseases to reach uncontrollable levels before we begin thinking of preventive measures, we should begin now.
While it is easy to maintain a state of complacency, a careful stance is way more preferable than millions of lives lost.

domain: biology