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One of the reasons that I love riding so much is that it fulfills a life-long fantasy of running away. For any kid who grows up in a household where aliveness is met with violence, the only safe place for spirit to reside is within the fantasy of escape. It is only recently that I’ve come to recognize the many ways that I attempt daily to run away from things that have already happened. Whether it’s riding, over working, watching tv, drinking, or general busyness, I seem to be a master of outrunning the past.
In solitude is where my heart feels safest, where my lungs can let in a little more air and my eyes can open a little wider. In solitude I can come a little more into myself and take in my surroundings with more ease.
Connecting with human beings comes with less ease to me. Although I love spending time with friends and family, dropping into a heartfelt connection with someone brings a terror and panic that I usually try to wipe out with a sarcastic joke. Although it is something that a part of me longs for deeply, there is a discomfort that comes with approaching closeness that feels like tip-toeing toward a black hole.
Although I feel safest when I am alone, there is another side to solitude that tugs at me from time to time, like a shirt that is tucked in wrong on one side. I first noticed this tug one afternoon as I was riding through a wide open plain on what’s called The Loneliest Road in America. (Huh, I didn’t notice the connection until just now). This road expands across massive stretches of rock and open fields for hundreds of miles with few services in between.
I could see for miles on all sides of me, the enormous snaking road reaching toward the horizon. To my left, way in the distance, I caught sight of a train traveling parallel to me. Our paths appeared to intersect ahead as we approached the distant mountains. I pulled the throttle slightly, feeling the desire to outrun the train on its tracks. I flipped down my visor, gripped the handlebars, and decided to race the wind and the train to the horizon.
For hours we rode side by side, each glance marking my slow but steady gain. I passed birds in mid flight, grazing deer, and distant clouds. “I can easily outrun that train,” I thought. And by the end of the 3 hour ride, I had left it far behind me. A part of me felt victorious, the other part that felt defeated I tried to ignore.
The tug pulled at me when traveling through national parks, where I’d see families and couples enjoying the scenery and sharing triumphant, winded smiles at summits together. I met groups of people on the trails who would ask me to take photos for them, often offering to return the favor. Usually I would decline, or if they insisted I would just delete the photos of me later. After months alone on the road, a part of me curiously longed for someone to share these experiences with. But no, says my little kid, it’s safer to stay alone.
There are times when I wonder how we know when it is the right time to approach the things that terrify us, to give up the pain of holding our experiences at arm’s length for the pain of walking through them. When it’s right to run away and when it’s safe to come back home. These kind of questions patiently persist in my mind and heart as I move through life in between the safety of numbness, and the terror, yet longing for, of aliveness and connection.
Most of the time I try to ignore that tug, that tug that says maybe there’s something on that train worth looking at. The tug that says maybe it’s ok to stop running away from things that have already happened. These possibilities sit just above my consciousness as I experiment with dismounting the bike to say hello to the world once in awhile, then quickly put my helmet back on and zoom off into the distant mountains again.

domain: literature


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Clinical Lab QA Associate II
Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center - Seattle, WA
Certified medical technologist preferred. Are you a medical technologist or have GCLP experience? Cures Start Here....
Medical Technologist - Lab: Nights
Northwest Hospital & Medical Center - Seattle, WA
Medical Technologists without bachelor degrees:. Medical Technologists with BSMT or relevant science degree and internship:....
Medical Technologist, Laboratory
Forks Community Hospital - Washington State
The Medical technologist performs duties such as chemical, microscopic, serologic, hematological, immunohematologic, EKG’s and bacteriologic tests to provide...
Medical Assistant - Call & Referral Intake
EvergreenHealth - Kirkland, WA
Proficient with medical terminology. Current national certification through the American Association of Medical Assistants (AAMA), American Medical Technologist...
Imaging Center Manager
Radia - Redmond, WA
5 or more years work experience as technologist in Radiology; Works with the Imaging Center Medical Director and Director of Imaging Centers to determine focus...
Clinical Laboratory - Section Supervisor (
Overlake Medical Center and Clinics - Bellevue, WA
Medical, dental, vision. American Society of Clinical Pathologists (ASCP) - Medical Technologist (MT) or National Certification Agency (NCA) - Clinical...
Altius Diagnostics Laboratory - Bellevue, WA
Benefits include medical, dental, vision, 401K, paid holidays, and vacation/sick pay for Full-Time candidates....
Seattle Cancer Care Alliance - Seattle, WA
Shares with the technologists the responsibility for stocking the procedure rooms with supplies and linen; Assists the physicians and technologists as requested...
Endo Tech CMA or NA,C (Weekdays)
Puget Sound Gastroenterology - Kirkland, WA
Prefer Surgical Technologist, CS Tech Training, CMA or NA,C. Eastside Gastroenterology (a division of Puget Sound Gastroenterology) is a healthcare leader in...
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Enjoy Four Mild Seasons in beautiful Washington State! MT/MLT (ASCP) or (AMT). 10 PM - 8:30 AM / and Every other Weekend. You must be a Generalist with strong

domain: medical


text:
The year 2017 is getting off to a good start with a new record for Brussels Airport. 1,533,489 passengers chose Brussels Airport as their departure or destination airport in January, with a considerable growth during the first half of the month in particular. This 3.5% increase on January 2016 can be explained both by the holiday period that extended into the second week of January and by the ongoing impact of the Brussels lockdown in November 2015, which affected the results until the beginning of 2016.
A 5.4% increase in the number of originating passengers departing from Brussels Airport is recorded compared to January of last year. There was a slight decline in the number of transfer passengers. This is mainly due to the termination of Jet Airways operations in March 2016. The activities of Brussels Airlines and the low-cost carriers are the main drivers of the growth recorded last month.
The progress in full-freighter traffic recorded at Brussels Airport at the end of last year is continuing its momentum in January 2017. Although the Chinese New Year has fallen earlier this year and cargo activity is generally slower during this period, the airport is seeing an exceptional increase of over 21% in freight transport compared to January 2016. Cargo volumes consolidate our results and continue to play an important role in our airport operations.
The integrator segment also recorded a significant volume growth of 7.6% compared to January 2016. Only belly cargo, cargo transported on board passenger aircraft, is declining. This is mainly due to the departure of certain airlines such as Jet Airways in March 2016 and therefore to the decrease in the number of long-haul flights.
In addition, Brussels Airport notes that the share of exports of pharmaceuticals and perishables in the cargo activities at Brussels Airport is gaining ground.
The number of movements is up slightly by 1.2% compared to January 2016, i.e. nearly 2% more passengers per flight. This brings the average number of passengers per flight to 103.

domain: travel


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Yep, and she's mentioned this to anyone who was willing to listen.
During a recent interview on Metro FM the Isidingo actress explained that the Brenda Fassie role would definitely be one of the ultimate roles she'd love to play in the near future. She explained that even before the Brenda Fassie movie was announced, she had long set her eyes on playing such a role.
"I've always said this, 'one day I'm going to play uBrenda Fassie.' I've always said this. And then I went on Zaziwa long before what's happening now and when Pearl asked me what role I would like to play I was like 'Yo man I would love to play Brenda Fassie."
Soso explained that she found out about the Brenda Fassie movie after her phone buzzed non-stop. She was confused as to what was going on only to find out that she was tagged in many of the #BrendFassie tweets that were being posted on social media.
"When I opened my phone I just saw this trending hashtag about Brenda Fassie and I was tagged on most of the tweets and I was just like wow, I literally just spoke about this late last year."
The actress says she was humbled by the many people who think and supports the idea of her playing the role of one of the most loved musicians of our country.
Main Image Credit: Instagram/@Sosovanderru

domain: news


text:
Create a Website Account - Manage notification subscriptions, save form progress and more.
Danville Police are looking for Gary Lee Henry, Jr., 30, who is wanted on charges of aggravated malicious wounding, eluding police and hit and run.
A 31-year-old male called 911 after he was stabbed in the 400 block of Dula Street on June 21 about 1:30 a.m. The man told police that Henry stabbed him and then left in a burgundy sedan.
Officers located the burgundy sedan on West Main Street and led officers on a brief vehicle pursuit that ended in the 600 block of Edgewood Drive. The vehicle crashed into a fence and Henry ran from the scene. Officers searched the area but were unable to locate him.
The victim was taken to the hospital in serious but stable condition.
Anyone who may have information on this case or Henry’s location can contact us at 434-793-0000 or use our crime tips app CARE at https://www.p3tips.com/tipform.aspx?ID=818#.


text:
Study: My Understanding of
As the medical industry is advancing, the seniors now find it easy to live longer and live full lives. Many elderly people now prefer to age from the comfort of their homes rather than in hospitals due to a couple of reasons. Independence is lost due to age and when they are at home alone, it might be very hard for them to survive. Home health care is therefore important in such a case since it will provide better services. There are many options that come with these services which will keep the elderly comfortable. When you choose this option for the elderly, there are many benefits for them. Therefore, have a look at the key reasons why home health care is trending and why people prefer this care option for their loved ones.
Seniors need clean and safe hygiene and this will be achieved when you choose for the home health care services. Sometimes, they will not be able to do the chores alone until when they have a person to assist them. Assisting the elderly with some light household chores also is important since when they age, they will lose independence. Therefore, a team from home health care services will be able to assist the elderly with all the chores. Seniors also need safety when they are at home and this will be due to the loss of mobility. They services will come up with ideas on how to keep them very safe in their home environment.
Since you want the elderly to remain healthy, nutrition is important. It might be hard for them to maintain a well-balanced diet in their meals due to hardships in the food preparation processes. Education and necessary support to the elderly will be provided by the team on the importance of proper nutrition. Company and socialization will also be provided to the elderly. Through the interaction, the elderly will always remain happy. They are also good when it comes to reminding the elderly about the medication that they need to take.
As a caregiver, it might be stressful for you to be working throughout and you need to have someone to give you a break. This is the time that you really need to have the home-based health care services to take control. Adapting to a new environment after being subjected to the hospital environment might also be hard for the elderly. Also, sometimes the home-based care is important to make sure you are completing the recovery due to an injury just at home. This is the best care option for you to choose since they will customize their services to meet the demand of the elderly.

domain: sociology


PowerCell Sweden has received an order worth €1.05m for its S3 fuel cell stacks from German auto supplier Bosch.
The stacks will be delivered to Bosch within the framework of the joint development and licensing agreement the two companies signed last year.
In April 2019, Bosch and PowerCell Sweden signed an agreement to jointly mass produce hydrogen fuel cells for the automotive segment.
The agreement includes the joint development of the S3 and a license whereby Bosch gets the exclusive right to produce and sell the new and improved version for automotive applications such as cars, trucks and buses.
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text:
Damen Shipyards Group has signed a contract with Abu Dhabi Ports and its subsidiary Abu Dhabi Marine Services (Safeen) for the supply of two new ASD tugs.
The vessels will join the twelve harbour tugs already in service with Safeen, the fleet operating subsidiary of Abu Dhabi Ports responsible for pilotage, mooring, vessel handling, and towage at the said port.
In particular, these will be supporting vessel movements at Khalifa Port’s two container terminals managed by ADT/MSC and COSCO Shipping Port Limited as well as EGA’s berth for bauxite shipped to its smelter in Al Taweelah.
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domain: economics


text:
Plan Advances for New Agency for Consumers; GOP, Wall Street against It
Byline: Sean Lengell, THE WASHINGTON TIMES
House Democrats moved closer Wednesday to adopting President Obama's plan for a new regulatory agency designed to protect consumers from unscrupulous financial deals, despite opposition by Republicans and Wall Street.
House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank said he plans to prepare a final draft for the legislation the week of Oct. 12, promising that the new agency would offer greater protections for mortgages, credit cards and loans by establishing simpler and more transparent rules and regulations.
The proposed Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA) would strip consumer regulatory powers …
Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com
Publication information: Article title: Plan Advances for New Agency for Consumers; GOP, Wall Street against It. Contributors: Not available. Newspaper title: The Washington Times (Washington, DC). Publication date: October 1, 2009. Page number: A07. © 2009 The Washington Times LLC. COPYRIGHT 2009 Gale Group.
This material is protected by copyright and, with the exception of fair use, may not be further copied, distributed or transmitted in any form or by any means.

domain: finance


text:
Theater on Sirius
Sirius is broadcasting "Theater of the New Ear," two radio dramas featuring some of Hollywood`s top stars.
Among the celebrity voices to be heard on Sirius Sept. 2 through Sept. 5 will Marcia Gay Harden, John Goodman, Steve Buscemi, Peter Dinklege, Hope Davis, Meryl Streep and Philip Seymour Hoffman, the New York Daily News reported Sunday.
Read more here
by United Press International

domain: entertainment


8 shot magazine extension for the Weatherby PA-459 20ga pump shotgun. Will not fit the Semi Auto shotguns. Fits guns with barrels of 18 1/2 inches or longer. Will add 2 rounds of 2 3/4 shells to your shotgun. These kits are constructed of solid steel and come with 1 Magazine Extension and a barrel clamp for support (sling swivel loop pictured is no longer included). DOES NOT COME WITH NEW SPRING, YOU USE THE ORIGINAL FACTORY SPRING!


text:
Excerpts from my Novels and Works in Progress
“Everything’s gone wrong in my life. It’s piled up on me like dirty laundry and I just can’t take the smell of it any longer.” My eyes fixed on the framed photograph of the smiling husband and wife, each holding a twin in their arms. “What ever happened to my perfect little family; my quintessential life?” I grabbed the bottle of Johnnie Walker Scotch whisky by the neck, emptied it into a glass and gulped it down. “This is It!” I picked up the .38 Colt revolver, cocked the hammer and peered into the darkness of its barrel. As I took one last look around the dimly lit room something caught my eye. It was my old, scuffed and worn Fender Stratocaster, propped up against the adjacent wall. It seemed like it was watching me like a…sentinel. “Maybe one last time,” I whispered under my breath, as I placed the Colt down on the coffee table, staggered across the room and picked up the old Strat. As involuntarily as breathing, I strummed an old Hawaiian tune, the first song I had learned so long ago. The music stopped as my trembling hands wrapped around the neck of the guitar as if holding a lifeline. Tears burst forth and ran down my cheeks at the lifetime of memories that were written on the strings of the old guitar.
“How did I get here?” I sobbed.
I sat on the edge of my bed and strummed an old acoustic guitar. Like most thirteen year olds my bedroom walls were adorned with posters of Elvis Presley, Jerry Lee Lewis, Johnny Cash and other rock ’n roll performers. My best friend, Joey Roca, stood next to me and grinned with admiration at the way I played the guitar. His long black curls bounced to the beat of the music like a hundred coil springs. I abruptly stopped playing. “Joey, come with me over to Carrie’s house!”
“What? Why? Whaddya want to go over there for?”
“I’ve had a crush on her since second grade, you know that! Besides, I want to serenade her.”
“Serenade? Oh brother, you got to be kidding, right?” laughed Joey.
Carrie lived just around the corner from me. It was a short walk to the alley that ran along the side of her house, a modest three bedroom, with green stucco and white trim. We walked quickly; I carried the old acoustic guitar by the neck. We positioned ourselves in the alley outside Carrie’s bedroom window. From our vantage point we could see Carrie and her older sister, Patty, sitting on a bed doing their homework. Carrie sat against the window, legs folded under her, while Patty, her 15-year-old sister, sat on the edge of the mattress. A pretty, petite blonde, Carrie’s blossoming figure belied her age, though she was only thirteen. Patty, while not as pretty as Carrie, was known to make up for it with personality plus, so neither sister overwhelmed the other’s appeal.
“Isn’t she pretty, Joey?” I asked, gawking at the sisters’ matching light blue flannel pajamas with little yellow butterflies on them, as the girls laughed about something neither of us boys understood. Girls, I thought and shook my head in bewilderment.
The sun had just gone down, and it was now dark outside. I strummed the guitar and started to sing “Love Me Tender,” one of my favorite Elvis Presley love songs. Joey laughed out loud at the sight of my serenade. Carrie and Patty at first seemed surprised by the music but ran to the window and peered out. They giggled, and then laughed. Patty lightly elbowed her sister, teasing her as they listened to the song. I saw Carrie sink down behind the windowsill, peek out over the edge. She seemed flattered, of course-but mostly embarrassed, her face was a bright red.
“Aww! How sweet! Nobody ever serenaded me,” said Patty. “He’s cute too!” Carrie’s smile grew wider and her face grew redder.
I continued to play and got louder as my bravado increased, but the music abruptly came to an end at the bellowing of Carrie’s rotund father. “What the hell’s going on here!” he yelled angrily. We took off running down the alley and didn’t stop until we got home.


text:
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Summary: A host of attributes should make India a staunch supporter of a global, liberal order. Yet since the days of its first prime minister, the country has been ambivalent about support for liberal/democratic principles and institutions abroad. This paper will briefly review well-known features of India’s post-independence historical record on the liberal order. It will examine the underlying reasons that explain the positions the country adopted, focus on the incremental policy shifts at the Cold War’s end, and then discuss the country’s likely support for such issues in the future.
India in the Liberal Order
by Sumit Ganguly
Introduction A host of attributes should make India a staunch supporter of a global, liberal order. Despite seemingly insurmountable odds, it made a swift transition to democracy from the detritus of the British colonial empire in South Asia.1 India was also an early supporter of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.2 At home, it adopted a largely liberal/democratic constitution in 1950 and, aside from a brief interregnum of authoritarian rule (1976-1977), it has not only managed to sustain democracy, it has also deepened and broadened its scope, though its record is hardly unblemished.3 Yet since the days of its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, the country has been ambivalent about support for liberal/democratic principles and institutions abroad. After the Cold War, India’s policymakers have confronted a fundamental tension: on one hand, they find themselves saddled with a colo1 On the sources of India’s successful transition to democracy, see Maya Tudor, The Promise of Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). 2 Mark Mazower, No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the Ideological origins of the United Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). 3 For various assessments, see Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc Plattner, eds. The State of India’s Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007).
nial legacy that still calls for a robust defense of the principle of sovereignty. On the other, as a constitutionally liberal democratic state, some within its political leadership believe that they can ill-afford to remain oblivious to repression and the rampant violation of human rights abroad.4 Accordingly, as India’s material capabilities grow and its leadership becomes more confident about its domestic circumstances, it may well shed its long-held reservations about any possible diminution of the principle of sovereignty.5 This paper will briefly review wellknown features of India’s post-independence historical record. It will examine the underlying reasons that explain the positions the country adopted, focus on the incremental policy shifts at the Cold War’s end, and then discuss the country’s likely support for such issues in the future. India in the Post-Colonial Era In the immediate aftermath of independence, Nehru emerged primus inter pares when it came to matters of India’s foreign and defense policies. Few
4 I am indebted to my student, Jason Grant Stone, for highlighting this tension. 5 For a useful discussion, see C. Raja Mohan, “Balancing Interests and Values: India’s Struggle with Democracy Promotion,” The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2007, 30:3, pp.99-115.
within the nationalist movement had had much exposure to international affairs and so his dominance of the foreign policy process was all but inevitable. As is well known, he was one of the principal architects of the non-aligned movement (NAM). Since the vast majority of the leadership of the NAM and its membership had emerged from the shadow of colonial rule, they quickly enshrined the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states in its charter. Their motivations were entirely understandable; as states that had just shed the yoke of colonial rule, they were keen to jealously guard their nascent sovereignty. More to the point, given that both the United States and the Soviet Union were not reticent about intervening abroad to bolster and secure their interests, the adoption of this unyielding stance on the issue of sovereignty was quite understandable. Yet, it needs to be underscored that India’s opposition to foreign intervention in the domestic affairs of states was far from consistent. It was an early critic of the U.S. involvement in Vietnam but had chosen to exercise considerable restraint when the Soviet Union ruthlessly suppressed the Hungarian uprising in 1956. In considerable part, this inconsistency could be traced to Nehru’s own political beliefs. As his voluminous writings both before and after India’s independence reveal, despite his unwavering commitment to liberal democracy at home, he had distinctly socialist leanings, which led him to exculpate the shortcomings of the Soviet bloc. That said, Nehru was also passionately committed to the development of multilateral institutions and their possible role in the preservation of world peace. To that end, India became an early advocate and supporter of United Nations peacekeeping operations. Indeed, it was one of the principal contributors to the United Nations peacekeeping operations in the Congo6 and subsequently in the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) in the Gaza Strip.7 Its policymakers felt at ease with UN peacekeeping endeavors because these required the explicit consent of member states.8 This Indian tradition of involvement with and support for peacekeeping continues today. However, Indian policymakers remain adamantly opposed to transforming
6 Rajeshwar Dayal, Mission for Hammarskjold: The Congo Crisis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976). 7 Major-General Indar Jit Rikhye, Trumpets and Tumults: The Memoirs of a Peacekeeper (New Delhi: Manohar, 2002). 8 Rohan Mukherjee and David M Malone, “Global Responsibilities: India’s Approach,” Jindal Journal of International Affairs, 1:1, October 2011, 182-203.
a peacekeeping operation into a peace enforcement effort without suitable UN authorization.9 Though India continued to uphold the principle of sovereignty when its vital interests were at stake or when deep historical legacies were implicated, it did not hesitate to deviate from its adherence to this norm. Three episodes clearly illustrate the country’s willingness to depart from the professed commitment to the standard. The first, of course, was India’s decision to intervene in the civil war that engulfed East Pakistan in 1971, leading to the flight of nearly 10 million refugees into India. Though India’s policymakers couched the intervention in the language of humanitarian intervention, for all practical purposes, it resorted to force to break up Pakistan — its long-standing adversary. In effect, the ideational language notwithstanding, straightforward realist concerns animated India’s choices and actions.10 The second involved India’s decision to support the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia to unseat the genocidal Pol Pot regime in January 1979. Not only did India refuse the join the chorus of global condemnation but actually went on to recognize the new regime of Heng Samrin. Once again, India’s decision to ignore the expectations of sovereignty stemmed from straightforward strategic concerns. It was politically close to the Soviet Union, it has excellent relations with Vietnam, and had few ties worth the name with the Association of South East Asian States.11 Consequently, it was unlikely to pay substantial costs for adopting a favorable stance toward Vietnam. Furthermore, since it did lead to the ouster of an utterly squalid and brutal regime, it could again cast its decision in the light of upholding fundamental humanitarian concerns. The third occasion occurred in 1987 and involved its relations with Sri Lanka. Faced with growing domestic discontent in its southern state of Tamil Nadu about the maltreatment of the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka
9 For a discussion of the evolution of the India’s views on UN peacekeeping, see Richard Gowan and Sushant K. Singh, “India and UN Peacekeeping: The Weight of History and the Lack of a Strategy,” in Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, and Bruce Jones, eds. Shaping the Emerging World: India and the Multilateral Order (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2013). 10 For a detailed discussion, see Sumit Ganguly, Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001). 11
Mohammed Ayoob, India and Southeast Asia: Indian Perceptions and Policies (London: Routledge, 1990).
and the dire conditions of beleaguered Tamils in the Sri Lankan province of Jaffna, Indian Air Force (IAF) aircraft airdropped humanitarian assistance in key areas in Sri Lanka. These actions, though justifiable on humanitarian grounds, clearly violated Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. Once again, the imperatives of domestic politics coupled with India’s dominant position in the region led it to undertake a mission that showed scant regard for the professed commitment to the preservation of absolute state sovereignty.12 In addition to these three episodes, throughout the Cold War, India was an early and consistent critic of the apartheid regime in South Africa and had not evinced any qualms about its efforts to bring about its end. Two factors explain India’s unremitting hostility toward the regime, its willingness to impose multilateral sanctions, and also work in concert with the African National Congress (ANC), thereby intervening in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. First, one of key the members of Indian nationalist pantheon, Mohandas Gandhi, had opposed all forms of racial discrimination in South Africa as his career as a lawyer had evolved. Second, its policymakers had also seen the dismantling of the apartheid regime in the country as an integral part of the anti-colonial enterprise.13 Indeed Indian policymakers and public intellectuals could reasonably argue that the United States and the Western world, despite a professed commitment to the spread of democracy, were comfortable in their support for the scrofulous apartheid regime, thereby demonstrating the limits of their adherence to the principle of democracy promotion. Furthermore, the U.S. role in the overthrow of the elected, democratic regime of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973, also gave Indian policymakers considerable pause about the stated U.S. commitment to global democracy. The Cold War’s End and the Demands of a New Era The Cold War’s end came as a substantial shock to India’s policymakers and required a dramatic re-appraisal of India’s foreign policy nostrums.14 In the aftermath of Nehru’s
12 For a detailed discussion of this episode, see Sankaran Krishna, Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka and the Question of Nationhood (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999). 13 David Black, “The Long and Winding Road: International Norms and Domestic Political Change in South Africa,” in Thomas Risse-Kappen, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink, eds. The Power of Human Rights; International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
death, his successors, most notably Indira Gandhi, while maintaining the ideational rhetoric that had characterized India’s foreign policy, increasingly adopted a more pragmatic approach. The ideational rhetoric highlighted India’s concerns about the lack of progress toward universal global disarmament, toward addressing North-South inequities in the international order, and on the appropriate responsibilities of the industrialized and non-industrialized world on matters pertaining to environmental degradation. With the Cold War’s end and the concomitant collapse of the Soviet Union, India’s policymakers were not slow to recognize that the principal successor state, Russia, was either unwilling or unable to play a similar strategic role in India’s security calculus. With this bulwark gone, India had to recalibrate its ties with the sole surviving superpower, the United States, and also find ways to fashion a working relationship with its principal long-term adversary, the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Simultaneously, they also recognized that key global norms were likely to shift, and that India would have to find ways to fashion appropriate responses to these developments. India confronted a number of emergent issues that effectively discredited its hitherto ideological vision of global order. With the United States now in a transcendent position in the global arena, no longer confronting the weight of Soviet power, it could act with impunity and also propagate values consonant with its interests. The first such conundrum that India confronted emerged during Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. India’s reaction to the invasion was muddled. On one hand, it had had good relations with Hussein’s Iraq for two compelling reasons. First, it was a secular if highly repressive regime. For India’s policymakers, especially after the steady erosion of the idealism that had characterized the Nehru era, a secular Arab regime, however authoritarian, was preferable to one that was religiously oriented. Second, India also relied on Iraq for a significant portion of its energy needs and had substantial guest workers within the country.15 Under these circumstances, the country could ill-afford to take a particularly robust stand against Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait. Accordingly, despite vigorous internal debate in the country, India’s minister of external affairs, Inder Kumar Gujral,
15 Mukund Narvenkar, “Looking West: 1: Iran and the Gulf,” in David Scott ed. The Routledge handbook of India’s International Relations (London: Routledge, 2011), pp.167-178.
Sumit Ganguly, “India’s Foreign Policy Grows Up,” World Policy Journal, Volume XX, No 4, Winter 2003/04
went to Baghdad as a representative of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to seek a possible diplomatic resolution of the crisis. His efforts, as is well known, accomplished little.16 However, with a change of regime later in the year, the weak coalition regime of Prime Minister Chandra Sekhar quietly allowed the refueling of U.S. military aircraft in Bombay, thereby tacitly signaling India’s willingness to endorse the Western view of the invasion. But once the refueling became public knowledge, it became simply untenable for the government to allow it to continue. The inability of the government to cope with hostile, left-wing domestic pressures revealed that the country had yet to forge a consensus about how it intended to fashion a new grand strategy in a vastly altered global landscape.17 Dealing with Emergent Global Norms In the aftermath of the first Gulf War, India’s policymakers concluded that they could ill-afford to simply fall back on the nostrums that had guided India’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As a consequence, a vigorous domestic debate ensued. Some within the policymaking establishment insisted that India should not abandon its historic commitment to non-alignment and but should infuse it with new meaning.18 Others, however, suggested a more pragmatic approach to the global order and also made clear that non-alignment was now bereft of meaning.19 Even as this debate was under way, policymakers confronted a key issue, namely the willingness of the international community, and particularly the United States, now freed from the constraints of dealing with Soviet expansionism, to forthrightly upbraid states on questions of human rights violations. In this context, despite constitutionally robust guarantees for safeguarding human rights, India’s record was far from exemplary. Its record was especially at question as an indigenous, secessionist insurgency erupted in 1989 in the portion of the disputed state of Kashmir that it
16 Barbara Crossette, “Confrontation in the Gulf; India, Shaken by Iraqi Move, Seeks a Role for the Nonaligned,” The New York Times, September 10, 1990. 17 J.K. Baral and J.N. Mahanty, “India and the Gulf Crisis: The Response of a Minority Government,” Pacific Affairs, Autumn 1992, 65:3, 368-384. 18 See for example, S.D. Muni, “India and the Post-Cold War World: Opportunities and Challenges,” (1991) 31 (9) Asian Survey 872. 19
controlled. 20 Not surprisingly, India reacted quite strongly to any U.S. or other international criticisms of its human rights record in Kashmir, underscored the capacity of its own domestic judicial institutions to deal with such allegations, and expressed strong reservations about any attempt to diminish its privileges as a sovereign state.21 The human rights situation in Kashmir, which coincided with the renewed global emphasis on their protection, revealed a fundamental tension in India’s foreign and security policies. Though India’s political leadership continued to emphasize their unwavering commitment to human rights, they nevertheless took an unyielding position on any form of external pressure to address perceived shortcomings in this arena. Nevertheless, it needs to be highlighted that the national government was not oblivious to international criticism. Faced with a barrage of external admonitions, the Congress Party government of Prime Minister Narasimha Rao created the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in 1993 under the aegis of the Protection of Human Rights Act. Even though some critics initially dismissed the NHRC as a sop to Cerberus, it quickly became evident that the organization, regardless of its provenance, had acquired a degree of institutional autonomy and efficacy.22 The Responsibility To Protect As the notion of protecting populations from widespread state repression gained ground in the wake of Yugoslavia’s collapse in the early 1990s, India’s response further illustrated the tension between its desire to safeguard state sovereignty and its long-standing valuation of liberal norms. Fearing the setting of a possible global precedent that could adversely affect India in the future, its policymakers expressed grave reservations about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) decision in 1999 to militarily intervene in the conflict.23 In the wake of the Kosovo intervention, Secretary-General Kofi Annan initiated a debate
20 For a discussion of the origins of the insurgency as well as the problems associated with the initial phases of India’s counter-insurgency strategy, see Sumit Ganguly, The Crisis in Kashmir: Portents of War, Hopes of Peace (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 21
Jason Burke, “Indian Officers Names in Report on Kashmir Abuses,” The Guardian, December 6, 2012.
22 Vijayshri Sripati, “India’s National Human Rights Commission: A Shackled Commission?” Boston University International Law Journal, 118: 1, 2000, pp.1-47. 23 Gaurav Kampani, “India’s Kosovo Conundrum,” Rediff on the Net, April 24, 1999, http://www.rediff.com/news/1999/apr/24nato.htm
Sumit Ganguly, “South Asia After the Cold War,” The Washington Quarterly, Autumn 1992 (15:4, 173-84)
about the legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention. Soon thereafter, the United Nations Security Council took up the matter and embarked upon a series of debates on the question. From the outset, India expressed its reservations about granting the Security Council the requisite authority to permit humanitarian intervention. It asserted that not only would such authority undermine state sovereignty under the expectations of the UN Charter but would render the rest of the UN membership powerless to disagree. Furthermore, in the same vein, they argued that the proper authority lay with the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA).24 Yet as the idea of humanitarian intervention gained ground in the wake of the report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), which developed the concept of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P), Indian interlocutors started to shift ground when faced with a very substantial international consensus. However, Indian negotiators ensured that the norm’s promoters make significant concessions limiting the application of the principle to four specific crimes (war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and ethnic cleansing), an omission of criteria for the use of force and an insistence on UN authorization.25 Nevertheless, after the World Summit of 2005, as discussions continued on the application of R2P principles, prominent Indian diplomats argued that they shared the view that mass atrocities should be prevented. However, they also reminded the UN community that any response to such a crisis should be peaceful, and that resort to Chapter VII sanctions should be a last resort.26 Furthermore, they argued (and continue to hold the view) that the way to avoid conditions that would prompt a resort action under R2P principles was to help states develop the requisite capabilities to avoid rampant human rights violations. 27 India and the International Criminal Court Notions of the constriction of state sovereignty have also animated India’s approach to the creation of an International Criminal Court (ICC). When the entity was created in 1998, India chose to abstain rather than actually vote against its formation. Since an opt-in provision was not included in the statute that created the court and granted it inherent jurisdiction, India felt compelled to abstain. Its decision apparently stemmed from three related concerns. The first had to do with the capacity of the Indian judicial system to respond or mete out condign punishment in a prompt and speedy fashion. The second arose from its awareness of the inability of its prosecutorial and judicial systems to bring to task egregious violators of human rights, especially in the face of evidence of state complicity. For example, as one commentator has written in the aftermath of what is widely seen as a pogrom in the western state of Gujarat in February 2002, “ … it is only the proximate and direct perpetrators who, in a few cases that survive are being tried; the chain of command, complicity and connivance remain beyond the pale.”28 Finally, the Indian state also feared that the ICC could be subject to political bias and thereby place India and other vulnerable states in the dock while overlooking the malfeasances of others. All of these concerns suggest a certain lack of faith in the robustness of its own judicial institutions and their capacity to respond to blatant violations of human rights within the country. Given that regimes of every ideological stripe within the past three decades have been implicated in substantial human rights violations during their terms in office and that the judiciary has been unable to bring those responsible to account for their actions, it is most unlikely that India will show any particular willingness to shift its position on the ICC. It is possible to make this argument even though India, with some reservations, had voted in support of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970. This resolution, which had won unanimous consent, had referred the Gaddafi regime in Libya to the ICC in the wake of the brutal crackdown on demonstrators in early 2011. Democracy Promotion Despite a commitment to the preservation of democracy at home, India’s policymakers have been mostly loath to
Kudrat Virk, “India and the responsibility to Protect: A Tale of Ambiguity,” Global Responsibility to Protect, 2013, pp.56-83. Virk, 2013, p.79.
26 Ian Hall, “Tilting at Windmills? The Indian debate over the Responsibility to Protect after UNSC Resolution 1973,” Global Responsibility to Protect 5, 2013, 84-108. 27 Hall, 2013, p.96. Also, personal interview with senior Indian Foreign Service Officer, New Delhi, December 18, 2012.
Usha Ramanathan, “India and the ICC,” Journal of International Criminal Justice, 3, 2005, 627-634.
promote democracy abroad. Three factors explain India’s unwillingness to take up the cudgel of democracy promotion. In considerable part, once again, its aversion to serve as a democracy monger stems from a deeply rooted aversion to both colonialism and imperialism. Even 60 years after the end of British colonial rule, the memories of colonial and post-colonial rationalizations for foreign interventions remain alive. Of course, in a related vein, they also remain acutely cognizant of the infirmities of their own domestic democratic institutions and want to fend off possible external pressures and inordinate scrutiny of the various shortcomings. Finally, its hesitation also stems from its location in a deeply troubled neighborhood, which is host to a number of authoritarian regimes capable of deploying varying levels of repression and brutality. As the noted Indian political theorist and public intellectual Pratap Bhanu Mehta has argued, quite cogently, India is in no position given the asymmetries of power, to promote democracy in its behemoth northern neighbor, the PRC. More to the point, he argues that India, which is host to the largest Tibetan diaspora in the world, has followed a deft policy of both leveraging the Tibetan issue with the PRC without directly inflaming tensions. This careful policy, he argues, demonstrates India’s commitment to the protection of human rights without engaging in grandstanding or making the issue a global cause.29 Despite India’s adroit balancing act, on occasion, it has attracted the public ire of the PRC.30 India’s efforts at democracy promotion in the rest of its neighborhood have generated mixed results. The hardest case, of course, has involved its dealings with Burma/ Myanmar. Initially, because of historic ties between the Indian nationalist movement and Aung San, the father of the long incarcerated democracy activist and current member of Parliament, Aung San Suu Kyi, India had shunned the military junta in the country. In the early 1990s however, faced with the growing influence of the PRC within the country, at the insistence of the then Foreign Secretary, Jyotindra Nath Dixit, India started to make overtures toward the military regime despite foreign disapprobation. Apart from the question of the increasing involvement
29 Pratap Bhanu Mehta, “Reluctant India,” Journal of Democracy, 22:4, October 2011, pp.97-109.
with the PRC in the country, India also wanted to seek the cooperation of the military regime to end the sanctuaries of various northeastern insurgent groups in Burma/Myanmar. Indian interlocutors claim that despite their engagement of the junta, that various governments in New Delhi did not abandon their quite diplomatic efforts to foster democratic change within Burma.31 Other specialists on Burma, however, take a different view, claiming that India’s efforts to promote change have been too meager and anemic primarily on the grounds that its developmental projects are limited and its engagement with Burma’s civil society inadequate. Nevertheless, even the critics of India’s policies grudgingly concede that in the future, India may be in a position to accomplish more both in terms of democracy and development while simultaneously addressing its more parochial interests.32 If the current trends toward democratization in Burma/Myanmar continue, India’s past policies of engagement while gently nudging the rulers to restore democracy may well be vindicated. Historically, since Sri Lanka was a robust democracy despite its periodic problems with its Tamil population, India had no role in the preservation of its democracy barring the provision of assistance to suppress a left-wing rebellion in the 1970s. However, in the aftermath of the highly successful if utterly brutal and sanguinary end to the Sri Lankan civil war in 2009, India has faced a dilemma with the country’s growing turn toward authoritarianism. India’s dilemma is rooted both in its domestic and regional politics. At the level of domestic politics, no government, especially one that rests on a fractious coalition, can afford to ignore the sentiments of a vocal Tamil population in southern India, particularly in the state of Tamil Nadu. Even if leaders in New Delhi lack a normative commitment to the protection of human rights in Sri Lanka, they cannot remain oblivious to the cacophonous demands of the Tamil electorate in the state about the plight of their ethnic kin in Sri Lanka. Yet this need to address a powerful domestic constituency must also be balanced with an external concern, namely the expanding role of the PRC in Sri Lanka. Accordingly, India’s policymakers have again sought to resort to a delicate balancing act. Faced with steady
Mehta, 2011, p.103.
Dean Nelson, “China Angry over Dalai Lama Visit to Disputed Tibetan Border,” The Telegraph, November 6, 2009.
Renaud Egreteau, “A Passage to Burma? India, development, and democratization in Myanmar,” Contemporary Politics, December 2011, 17:4, pp.467-486.
domestic pressure, they chose in March 2013 to reprimand Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva for its failure to address legitimate concerns about post-conflict reconciliation. Yet, shortly before this adverse UNHRC vote, India chose to increase its share of foreign assistance to Sri Lanka. There is little question that this decision was made to both soften the blow of the upcoming vote while simultaneously attempting to ensure that the PRC’s looming presence did not wholly eclipse its influence in the country. However, even India’s costly vote did not appease one of the constituents of the ruling coalition, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which chose to withdraw from the national government accusing it of having voted for a diluted resolution.33 The Sri Lankan case, as much as that of Burma/Myanmar, illustrates some of the dilemmas that any government in New Delhi confronts as it seeks to balance competing interests and ideals. When not faced with similar domestic and external constraints, India’s willingness to participate in efforts at democracy promotion has been somewhat more forthright.34 In considerable part, such a strategy has been evident in India’s attempts at democracy promotion in Nepal. When King Gyanendra seized power in Nepal in February 2005, India cut off all arms supplies to the country despite the presence of a significant Maoist insurgency with possible ties to an Indian insurgent group in the northeastern state of Assam. Subsequently, when democracy was restored in April 2006, India tripled its foreign assistance to the country. One analyst has argued that India may have been keen on supporting the democratic peace process in Nepal largely as a signal to its domestic Maoist insurgents that a return to the democratic political fold could lead to a reconciliation with the Indian state. This argument, though superficially appealing, is flawed.35As long as rebels have abandoned their secessionist agenda and have eschewed the resort to force, the Indian state has long evinced a willingness to discuss and accommodate the demands of various insurgent groups.
33 Express News Service, “India Votes Against Sri Lanka at UNHRC in Tamils Case, DMK hits out at UPA,” The Indian Express, March 21, 2013. 34 For the details pertaining to the evolution of India’s policies see Sandra Destradi, “India as a democracy promoter? New Delhi’s involvement in Nepal’s return to democracy,” Democratization, 19:2, 2012, pp,286-311. 35 Jan Cartwright, “India Regional and International Support for Democracy: Rhetoric or Reality?” Asian Survey, 49:3, May/June 2009, pp. 403-428.
What about India’s willingness to participate in efforts at democracy promotion beyond the region? Here again, the country has demonstrated caution and reticence but in recent years has taken some fitful, limited steps. The efforts that India has made in the realm of democracy promotion, for the most part, have been at U.S. prodding. The initial initiative came during the second Clinton administration when during his maiden (and only presidential) visit to India, his administration proposed the creation of a center for Asian Democracy. Apparently, this was viewed with some skepticism in New Delhi because it smacked of antiPRC overtones.36 Nevertheless, India’s policymakers were unwilling to completely dismiss the notion of democracy promotion in the wake of an emerging rapprochement with the United States. To that end, India became one of the founding members of the Community of Democracies Initiative in 1999. However, despite its initial commitment, India has not devoted significant diplomatic energy to give the nascent body much impetus. India’s reluctance to expend much effort may stem from its long-standing advocacy for states in the global South, many of whom are not democratic states. Despite this hesitation, in 2005 India committed itself, at the urging of President George W. Bush, to support the United Nations Democracy Fund. Despite India’s willingness to endorse these initiatives it appears reluctant to grant these endeavors pride of place in the conduct of its foreign policy thereby suggesting that democracy promotion still lacks a substantial constituency within its foreign policy establishment. Conclusions The foregoing analysis shows that India’s role in two, key emergent pillars of the liberal global order are limited and tentative. The limitations stem in considerable part from its colonial legacies, its institutional weaknesses, the exigencies of its domestic politics, and the constraints of its existing material capabilities. The central question that arises from this analysis is whether or not India might prove willing to act differently and assume a greater responsibility to provide various global public goods if it manages to bolster its material capabilities, steadily sheds it colonial hangover, and succeeds in addressing its domestic institutional constraints. Thus far, India, unlike during the Nehruvian era, has failed to spell out alternative global norms and institutional
Mohan, 2007, p.104.
arrangements even as it has proven to be critical of key, emergent liberal principles. During Nehru’s tenure in office, even though the country lacked material power, it had actually attempted to set alternative global agendas especially in the realm of nuclear disarmament.37 Unfortunately, its lack of material capabilities made these efforts at agenda setting, for the most part, largely chimerical. Subsequent governments in India made token gestures to his earlier efforts but they lacked both conviction and commitment. Might an economically resurgent India that also manages to improve the efficacy of its domestic institutions, sheds its post-colonial anxieties, and thereby finds itself on a more secure footing act differently in the international arena? Despite its present economic difficulties, much of which can be traced to poor policy choices and the shortcomings of its institutional capacities, there is no reason to wholly write off India’s possible rise.38 Whether or not renewed economic growth and improved institutional performance will make India’s policymakers change their stances and assume the requisite burdens to help provide key public goods that could contribute to the creation of a more liberal global order remains an open question.39
About the Author
Sumit Ganguly holds the Rabindranath Tagore Chair in Indian cultures and civilizations and is a professor of political science at Indiana University in Bloomington. He has previously been on the faculty of James Madison College of Michigan State University, Hunter College of the City University of New York, and the University of Texas at Austin. The views expressed here are of the author’s own, and they no way represent the official position of the Transatlantic Academy or the German Marshall Fund.
Transatlantic Academy Paper Series
The Transatlantic Academy Paper Series presents research on a variety of transatlantic topics by staff, fellows, and partners of the Transatlantic Academy. Comments from readers are welcome; please reply by e-mail to Info@transatlanticacademy.org.
About the Transatlantic Academy
The Transatlantic Academy is a research institution devoted to creating common approaches to the long-term challenges facing Europe and North America. The Academy does this by each year bringing together scholars, policy experts, and authors from both sides of the Atlantic and from different disciplinary perspectives to research and analyze a distinct policy theme of transatlantic interest. The Academy was created in 2007 as a partnership between the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) and the ZEIT-Stiftung Ebelin und Gerd Bucerius. The Robert Bosch Stiftung and the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation joined as full partners beginning in 2008, and the Fritz Thyssen Foundation joined as a full partner in 2011. The Compagnia di San Paolo joined in providing additional support in May 2009, as did the Joachim Herz Stiftung and the Volkswagen Stifung in 2011, and the Aurea Foundation in 2013.
Sumit Ganguly, “India’s Nuclear Free Dream,” The Diplomat, April 29, 2010, http:// thediplomat.com/2010/04/22/india%E2%80%99s-nuclear-free-dream/
38 Ruchir Sharma, “India’s Economic Superstars,” Foreign Affairs, September/October 2013, 92:5, pp.75-85. 39
For an excellent discussion of India’s unwillingness to assume suitable responsibilities in a series of extant and emergent global regimes, see Amrita Narlikar, “Is India a Responsible Great Power?” Third World Quarterly, 32:9, 2011, pp.1607-1621; for a more optimistic view, see Waheguru Pal Singh Sudhu, Pratal Bhanu Mehta, and Bruce Jones, Shaping the Emerging World: India and the Multilateral Order (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 2013).
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Early WWII U.S. M8 Scabbard for M3 Knife bayonet For Sale
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Early WWII U.S. M8 Scabbard for M3 Knife bayonet:
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User manual for the IOGEAR 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader GUH286
The user manual for the IOGEAR 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader GUH286 provides
necessary instructions for the proper use of the product Computers & Solutions - Cables & Adapters - Hubs.
The 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader from IOGEAR is a desktop USB 2.0 hub with an integrated 56-in-1 memory card reader. The hub features 5 USB 2.0 ports, as well as an integrated mini-B USB cable for phone and device charging. The hub includes an AC adapter, ensuring that adequate power is supplied to connected devices.
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Additional parameters of the IOGEAR 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader GUH286:
5x USB 2.0 1x USB mini-B (Male) 56-in-1 Card Reader with support for: Compact Flash/Micro Drive: CF-Type I, CF-Type II, CF-Ultra II, Micro Drive, CF-Pro II, CF-Extreme, CF-Extreme III, CF-PSP II, CF-Supper, CF-Ultra X SD/SDHC: SD, SDHC, SD-Pro, SD-Pleomax, SD-Pro C, SD-Ultra II, SD-Ulrta II Plus, SD-Extreme III, SD-Ultra X, SD-Turbo, SD-Supper, SD Max, Mini SD, Mini SD-Pro, Mini SD-Pleomax, MMC, MMC-Pleomax, MMC Pro, HS-MMC, MMC Plus, MMC-Plus Turbo, RS MMC, RS MMC-Pleomax, RS MMC-Speed, RS MMC-Max, MMC Mobile, MMC Mobile-ProC, MMC Mobile-Pocketnet, MMC Micro Olympus DC Card: Olympus DC Card, Olympus DC Card(M), Olympus DC Card (H) microSD/microSDHC: microSD/microSDHC, T-Flash Memory Stick: MS, MS-Magic Gate, MS-PRO Magic Gate, HS-MS-PRO Magic Gate, MS-DUO, MS DUO Magic Gate, MS-PRO Duo, HS-MS-PRO Duo, HS-MS-PRO Duo Magic Gate, MS-PRO Duo-PSP, MS-PRO Duo-Gaming Memory Stick M2: Memory Stick Micro (M2)
The user manual for the IOGEAR 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader GUH286 can be downloaded in .pdf
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The user manual lists all of the functions of the IOGEAR 5-Port USB 2.0 Combo Hub & Card Reader GUH286,
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The Quick Start Guide that came with the Cosmos LCD Handheld Digital Microscope 44312 gives no indication of battery installation polarity. There is no polarity marking on the battery compartment, inside or out. Efforts to locate a manual on the Cel...Manual Esquite Mini - Harman Kardon Esquire Mini Portable Wireless HKESQUIREMINIBLKAM Posted by: Wolfgang 2017-08-17 18:13:51


Gov. Rick Snyder's proposed 20 percent funding cut for cyber charter schools - as well as additional $50 per pupil for high school students - were not included in budget recommendations unveiled this week by subcommittees in the Michigan Legislature.
The proposed budgets, approved by appropriations subcommittees in the state House and Senate, make slight tweaks to Snyder's recommendations in some areas but deviate significantly in other parts of the budget.
The budgets are far from final at this point. They now move to the full appropriations committees in both chambers - where more debate is likely - before going to the House and Senate floor for final approval.
Here's a look at how the budgets are shaping up thus far:
In his February budget proposal, Snyder recommended an increase of between $50 and $100 per pupil. Districts with higher-funding would get the $50 increase, while those with lower-funding would get the $100 boost.
The House budget proposal would simply provide a $100 per pupil increase to all districts.The Senate's proposal keeps Snyder's increase, but adds another $100 million in funding to increase per pupil funding from $88 to $176.
The increase would be funded by diverting $100 million set aside to help districts cover payments to the Michigan Public School Employees Retirement System, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Senate Fiscal Agency.
Snyder's budget recommended increasing funding for at-risk students by $150 million, a boost that would bring total funding for such students to $529 million.
In its proposal, the House increased at-risk funding by $129.1 million. The Senate, on the other hand, boosted the funding by $100 million and added $500,000 for school-based health centers, according to an analysis by the Senate Fiscal Agency.
Helping low-performing schools
Under Snyder's proposal, $3 million would go toward helping struggling schools under a partnership model being developed by the Michigan Department of Education. In addition, $640,000 would go toward supporting "partnership liaisons" to work with the struggling schools.
Snyder's administration, along with state Superintendent Brian Whiston, are working to create partnership agreements with 38 low-achieving schools across Michigan. The schools were originally put at-risk of closure by the state School Reform Office, but officials now want to use partnership agreements to turn around the schools.
The House budget proposal does not fund the partnership model or provide additional funding for districts where the SRO has appointed a CEO to turnaround one or more low-performing schools. Snyder's budget recommendation provided $5 million for such work by the SRO.
Under state law, the SRO can appoint a CEO to turnaround schools ranked in the bottom 5 percent of schools statewide.
The Senate's version creates a $100 placeholder for the partnership model and additional dollars for districts where a CEO is in place. The proposal sets aside $8 million that could be used to fund both those areas at a later date.
Sen. Goeff Hansen, R-Hart, who chairs the Senate appropriations subcommittee on school aid, said work is still ongoing in developing the partnership model and overhauling Michigan's school accountability law. The issue of funding would likely be finalized by lawmakers once that work is completed.
Private school funding
Both the House and Senate budgets include $2.5 million to reimburse private schools for costs associated with complying with state health and safety mandates.
Snyder did not include the funding in his budget recommendation.
The funding is controversial, and several public school groups have joined together to sue the state over the inclusion of such assistance - also totaling $2.5 million - in last year's budget.
Private schools have until June 15 to seek a piece of that funding from MDE. But the public school groups asked that any payments be halted until the lawsuit is resolved.
Snyder recommended cutting cyber charter schools by 20 percent, citing the lack of costs such schools face for facilities and maintenance. The cut was expected to save the state $16 million, part of which would have covered an additional $22 million for high school students, equating to an extra $50 per pupil.
The extra funding for high school students was also not included in either the House or Senate education budgets.
Snyder's budget also included $7 million in funding for districts facing declining enrollment. The funding, though, was not included in the proposed House and Senate education budgets.
Under Snyder's proposal, about 37 districts would have received the funding, with payments ranging from about $70,000 to $764,000.


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Cooking may seem to be a chore, but it is also an enjoyable hobby once you know the basics. Anyone can learn to cook when they have a good source of information to learn from. The article below has just the ideas that you need to inspire the cook in you!
If you are cooking with oil, do not pour it directly into the middle of the pan. Instead, pour it on the side of the pan, so it will heat before it reaches the food. The already heated oil will do a much better job at cooking and flavoring your food.
Boiling takes time and removes the nutrients from veggies. To retain the healthy nutrients, quickly steam or sautÃ© your vegetables, or even better, eat them raw.
If you have a meal that is important, like for a date or your boss, try cooking one of your better dishes so that you are familiar with it and know it tastes good. Avoid any new recipes or ones that rely on unfamiliar ingredients or techniques. You will enjoy cooking more if you have greater peace of mind.
The overall quality of vegetables is affected by the length of cooking time. If you slow cook vegetables they will lose nutritional value and taste. If you do this, it will provide you a vegetable that is higher in nutritious value. Cooking vegetables for only a short amount of time is essential.
This type of seasoning is commonly used on other foods besides meat. It can spice up snack foods such as roasted pumpkin seeds, or provide a little zing to your breakfast menu when used on your morning eggs. People will be asking you for your secret ingredient!
When you use fresh ingredients, your cooking will be considerably better than if you used canned, dried or frozen ingredients. When you use fresh ingredients you can bring out the true flavor of your food, and they can sometimes be cheaper in the end.
Do you have a difficult time deciding how long you should grill your meat? A well-manufactured meat thermometer, especially a precision digital model, is always a sound method of seeing to it that the inside of your meat is cooked thoroughly. If you have a thick slice of meat, one that is more than 1.5 inches in thickness, you may want to close the lid of the grill to have the meat cook faster.
To eat healthier and get rid of unwanted weight, it is important to use less oil when you cook. Butters and oils contain unnecessary fats. A smart alternative is to switch to a nonstick cooking spray, it gives similar results with less of the unhealthy ingredients.
When recipes call for wooden skewers, make sure to soak them for half an hour at least before you use them. That way, they will not burn during the cooking process. You can keep your food on the skewers if you use two sticks parallel instead of just one.
Always make certain to measure any cooking oil you use. Make sure you measure out your oil to cut some of the fat that you cook with; do not pour it straight from the bottle. Measuring your oil instead of estimating allows you to closely approximate the fat content in your dish.
If you are using garlic in the cooking, ensure it’s the freshest you can buy. Fresh garlic is sweeter, while older cloves of garlic are more pungent. If garlic isn’t fresh, it will be shriveled and soft.
Try drying your own tomatoes. Cut tomatoes in thick slices or in half, depending on their size. Take a cooling rack and place the tomatoes on it. Sprinkle them with salt. The rack should then be placed on a baking sheet in an oven set to 190 degrees for no more than 10 hours. Place them in the freezer in plastic bags. Another option is to place the tomatoes in a jar and cover them with fresh herbs and olive oil. The jars can be kept in the refrigerator for up to 2 weeks.
Cooking isn’t just a matter of providing food. It can be a source of entertainment, and give a mouth watering, lip licking experience. You might fail at some of the tips that you try in this article, but it always happens. Take these tips and apply them to your cooking, and you are sure to find cooking delicious fare a breeze.

domain: food


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Edward Everett is, perhaps, best remembered as the other person who spoke at Gettysburg, lecturing for two hours compared to Abraham Lincoln’s brief, but much better-known two-minute address. However, the full scope of Everett's life and his relationship with the Mount Vernon Estate are important historically as well.
Born on April 11, 1794, Everett was a well-read and intellectually curious young man. Everett entered Harvard University while remarkably young, graduating after four years at just seventeen years of age. After serving as pastor for Boston’s Brattle Street Unitarian Church, Everett continued his academic pursuits and received his Ph.D. from the University of Göttingen in Germany, becoming the first American to earn a German doctoral degree. Everett's career was as diverse as it was impressive, including stints as the President of Harvard, Governor of Massachusetts, a United States Congressman and Senator, Ambassador to Great Britain, and Secretary of State.
Mount Vernon Ladies' Association
Everett's historical legacy, however, continues because of his vitally important work supporting the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association’s purchase of the Mount Vernon Estate. Through his lectures and writings, Everett personally raised more than $69,000, greater than one-third of all the funds needed for the Ladies’ Association to purchase Mount Vernon. Just as importantly, Everett's reputation and name recognition helped lend significant credibility to the fledgling campaign. Everett first became interested in saving Mount Vernon after reading about the cause in the popular press, explaining in a letter to Association founder Ann Pamela Cunningham that, "You no doubt were the author of the paragraphs which originally attracted my attention. . . .Your enthusiasm. . .kindled mine."1
Everett had previously delivered an "Oration on the Character of Washington" in 1856 at the Mercantile Library in Boston, and he offered to repeat the speech in Richmond to benefit the Mount Vernon cause. Although Everett deemed John Washington's asking price to be "exorbitant," the veteran politician enthusiastically involved himself in the Mount Vernon campaign, lecturing tirelessly from March 1856 until the spring of 1861, introducing audiences to what he referred to as "my Washington" a total of 129 times.2
Everett traveled and lectured throughout the United States, venturing as far west as St. Louis. Audiences filled lecture halls, paying to hear the distinguished scholar, statesman, and diplomat's pleas to save Mount Vernon. At one lecture in Charleston in 1858 Everett raised nearly $1,800 from audience members. Despite a time of strident regional divisions, Everett's speech rallied the South around the Mount Vernon cause helping to elevate Cunningham's crusade across sectional lines. Everett sent the Ladies' Association all of the money that he raised on his speaking tours, without even deducting personal expenses.
Audiences were engaged by Everett's compelling speaking style that conjured up allusions to well-known historical figures such as Cicero, Julius Caesar, Peter the Great, and Napoleon, in order to establish that Washington was without peer, a figure that Everett called the "brightest ornament" from an "age of wonders."3 Everett's lectures painted Washington as an individual of highest honor and "serene dignity. . .whose probity you would trust with uncounted gold. . .whose lead you would implicitly follow in the darkest hours of trial." Under the backdrop of sectional strife, Everett reminded his audiences of Washington's Farewell Address, particularly the first President's exhortations in favor of the "preservation of the Union of these States."4
Throughout 1858 Everett contributed a weekly article to the popular and well-read New York Ledger, frequently reporting on the progress of the Mount Vernon campaign. Describing the venture, Everett explained that the "women of the country. . .have undertaken. . .noble work neglected by Congress, not performed by Virginia, of rescuing the dwelling-place and the last resting-place of Washington." Much had been accomplished, Everett explained, but significant work remained to be done. Everett reminded readers that ample funds were needed to restore the mansion and grounds from what he called "their present state of melancholy neglect and decay."5
In addition to his work raising funds for the Mount Vernon project, Everett simultaneously served as a close confidant to Ann Pamela Cunningham, frequently advising her on negotiations with John Washington. Everett even played a role in the selection of Vice Regents for the association, urging the Regent to rise above political parties when considering candidates. Everett's interest in Mount Vernon continued after the Association took possession of the estate, utilizing his political influence when writing to Union General Winfield Scott to urge the protection of Mount Vernon during the Civil War.6
The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association greatly appreciated Everett's work and his devotion to the Mount Vernon cause; in 1858 the group presented Everett with Washington's cane as a symbol of its gratitude. In 1865—the year of Everett's death—the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association resolved to "enshrine in the annals of this Association the name of Edward Everett, their wise counselor, their most gifted and eloquent advocate. . .whose rare graces of character, whose lofty ideas, whose sterling patriotism, and conciliating moderation, so pre-eminently fitted him to be the eulogist of our great father."7
Alan Capps, Ph.D.
Adjunct Professor of History
George Mason University
1. "Edward Everett to Ann Pamela Cunningham, 20 November 1858" (manuscript, Mount Vernon Ladies' Association), 3; Frances Johnson Rogers, "Preface," in Edward Everett, Oration on the Character of Washington (Mount Vernon, VA: Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, 1913), 4.
2. "Edward Everett to Anna Cora Ritchie, 25 June 1856," (manuscript, Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association), 1.
3. Ellen McCallister Clark, "Honorable Edward Everett Traveled Far and Wide, Served as Advisor and Unfailing Friend." Mount Vernon: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow 2, 2 (1987): 4; Edward Everett, Oration on the Character of Washington (Mount Vernon, VA: Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, 1913), 9.
4. Everett, Oration, 17, 28.
5. Ibid., 3.
6. "Everett to Cunningham, 17 June 17, 1856," (manuscript, Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association): 3; "Edward Everett to Hon. Charles Eames, 5 December 1863," (manuscript, Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association), 2.
7. Minutes of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union, 1865 (manuscript, Mount Vernon Ladies' Association), 1.
Everett, Edward. The Mount Vernon Papers. London: D. Appleton, 1860.
Boston (Mass.). City Council. A Memorial of Edward Everett, from the city of Boston. Compiled by J.M. Bugbee, the mayor's clerk, under the direction of a committee of the City council. Boston: City council, 1865.
Everett, Edward. Oration on the Character of Washington. Mount Vernon, Va. : Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, 1913.

domain: history


text: :Hi my little chefs! Today we're gonna cook a new bean recipe which is so easy-to-cook and yummy! So heat up your oven and wait for the delicious smells; healthy beans will amaze us with the spicy taste of curry! Now, roll up your sleeves and start following my directions. In the end, you'll have brand-new taste to share with your bests!


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After the public memorial service at Johannesburg’s FNB stadium last Tuesday, Nelson Mandela was laid to rest in his home village Sunday (December 16). The country of South Africa continued to praise the great leader over the weekend, ahead of a state funeral before his casket was lowered into its final resting place in Qunu.
Africa is celebrating the 20th anniversary of Nelson Mandela’s freedom from prison. 20 years ago on February 20, 1990 Mandela was released from a Cape Town, South Africa prison after being a political prisoner for 27 years. Mandela served 27 years behind bars of a life sentence for his activism against apartheid, the movement that […]


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COVINGTON, Louisiana —- (AUGUST 22, 2011) Stirling Communities I, LLC, an entity of investors led by Stirling Properties, successfully completed their first acquisition which includes three Louisiana apartment communities in Lafayette and one in Baton Rouge, for a total of 370 units. The back-to-back deals closed on August 2 and August 17, 2011, with loan origination through Walker & Dunlop’s multi-family finance group and financing through Freddie Mac.
“The opportunity to purchase these four apartment communities came at the perfect time,” said Jeffery Marshall, Stirling Properties’ Senior Vice President of Acquisitions, Development and Finance. “Just last summer we decided to pro-actively pursue the acquisition of office, retail and multi-family properties within the Gulf South region and now, nearly $100 million invested to date, our clients are seeing attractive returns at a time when investors just aren’t seeing these returns through other investment alternatives.”
“Multi-family is an asset class that Stirling Properties has grown very bullish on based upon the demographic and economic trends in the nation,” stated Marty Mayer President and CEO of Stirling Properties. “With this particular investment, being our first move into multi-family, a significant milestone for the company and for the team has been marked as we look to expand our holdings in this type of asset.”
Going forward, Stirling Properties will fulfill the role of Asset Manager for these newly acquired multi-family properties while BH Management, based in Des Moines, Iowa, will report to Stirling Properties as the primary property management firm for all 370 units.
For more information about Stirling Properties Acquisition Team and its objectives contact Jeff Marshall at (985) 246-3765 or firstname.lastname@example.org.


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March 4 – Japan’s J.League is the latest big league to announce it is entering the competitive esports arena with it clubs lined up to play in tournament on Konami’s Pro Evolution Soccer (PES) game. Other leagues have generally opted for the EA Sports FIFA 19 platform.
The competition will feature all 40 clubs in the J.League’s top two divisions with each club fielding three players. The final tournament will be played on July15 and will be offline. online qualifiers begin March 22.
The tournament will be played on the mobile-app version of the PES game and was one of the six titles played as part of a demonstration sport last year at the Asian Games in Indonesia.
The mobile version of PES 2019 was updated in mid-December last year, with the app having achieved 150 million downloads worldwide by August 2018.
J.League chairman Mitsuru Murai said: “Esports is enjoyed by people of different generations, gender and whether they have disabilities or not. It is a useful way to spread the attractions of soccer.”
The J.League venture is not Konami’s first esports collaboration in football. Konami joined with the UEFA Champions League to make its PES League World Tour 2018 the official UEFA Champions League eSports competition and has just started in the six team eFootball.Pro league which is played on the PES platform.
eFootball.Pro was founded by Barcelona player Gerard Piqué and is owned by Esports Media Rights. The six teams competing in the league are FC Barcelona, FC Schalke 04, AS Monaco, Celtic FC, Boavista FC and FC Nantes.
Contact the writer of this story at email@example.com


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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is a nation in Northwest Europe. It shares borders with Ireland only.
The United Kingdom has an estimated population of 62 million people and a land mass of 243,610 km2 / 94,060 sq mi.
Arriving on the Tyne 06/12/11.
Italian Frigate 'Aviere'
Outbound from the River Clyde in Scotland on a quiet October morning in 2010 as part of one of the i...
Outbound from the Clydeport Greenock Ocean Terminal (GOT) in fine late afternoon sunshine , July 201...
Nord Strait heading for Braefoot terminal, Firth of Forth on 9/12/2011.
See also picture #18646
On exercise on the upper Firth of Clyde on a rather cool February day in 2011.
Med Baltic at South Queensferry, Edinburgh on 9/12/2011
( bound for Hames, Finland )

domain: geography


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"On Paper, '52' Seems Like Madness"
If you’re at all familiar with the DC comics landscape of the last decade, the number 52 will have some meaning to you. With a little research, you’ll eventually end up discovering the eponymous 2006-2007 limited series. On paper 52 seems like madness. The plan was simple: DC would bring together five of the best creators in the business and they would publish a weekly coming for one year. It was an audacious plan and the mere fact that each and every issue shipped on time would make 52 a singular triumph. It is, consequently, very easy to forget that hiding in the history lesson is a truly fantastic story.
52 was Conceived as a story chronicling the year after the company wide Infinite Crisis in which the DC’s trinity: Batman, Superman and Wonder Woman, go missing. It brought together industry heavy-hitters Geoff Johns, Grant Morrison, Greg Rucka, Mark Waid, and Keith Giffen (on storyboards) to tell the story of how the DC universe dealt with the disappearance of its cornerstone characters. At least that was the plan. At some point, however, the creators went a little off script and the result is complex, multi-dimensional story that tells interchangeably personal and universe shattering stories.
Though the story is a collaborative effort the fingerprints of each creator can be seen all over certain story arcs. Greg Rucka tells the story of the last days of the Question. Mark Waid follows Ralph Dibny (the elongated man) as he investigates the strange happenings surrounding his recently deceased wife. Geoff Johns focuses alternatively on the Booster Gold in his quest for fame and Black Adam in his quest for … something. Finally, Grant Morrisons touch is obvious in two story-arcs: one focusing on an island of mad scientists, and the other on a mis-matched team of space-faring adventurers and all the while is clearly building to something.
If these story-arcs sound disparate and the character names don’t ring any bells (Intergang? Steel? Will Magnus and the Metal Men) and that is, in many ways, the point. 52 isn’t so much the story of any single character, or even any group. It’s a complex tapestry of wildly different narratives that show any reader that any character can be interesting and any story can be compelling. This is the story of a universe, from the personal struggle of rogue cop Renee Montoya to the multiversal machinations of *spoiler*. 52 really does capture lightning in a bottle with super-star creators going wild with what appears to be relatively little editorial oversight on one of the broadest canvases of all: the entire DCU.
52 is everything superhero comics can be: at once a rollicking adventure and an intimate character piece. It’s a sci-fi adventure, a mystery, a time travel story, a coming of age story, a crime thriller, and a love story (sort of).
When re-reading 52 for this review I realised that the story just turned 10 years old. Yes, there have been some great superheroes told in the last decade but it would be a real shame if you missed out on this one.