text:
Buying seedlings is an easy way to start a garden, though those established plants are more expensive than starting from scratch. Of course, seeds are rather delicate, requiring gentle care to get them ready to plant. Though starting them in soil is the traditional method, there is another more effective way. That’s why many gardeners are learning how to germinate seeds in a paper towel.
In this article, we’ll look at how you can use this technique to more easily start your seeds. We’ll go over the exact process you can use, as well as look at some dos and don’ts to give you the best chance of success.
Why Germinate In Paper Towel Over Soil
The main reason to germinate your seeds in a paper towel instead of soil is that it is a much easier method. When using soil, you need to be extra careful with every detail. The soil must be sterilized, light, loamy, and disease-free. Air and moisture should penetrate it freely. You also need to be careful with planting to ensure the seeds don’t go too deep and during watering to prevent drowning them.
Paper towels remove all of these issues since they are already clean and disease-free, plus you can lightly moisten them as needed without worrying about overwatering. Paper towels also allow you to keep a close eye on the seeds, which isn’t possible when they are buried in soil.
It’s also a bit less involved than working with soil. You won’t need to prepare a container or buy soil. This makes it a great, low-budget, way to germinate seeds that is just as effective as traditional methods.
Steps To Germinate Seeds in Paper Towels
Germinating seeds in paper towels isn’t a difficult task, though you still need to be careful to get the most from your seeds. The following steps will help you get started.
Step 1 – Gather the Materials
To germinate seeds using this method, you need a few items. First, choose the seeds you want to plant. You’ll also need paper towels, a spray bottle of water, and a zip-lock bag. You can replace the zip-lock bag with a container, as long as it is sealable such as plastic tupperware. A coffee filter is an alternative to a paper towel since it is thicker and retains more moisture.
You can also get a heat mat which can help keep the soil warm for certain seeds. This isn’t strictly necessary, so feel free to skip it. It’s also not needed for all types of seeds.
Step 2 – Trim the Paper Towel
Take your paper towel and trim it to fit the size of the zip-lock bag or container you’re using. It should be able to seal completely with the paper towel inside.
Step 3 – Moisten the Paper Towel
Take your spray bottle and spray the paper towel. It should be lightly moistened, not soggy when you’re finished. It should feel wet to the touch, but shouldn’t be so moist that it’s falling apart.
Step 4 – Place Your Seeds
Choose the seeds you want to germinate and then place them about 2 inches apart on one half of the paper towel. When the seeds are scattered, fold the other half of the paper towel over them.
Step 5 – Bag the Paper Towel
When your seeds are ready, carefully take the paper towel and slide it into the zip-lock bag or container taking care not to jostle the seeds too much. Then seal it, leaving some air in the bag.
Step 6 – Place your Bag of Seeds
Once your seeds are safely in the bag, choose their location. Near a south-facing window is best to give them the proper amount of heat and humidity. Keep your seed’s needs in mind as some need more light or heat than others.
Step 7 – Observe the seeds
Over the next few days, monitor the seeds by peeking into the paper towel. If you see the radicles sprouting from the seeds, it is time to plant them in a pot or the ground. If the paper towel dries out, you can lightly mist it again.
What Seeds Can You Germinate In Paper Towels
You can germinate almost any seeds using a paper towel. Fruits and vegetables are great options, like broccoli, turnips, tomatoes, eggplant, cucumbers, lemons, melons, and strawberries. You can also germinate flowers and herbs, giving you a wide selection of plants to fill your garden or place in decorative pots around your yard.
As easy as it is to germinate seeds in paper towels, there are some issues that you may encounter. These aren’t necessarily going to damage your seeds, though you do need to be careful to keep those seeds viable.
Probably the single most common issue is an overly soggy paper towel. Though seeds need moisture to germinate, if the paper towel is too wet they could rot instead. A light spray with water to dampen the paper towel is best. If your paper towel is too wet, then it’s best to simply start over with a fresh piece.
A paper towel that is too dry is another possible issue since the seeds need moisture for the duration of the germination process. Not dampening the paper towel enough or letting air in the bag or container could dry out the seeds and prevent proper germination. You can always re-moisten a paper towel that has dried out too quickly.
Using old seeds should also be avoided. Though some seeds can last for several years, others don’t have the same longevity and may only last a few months. You can look up seed life expectancy to be sure your seeds are still viable. Purchasing new seeds each year will also ensure germination.
Where you place your seeds can also be an issue, especially if they aren’t getting the heat they need to sprout. Placing them in the shade is a sure way to prevent germination, so make sure your seeds are near a window where they’ll be warm.
Tips For Success
If you want to be successful with your paper towel seed germination, there are a few tips to consider. First, place each seed type in a different bag and label them accordingly. Doing so ensures you know exactly what you’re growing and when to plant them.
You may want to record when you begin germination and what seeds you’re working with. Doing so helps you keep track of all of the necessary planting details.
Staggering your seed germination is also a good idea to ensure you have a steady supply of crops to harvest. If you germinate them all at once, they grow at the same pace, and you may end up with more veggies and fruits than you can eat. Germination and planting 15 days apart help prevent such issues.
Larger vegetable seeds may need to be soaked in water for 12 hours before placing them on the paper towel to help germination. Fine seeds, on the other hand, should be placed between paper towels before you dampen them. While hardier seeds can be lifted off the towel for planting, cutting the paper around the fine seeds will prevent damage during planting.
How To Germinate Seeds In a Paper Towel
Learning how to germinate seeds in a paper towel has several benefits. It is a faster method than soil and only requires a few items and a bit of your time to accomplish. This method is easy, even for beginners who have never worked with seeds before. You can germinate almost any seeds you like, including veggies, fruits, flowers, and herbs, so you get the exact garden you want.
Germinating Seeds In Paper Towels FAQ
When Do I Transplant My Seedlings?
As soon as you see them begin to sprout from the seeds you can transplant them. Gently move them to an appropriate container with soil, and carefully submerge the seed into the soil. These seedlings are quite delicate at this stage, so take care not to damage them.
How Long Do Seeds Take To Germinate In Paper Towel?
It will depend on the seed, but expect those germinated in paper towels to do so a little quicker than those in soil. This is because the combination of moisture and heat that gets trapped in your plastic container provides the ideal environment for germination that is harder to replicate in a traditional garden pot.
Why Haven’t My Seeds Germinated?
If they’re past their expected germination time then there are a couple of reasons why they might not have germinated. Moisture control is typically the biggest issue; your paper towel may be too wet or too dry. Also, make sure your seeds are getting enough heat and light. Lastly, use fresh seeds as seeds do “go bad” over time.


text:
Meet the candidates for Naples City Council. Election day is March 17.
Starting with early voting March 7, Naples voters are heading to the polls to elect three people to the City Council. Early voting ends March 14. Election Day is March 17.
Six people — three incumbents and three challengers — are running for three seats on the council. Those who are elected will serve four-year terms.
The races are nonpartisan, and council members are elected citywide, not from districts. The top three vote-getters win election.
Naples City Council comprises seven members, including a mayor, who also is up for reelection this year. Read a story here about the mayoral race.
The Daily News asked the six City Council candidates why they chose to run and what their priorities would be if they are elected. See their responses in the links below:

domain: sociology


text:
The official mingfako app
Civil Engineering Reference Manual For The PE Exam, 15th Ed Books Pdf 11 > DOWNLOAD (Mirror #1)
. Download free mechanical engineering reference books free download ebooks in PDF, . ENGINEERING REFERENCE MANUAL FOR THE PE EXAM . PE CIVIL EXAM SAMPLE .
Find great deals on eBay for Civil Engineering in Books About Nonfiction. Shop with confidence. . Reference Manual; Reference Manual for The PE Exam; Also shop in.
Civil Engineering Reference Manual for the PE Exam, 15th Ed by Michael R. Lindeburg PE .
Shop Books and Standards; . The Magazine of the American Society of Civil Engineers. . The State of Women in Civil Engineering. April 11, .
Looking for Civil PE Exam study material that helps you to get passed in civil engineering exam. Do not . reference books, and most important practice problem .
principles of genetics 19full hd sad songs 1080p 53keygen autocad 2009 italiano 12download ebook dewasa jar 414Koleksi Download Video Bokep Gp3 18[PSN][EUR][PS3]Resident.Evil.4.HD...Fix.4.21..[NPEB00342] 83ijaazat 1987 full movie 81kyun main jaagoon mp3 download 32047download film death trance subtitle 17eviews 7 serial number 18
View with Google Maps
This website is part of the Pitchero Rugby Union network. Create your own free Rugby Union club website with Pitchero.
© Pitch Hero Ltd 2008-2019
Pitch Hero Ltd Registered in ENGLAND | WF3 1DR | Company Number - 636 1033

domain: library


text:
SAN DIEGO (KGTV) - Two people were found unconscious at a Tierrasanta home where a child was found dead in a parked car two days earlier, according to San Diego Police.
At around 10:30 a.m. Wednesday, police were called to a home in the 10300 block of Leary Street in response to a report of a man and woman unconscious in a house due to possible drug overdoses, said Officer Billy Hernandez.
The two people were rushed to Sharp Memorial Hospital, and they are not in life-threatening condition, officials said.
10News learned the patients are the cousin of the child's mother and the cousin's boyfriend.
Also removed from the home was the cousin's boyfriend's dog, which reportedly bit the man when he was unconscious.
RELATED: Child found inside parked vehicle in Tierrasanta dies
Police confirmed that the incident occurred at the same home where a 2-year-old girl was found unresponsive in a car.
On Aug. 5, a woman identified as the girl’s mother called 911 to report her daughter missing.
After the call disconnected, the same woman called back a short time later and said she found her daughter in her Nissan Altima parked in the driveway, but the child was unresponsive and not breathing.
Despite life-saving measures, the girl was pronounced dead at the scene.
The girl's brother was taken into the custody of Child Protective Services.
10News learned the girl's mother was taken to a hospital for a psychiatric evaluation following Wednesday's medical emergency.
City News Service contributed to this report.


text:
Mothers Day inspired me to get back to a project that's been on my back burner: My mom's favorite pattern.
The Original Pattern
Part of a Fleisher's kit called "Yours Truly"
This is a photo of an original kit I found on E-bay. I don't think my mom ever had a kit. I think she was probably given the leftover pattern after some friend of hers finished a kit. Pure speculation, of course, but this is definitely the sweater she made at least ten times.
One of my mom's extant versions
This one was worked from the bottom up, with handmade ring buttons. Nearly been loved to death, but still beautiful, in its way.
Although there were at least ten of these (probably more), no two were alike. She hacked the top-down original to work bottom-up, changed yarns, changed sizes, substituted different cables, you name it. Somewhere in storage there is even a kids' version in navy blue garter stitch (which would have been a completely different gauge!), with antique jet buttons. I like to think she made that one just for somewhere to use the buttons. I would have. With five kids, it probably fit somebody, at some point.
My first prototype
Lots of you have seen this on me and asked for the pattern, because I kind of never take it off.
Here's the first one I made after getting hold of the original pattern. I included mom's genius hack of carrying the raglan cables down the sides and into the ribbing. Totally makes the garment, IMHO. This one also has the original folded placket, but I chumped out on knitting the buttonholes and machine-sewed them instead. It needs some adjustments for modern wear, I think: The original doesn't have enough stitches across the back neck. I explored that problem back HERE. I also think there could be a little more ease in the sleeves. The original was designed to be worn alone, so the sleeves are pretty tight when I layer it over other clothes.
And of course, there is the sizing: The original pattern has two sizes: Small and Smaller. Not much use for those of us outside that range. And bizarrely, I just realized I have never extrapolated sizing for a top-down raglan before! The things I think I can do just because I never have before...Not to worry; I know a genius who can help. I'm looking at you Karen F.!
Various Stages of Completion
The blue one fixed the neckline and sleeves, but it's too big and I ran out of yarn. The red one is my attempt at spacing the buttonholes while retaining the prior fixes.
Third time's the charm? I started the red version because I really wanted to prove that I could manage the buttonholes (chumped out again on the blue one, telling myself I'd try afterthought buttonholes, which remain to be seen). I also am so frustrated about having run out of yarn on that one that I just started over. I'll have to address Blue-y at some point, but not today. I have a sinking feeling that the red one is going to be bigger than I want, but maybe not. Can't rightly tell yet. At least the buttonholes are on track. I think.
I had decided I was going to rename this pattern after my mom; Jane Wolff Scott. I still want to, but now that I've made (almost) three of them, I think I'm starting to understand why she couldn't stop knitting them. It's potato-chip knitting, pure and simple. So I think a better name might be "Jane's Addiction".
Thanks for leaving me this gorgeous puzzle to solve, Mom. Working on it is a little bit like being with you again. Happy Mothers Day.

domain: design


text:
Bed Frame and Mattress – It is a collection of bed frame and mattress, part of our compilation about bedroom designs and ideas. A chic and related bedroom will improve your sleeping quality. Thus, setting up your bedroom specially about bed frame and mattress need a lot of considerations. This site has many inspirations about bedroom designs in order to help you finding more inpsiration. There are many things in your bedroom that need attention including bedding sets, vanities, storages, interior decors, lighting and many others.
Making cozy bedroom which meet to your need and budget is not easy. There are some ways that may help you choosing bed frame and mattress to use on your bedroom, like exploring inspiration on the internet, asking your friends or going to local home improvement professional at your location. Here we also posted some high quality pictures about bed frame and mattress, we hope this can help you building your best bedroom ever.
In the last, we wish you like the article about bed frame and mattress. Suppose that you want to look more ideas about bed frame and mattress, then please scroll down to the gallery below. You can get other related inspiration like: We tried to deliver best pictures in order to help you take a look clearer and more detail. Good luck choosing the best and most suitable bedroom for your house.


text:
Hi dolls and gents,
Welcome to the realm of fashion designers!
Definition: Someone who creates fashions for clothing, shoes, handbags, or accessories.
Lesson plan: Discover the world of fashion designers! See who you like! Decide interest level!
Assignment: Find your top 5 designers
OK! Let’s begin! I didn’t know where to start so I thought “what brands do I like?’ I could start my list from there.
Top 5 Designers (Rough draft):
1. Gap/Banana Republic Brand
But that couldn’t be all! A top 5 list consisting of only 2 design teams? I couldn’t stop there. I would sell my assignment short if I stopped there. So, the scientist in me kept my exploration going. After looking at hundreds of designers, I found 5 designers that caught my eye. I looked at their biographies, lookbooks, runway shows, and websites and realized I would love to have my wardrobe designed by any (or all) of them. J
All me to reintroduce my top 5 designers (caution this list does exclude my two favorite brands):
He is just adorable. His clothes are the same. His clothes are made for women to feel beautiful. He is quoted saying: “At first I thought to myself, who needs fashion? Look what life is about.” he woke up with the thought that fashion makes women feel good. “A doctor will give you a Tylenol,” he says. “I will give you a beautiful red coat, and you will feel as good with Tylenol as with the red coat.” After reading this, I loved him even more.
2. Rachel Roy
Her dresses are amazing and they fit so well. She is trendy, chic and funky. I love love love her clothes. I promise you, you will find at least one thing you love if you go to her site.
3. Mary Kate and Ashley Olsen
I love their eclectic style. They offer variety to fit every one of your moods. They’ve developed their style over the years and both brands, The Row and Elizabeth and James, are hot!
4. Georgina Chapman and Keren Craig
I recently discovered the charm and allure behind their brand. Their dresses emit sex appeal. I just know that I would feel regal in one of their designs. Breathtakingly beautiful and exquisite came to mind when I saw their dresses.
5. Stella McCartney
She reminds me of my style, simple with some twists and turns. No wonder she has a loyal customer like Gwyneth Paltrow (my style twin). Her clothes are subtle but still make a statement. I wish she could design my entire wardrobe.
OMG! I just love her! She is timeless! She is sophisticated. Her line is elegant, feminine, and romantic. She is a legend to me.
Verdict: Yes, I would love to design. Simply stated, I want to paint the world beautiful with my designs. First, I’ll try accessories.
Til next time,

domain: artistic


From: Oxford Constitutions (http://oxcon.ouplaw.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2023. All Rights Reserved. Subscriber: null; date: 07 June 2023
(p. 495) 4.5 The Separation and Distribution of Powers under the New Moroccan Constitution
During the demonstrations—and, in some cases, even revolutions—that broke out in the Arab world between the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011, the protesters, largely composed of young people, called for profound constitutional and political reforms. These reforms included constraints on the prerogatives of heads of state, and the strengthening of the independence and powers of parliaments, judiciaries, and constitutional courts. In a nutshell, they hoped to reinforce the separation and balance of powers. This aspiration, however, was only partially achieved, and it was implemented in different ways depending on the country. In Jordan, for example, the 1952 Constitution was amended in 2011. On the one hand, judicial independence was strengthened slightly, the government’s power to issue temporary laws when parliament is not in session was partially limited, and a constitutional court was established for the first time in the country’s history. On the other hand, however, it is significant that Chapter IV, Section I of the constitution—devoted to “The King and His Prerogatives”—was left intact. This means that the monarch continues to hold almost the same powers that he held in the past.1
In Tunisia, while the new 2014 Constitution undoubtedly possesses many merits, it also has flaws. Thus, for example, it strengthened the independence and the powers of the Constitutional Court by changing the appointment procedure of constitutional justices (as it grants a key role to each branch of government) and by introducing (in addition to ex ante review) concrete constitutional review. Moreover, the new constitution established that no one can be elected president for more than two full terms and that this limit applies regardless of whether the two terms are consecutive or separate. Furthermore, the constitution (p. 496) cannot be amended to increase the number or length of presidential terms. At the same time, however, there are some constitutional provisions concerning the semi-presidential form of government that are cause for concern, notably those referring to the president combining the role of head of state and head of government, which led to a certain degree of uncertainty as to who is the chief of the executive.2
Egypt adopted two constitutions in the span of one year: The first came into force in December 2012, while the second—following President Mursī’s removal from office—was adopted in January 2014. As far as the distribution of powers is concerned, the two texts differ significantly. The 2012 Constitution reduced the prerogatives of the president, while the parliament came out as one of the “winners”. Indeed, the latter was given significant oversight powers and authority in government formation and dismissal processes; parliament was also protected from arbitrary dissolution. On the contrary, the 2014 Constitution “decisively swings the pendulum back in favor of the president”,3 who enjoys, inter alia, very important appointment powers over the prime minister, the ministers of Justice, Interior, and Defense, as well as in the selection of 5% of the parliament’s members. It is also important to stress that the military continues to enjoy a high degree of independence and privilege.
Morocco was the first country involved in the Arab upheavals to adopt a new constitution in July 2011. The document assigned the principle of separation of powers an extraordinary importance, at least from a formal point of view. Indeed, Art. 1 states: “The constitutional system of the Kingdom shall be based on the separation, balance and cooperation of powers […]” Moreover, the new constitution is divided into sections that no longer refer to bodies (parliament, government)—as was the case in the previous constitutions—but instead specifically delineate powers. Thus, Chapter IV is devoted to legislative power, Chapter V to executive power, Chapter VI deals with relations between the branches of power, and as Art. 107 states: “the judicial power shall be independent of the legislative power and the executive power”.
The aim of this chapter is to show if and to what extent the new constitution has introduced real change in the distribution and separation of powers. I focus only on the horizontal separation of powers (i.e., their distribution between the monarchy, the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary), and not on the vertical separation of powers (i.e., their distribution between the central government and the local government, which consists—in the case of Morocco—of regions, prefectures, provinces, and communes).
Accordingly, this chapter proceeds in five steps. First, I analyze the distribution of powers before the adoption of the 2011 Constitution, and I show that the Moroccan constitutional order was characterized by both the principle of the separation of powers and the principle of unity of power. I then discuss the reform of the “old” Art. 19 and the (formal) separation between temporal and spiritual power. Third, I examine the form of government and I argue that Morocco has not turned into a parliamentary monarchy (where the king reigns but does not rule). In the fourth and fifth sections I analyze the legislative and judicial power, respectively (including some references to constitutional justice), and I stress the influential role that the monarch still plays in these branches of government. Finally, I draw concluding remarks.
(p. 497) II. The Distribution of Powers Before the 2011 Constitution
The concept of the separation of power is not new in Morocco.4 Indeed, all three kings who have reigned over the country since its independence have stressed the importance of such a principle. Thus, on November 18, 1955—just a few months before Morocco became independent—Muḥammad V announced to the country his intention to set up “democratic institutions … founded on the principle of the separation of powers, in the framework of a constitutional monarchy”. Similarly, Ḥassan II, on March 3, 1963—three months after the referendum that ratified the 1962 Constitution—pointed out that the new constitution confirmed “without any ambiguity the principle of separation of powers”. Even Muḥammad VI, on October 8, 1999, in his first speech given before parliament, declared, “the separation of powers is the foundation of democracy”.5 It comes as no surprise, then, that Muḥammad VI stressed the relevance of this principle in his speech of March 9, 2011, when he announced his decision to complete a “global constitutional reform.”
Notwithstanding these solemn declarations, before the adoption of the 2011 Constitution, the principle of separation of powers had never been implemented in the way it is implemented in Western consolidated democracies.6 Indeed, the Moroccan constitutional order used to place above it another principle—that is, the principle of unity of power (unité du pouvoir), which is represented by the monarchy. As pointed out by Abdeltif Menouni, this power, which is “one of the fundamental realities, keystones and cement of the Moroccan constitutional system”, is “unique, originary and oriented”.7 It is unique because the king is the only authority to enjoy simultaneous religious, historical, and legal-rational legitimacy. He is above the political parties and electoral competition.
It is an originary power because the constitution is not the source of legitimacy for royal power, but only acknowledges the existence of the monarchical institution and identifies the consequences of the king’s supremacy. Moreover, it is the sovereign who holds the constituent power and who decides the moments and the extent of constitutional reforms.
It is oriented power because the power held by the king is not without limits. For instance, according to Art. 19 of the previous constitutions (which were adopted in 1962, 1970, 1972, 1992, and 1996), the sovereign is in charge of guaranteeing the continuity of the state, the respect for Islam and the constitution, the protection of the rights of citizens, the independence of the nation, and the territorial integrity of the realm.
The Moroccan constitutional order was then characterized by two principles: the principle of the separation of powers—which has its roots in Western liberal thought8—and (p. 498) the principle of unity of power—typical of Islamic political tradition and thought.9 The leading literature, the case law of the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court and the official royal speeches have acknowledged the existence of both principles within the Moroccan constitutional order, but they have also repeatedly pointed out that the monarchical institution was not involved in the separation of powers. Indeed, the king was above such separation. Thus, according to Abdeltif Menouni:
[…] the Constitution, and especially the practice of the institutions, is crossed by two movements whose nature is different, but which mutually complete and clarify each other. The first affirms the unity of the political power and defines the channels through which it will spread; the second, more restricted, present especially at the level of constitutional sub-system, allows for a separation of the bodies and a collaboration among the political functions, but only […] within significant limits.10
On October 27, 1970, Aḥmad Baḥnīnī, president of the Constitutional Chamber, declared:
Asserting that the Constitution has transferred the sovereignty from the King to the Nation is not correct […] What clearly emerges from the Constitution is that the nation has wanted to ascribe to the King a supremacy with respect to the heavy responsibilities that the Constitution, the function of Imam and the Islamic tradition […] have assigned to him. In the light of this supremacy, the King, among his prerogatives, holds the power to control all the gears of the State, without any exception.11
Ḥassan II, in his speeches, most clearly expressed the idea of the king’s noninvolvement in the separation of powers. For example, on May 22, 1977, he specified: “If there is a separation of powers, this would not be at our level, but at a lower level, because the King was asked to supervise and decide the politics of his country, with the help of the executive power represented by his Government, and of the legislative power: the Parliament”.12 Similarly, on October 9, 1987, he declared: “I have said and I repeat that for me, humble servant of God and first servant of Morocco, there is not a separation of powers. I am the father of everyone, of the legislator and of the executor, of the young and of the old man, of the strong and of the weak […].”13
III. The Reform of the “Old” Art. 19: the End of the “Confusion” Between Temporal Power and Spiritual Power?
There is no doubt that one of the most relevant innovations (at least in formal terms) introduced by the 2011 Constitution results from the fact that Art. 19 of the previous constitutions was “split” into two different provisions. This article, defined within the literature as the “Supra-Constitution”14
or “a Constitution within the Constitution”,15
represented the (p. 499)
cornerstone of the Moroccan constitutional system and the most important source of the near-absolute powers of the sovereign. It stated:
This article was peculiar in that it assigned to the king both spiritual and temporal powers, thus creating “confusion” between the two. The sovereign then held “both the spiritual legitimacy—which refers to religious affairs (dīn)—and the temporal legitimacy—which refers to the earthly affairs (dunyā)”.16
As far as religious legitimacy is concerned, it is important to stress that the Moroccan sovereign, as a member of the 350-year-old ʿAlawī dynasty, claims direct descent from the Prophet Muḥammad, and this is one of the main reasons why he continues to be very popular among the population. Bernard Lugan has emphasized that it is on the basis of their descent from the Prophet that the ʿAlawītes:
[…] accumulate all the functions of the slight and complex Muslim hierarchy. Thus, the Moroccan Sovereign is at the same time Malik (King), Chérif (since he is a descendant of the Prophet), Sultan (since he holds the authority), Emir (because he is the Commander in Chief), Imam (chief of the national religious community), Khalife (since he is at the same time lieutenant and sword of God) and finally Amir al-Mouminine (Commander of the Faithful).17
In his capacity as Amīr al-Muʾminīn
, the king is entitled “to make all the necessary decisions based on the hermeneutic effort—itjihād
—according to the necessities and the general interest (maṣlaḥah
) of the community, in particular the nation and the people”.18
Therefore, he “has jurisdiction to carry out itjihād
: he is mujtahid
[i.e., the person who is entitled to carry out itjihād
] and, as a consequence, he is entitled to issue the legal texts which are necessary to the common good”.19
It was precisely in their capacity as Amīr al-Muʾminīn
that the kings have made some great historical decisions for the country, such as in 1975, when Ḥassan II called his people to participate in the Green March,20
or in 2004, when Muḥammad VI decided to reform the Code of Personal Status—the Mudawwannah
(p. 500) As stated above, the 2011 Constitution “split” Art. 19 of the previous constitutions into two provisions: Arts. 41 and 42. The intention was to separate spiritual power from temporal power in order to remedy the “confusion” of powers.
Art. 41 in particular sets forth the king’s prerogatives in the religious sphere:
Art. 42, on the contrary, refers to the powers of the king in the secular domain:
From a symbolic point of view, the reform of the “old” Art. 19 is undoubtedly a true revolution. For the first time in 50 years (that is, since the 1962 Constitution) the most important provision of the Moroccan Constitution has been changed, thus losing its “sacredness”. However, a closer examination reveals that the novelties may be overstated. For example, according to the new constitution, the person of the king ceases to be “inviolable and sacred” (as it was in the 1996 Constitution), and is only defined as “inviolable, and respect shall be due to him” (Art. 46). If at first sight this provision represents an important step toward a greater secularization (the king is no longer considered sacred), in reality this clause seems to state two different things depending on the language used. In fact, in Arabic Art. 46 reads: “The King’s person is inviolable and iḥtirām [respect] and tawqīr are owed to him.” As Ahmed Benchemsi underlines:
(p. 501) Furthermore, it is emblematic that on July 31, 2011, just one month after the referendum that ratified the new constitution, government officials and dignitaries were once again lined up to bow to the monarch in the classic ritual of the bayʿah [allegiance], which is the annual ceremony where nobles, politicians, tribe chiefs, Oulemas (ʿUlamāʾ), and dignitaries from across Morocco pledge allegiance to the king. According to many, this ritual “has turned out to be one of the most symbolic acts of obedience and servitude”.23
Another element that moderates the extent of the division of the “old” Art. 19 refers to the legislative power of the sovereign. One of the most relevant consequences resulting from this division consists of the fact that the legislative power reserved to the king under the terms of the “old” Art. 19 of the previous constitution no longer exists. In fact, in his capacity as Amīr al-Muʾminīn, the king had a monopoly on legislation pertaining to religious matters, family law, and the protection of rights and freedoms. However, as stressed by David Melloni, the division of Art. 19 does not mean that it will be impossible for the sovereign to legislate, but rather heralds the start of legislative power-sharing with parliament, in which the new constitution vests, inter alia, competence over family status and marital status, citizenship and the status of foreigners, and fundamental rights and freedoms (Art. 71).24 However, in actual fact, Muḥammad VI had consented to the parliament’s intervention in these fields even in the past: In fact, both the new Code of Personal Status from 2004 and the new Nationality Code from 2006 were adopted by the parliament, in spite of the fact that they related to areas in which, in his capacity as Amīr al-Muʾminīn, the king had always held sole competence.25
In the light of these facts, it emerges that notwithstanding the reform of Art. 19, the distinction between spiritual and temporal powers is far from clear, at least in practical terms. Indeed, despite the changes, the Moroccan king still wears two hats: He continues to be both a temporal and a spiritual chief.
IV. Separation of Powers and the Form of Government: Toward the Establishment of a Parliamentary Monarchy?
Interestingly enough, Art. 1 of the 2011 Constitution states that the Moroccan constitutional system is based not only on the “separation” but also on the “balance and cooperation” of powers. This wording highlights that one of the main objectives of the constitutional reform was to strengthen the parliamentary dimension of the relations between the king, the government, and the parliament. It is not by coincidence, then, that Art. 1 specifies that the Moroccan monarchy is not only “constitutional”, “democratic”, and “social” but also “parliamentary”. In this section I examine the relations between the king, government, and parliament, and I show that the new constitution has undoubtedly reinforced the prerogatives and the autonomy of the government, but the country has remained—albeit, on a more limited scale compared to the past—an “executive” monarchy.
(p. 502) A. The Strengthening of the Government’s Powers
The 2011 Constitution significantly reinforced the powers of the government. While under the 1996 Constitution the king was the effective holder of executive power (and the government often limited its action to the mere execution of the king’s wishes), under the new constitution this power is shared between the sovereign and the government—more specifically, the head of government (which replaced the title of “prime minister”). Thus, the 2011 Constitution created a sort of “executive dualism”, even if (as discussed below) the king clearly prevails over the head of government.
The principal novelty refers to the appointment of the head of government. In fact, whilst under the previous constitutions the prime minister was appointed at the discretion of the king, the 2011 Constitution stipulates that the sovereign appoints the head of government from the party “arriving ahead in the elections of the members of the Chamber of Representatives, and with a view to their results” (Art. 47). This practice was introduced by Ḥassan II at the end of his reign and was followed on two occasions (following the 1997 and 2007 elections), although since it had no constitutional status it could be disregarded at any time, as occurred following the 2002 elections. This means that the sovereign will now be unable to appoint a head of government without referring to election results; thus, it will de facto be the people who choose the prime minister. At least in theory, this popular investiture should strengthen the position of the head of government vis-à-vis the king.
Art. 47 goes on to specify that members of the government are appointed by the sovereign, acting upon a proposal by the head of government; the latter may in turn request the king to remove one or more members of the government from office, either on his own initiative, or following their individual or collective resignation.
Title V of the constitution, devoted to the “executive power”, guarantees the central position of government within the state apparatus and enhances its functions. According to Art. 89, the government exercises executive power and, under the authority of the head of government, implements its program and assures the execution of laws. Moreover, the government is now no longer responsible to the king and the parliament, but exclusively to the parliament; in fact, Art. 88 provides that the government is invested after having obtained the confidence of the House of Representatives.
Another significant novelty refers to the Council of Government. Indeed, whilst under the 1996 Constitution this body, chaired by the prime minister, had no official recognition under constitutional law and was limited to “a function involving the preparation of decisions adopted by the Council of Ministers”,26 the new constitution expressly recognizes its status and vests it with important functions. It is chaired by the head of government, and it now makes decisions in domains previously under the exclusive competence of the Council of Ministers: general state policy prior to its presentation in the Council of Ministers; engagement of the responsibility of the government before the Chamber of Representatives; issues related to human rights and public order; draft legislation; international conventions before their submission to the Council of Ministers; and appointments to high public office (Art. 92).
Furthermore, the head of government exercises regulatory power and can delegate some of his prerogatives to the ministers (Art. 90). He also makes appointments to civil (p. 503) public offices and high-ranking positions in state corporations and companies (Art. 91). Moreover, he has the power to dissolve the Chamber of Representatives by a decree adopted in the Council of Ministers, after consultation with the sovereign, the president of the Chamber, and the president of the Constitutional Court (Art. 104). Under the 1996 Constitution, by contrast, this prerogative was vested exclusively in the king.
B. The King Reigns and Governs
Although, as illustrated above, the new constitution has significantly reinforced the head of government’s powers, the king nonetheless remains the cornerstone of the system and continues to operate as the central figure in the country’s most important decisions. First and foremost, he still chairs the Council of Ministers, the body that resolves matters of decisive interest for the state: strategic state policy orientations; proposed revisions of the constitution; draft organic and framework laws; general guidelines of the finance bill; draft amnesty law; draft texts relating to military domain; the declaration of states of siege and war; bills of decree regarding the dissolution of the House of Representatives, on the proposal of the head of government; appointments to high public office […] (Art. 49). It is thus evident that the Council of Ministers is assigned “political, strategic and symbolic competences stronger than the ones held by the Council of Government”.27
The king presides over some extremely important bodies: Indeed, besides the Council of Ministers and the Higher Oulema (ʿUlamāʾ) Council,28 he is the supreme commander of the Royal Armed Forces (Art. 53), and the president of the Higher Council of the Judicial Power29 and of the new national security body, namely the Supreme Security Council (Art. 54). It should be noted that he could delegate the presidency of a meeting of the Council of Ministers and of the Security Council to the head of government (Arts. 48 and 54).30
Among the king’s prerogatives, it is important to mention the powers to dismiss one or more ministers after consultation with the head of government (Art. 47), to appoint military positions (Art. 53), to appoint half of the members of the Constitutional Court (Art. 130), as well as to dissolve the houses of parliament after consultation with the president of the Constitutional Court and after informing the presidents of the two houses of parliament and the head of government (Art. 96).
Art. 42 specifies that the king exercises his powers through royal decrees (ẓahāʾir), which must be countersigned by the head of government. In this regard one should point out that while the ẓahāʾir that do not require countersignature by the head of government are now the exception, they do relate to matters of crucial importance: In addition to appointing the head of government (Art. 47), they refer to the religious prerogatives inherent in the institution of the Commandership of the Faithful (Art. 41), the appointment of the ten members of the Regency Council (Art. 44), the dissolution of parliament (Art. 51), approving appointments of magistrates by the Higher Council of the Judicial Power (Art. 57), the proclamation of a state of emergency (Art. 59), the appointment of half of the members of the Constitutional Court (Art. 130), and the presentation of proposed constitutional amendments for referendum (Art. 174).
(p. 504) David Melloni has rightly stressed that the two powers that demonstrate with greatest clarity the “constitutional supremacy”31 of the king are the proclamation of a state of emergency and the presentation of proposed constitutional amendments for referendum.
The first of the two is a very sensitive power, especially in a country such as Morocco, which experienced a state of emergency from 1965 to 1970, when the 1962 Constitution was suspended. This condition is now subject to various provisions regulating its use. In fact, before a state of emergency can be declared, the sovereign must consult the head of government, the presidents of the two houses of parliament, and the president of the Constitutional Court; parliament cannot be dissolved during the exercise of emergency powers, and fundamental rights must be guaranteed; the monarch is required to guarantee the return to the ordinary operation of democratic institutions as quickly as possible (Art. 59). Notwithstanding these limitations, the king remains:
As far as the second power constituting an expression of the “constitutional supremacy” of the king, it should be pointed out that the constitution provides that only the sovereign is entitled to present directly a draft constitutional amendment for referendum, irrespective of whether any proposal has been made by the government or of a preliminary assessment by parliament (Art. 172).33 Moreover, the constitution grants the king the power to submit draft constitutional amendments to parliament (and not to the people), thereby avoiding the requirement for a referendum (Art. 174). For the first time in Moroccan history, the sovereign is therefore able to amend the constitution without any requirement for a referendum, simply by securing approval by parliament. The king also retains a “veto right”34 over proposed amendments originating from parliament and the head of government, since these must be subject to a referendum, which may only occur according to a ẓahīr (Art. 174). As highlighted above, this royal decree does not require countersignature by the head of government, and is therefore classed as an act over which the sovereign enjoys full discretion. This means that the king is not obliged to present these proposed amendments to the people whenever he considers them to be inappropriate.35 This interpretation appears to be confirmed by the fact that, in contrast to the situation for the promulgation of legislation, which Art. 50 stipulates must occur within 30 days, the constitution does not identify any time limit in relation to cases involving the presentation of proposed amendments for referendum.
(p. 505) C. An “Ultimate Leader” and a “Second-in-Command”
From the analysis of the constitution it clearly emerges that whilst the latter attributes significant new powers to the head of government and limits the sovereign’s prerogatives in some areas, it does not by any measure establish a parliamentary monarchy analogous to the British or Spanish monarchies, in which the king’s role is limited largely to the performance of a ceremonial and representative function. In fact, Morocco, albeit in some ways on a more limited scale compared to the past, continues to be an “executive” monarchy. The 2011 Constitution created a bicephalous executive, but the two “heads” are in very different positions: In fact, the king is the real “ultimate leader” of the country, while the head of government is nothing more than a “second-in-command”.
This situation has been confirmed by practice. The victory of the moderate Islamic party Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD) in the November 25, 2011, elections was undoubtedly of major importance, not only because the Parti authenticité et modernité (PAM), considered by Moroccans as the party of the monarch, did not win the elections (as some observers had predicted)36 but also because the winner was an Islamic party that was vested with the task—for the first time in Morocco’s history—of forming a government.
For the moment, the government and the head of government, ʿAbd al-Ilah Benkīrān, have announced a number of social and economic reforms, but only a few of them have been implemented. Moreover, they have encountered difficulties, especially during Benkīrān’s first few months in office, in exercising the powers expressly allocated to them under the constitution in full autonomy and in an effective manner. As Marina Ottaway, for example, has pointed out:
[…] the PJD still apparently consults with the palace even on the appointments the Prime Minister is entitled to make. In part, this is simply because the PJD does not have its own networks of expertise and contacts that would allow it to make independent choices. But in part it is also because the party does not want a confrontation with the King […]37
This deference of the PJD toward the monarchy may be explained in part as a psychological stance (“for the PJD government, as for so many Moroccans, the problem is not only the King but the King-inside-themselves”),38
and in part by the desire to be accepted as a legitimate political player and to become fully integrated into the political-institutional system.39
The weakness of the government has often allowed the sovereign to continue to exercise his powers and to make decisions in a discretionary manner, without any real political limitations (as occurred in the past).40
For the time being, Benkīrān has not managed to establish himself as a serious “counterweight” to Muḥammad VI.
(p. 506) V. The Legislative Power: The Parliament, the Government, and a (Lame) King-Legislator
Historically, the Moroccan parliament has been a weak and not very effective body. The 2011 drafters tried to remedy to this situation by strengthening its powers and functions.
According to the new constitution, the parliament is composed of two chambers: the House of Representatives, whose members are elected by direct universal suffrage (Art. 62), and the House of Councilors, which is elected by indirect universal suffrage, and whose members are representatives of local authorities, and professional and employee organizations (Art. 63). The bicameralism is therefore confirmed, but now the House of Representatives clearly prevails over the House of Councilors, both regarding its legislative power and its control over the government. Indeed, it is the House of Representatives that gives its “initial” confidence to the government (Art. 88) and can vote a motion of no confidence (Arts. 103 and 105). Moreover, draft bills are deposited in priority with the Bureau of the Chamber of Representatives, including the Finance Act (Arts. 75 and 78). Only the draft bills related to local government, regional development and social affairs are deposited in priority with the Bureau of the Chamber of Councilors (Art. 78). Furthermore, it is the Chamber of Representatives that adopts in last resort the laws (Art. 84).
As far as legislative power is concerned, the 2011 Constitution marks a significant discontinuity from the past, stipulating, for the first time in Morocco’s history, that “Parliament shall exercise the legislative power” (Art. 70). Moreover, the number of areas falling within the exclusive remit of the legislature has increased significantly. Indeed, the domaine de la loi has passed from ten matters—as provided for in the 1996 Constitution—to thirty matters, all of great importance (Art. 71). As was previously the case, all other matters belong in the regulatory domain (Art. 72). This is undoubtedly a significant strengthening of the legislative power of the parliament, which is now entitled to pass laws in almost all areas of social, economic, and political life; this consequently limits the regulatory domain. The latter, however, continues to enjoy a privileged status in some situations. For example, texts adopted in legislative form can be changed by decree, after confirmation from the Constitutional Court, in cases where they may intervene in a domain devolved to the regulatory power (Art. 73). Moreover, the government can deny the receipt of any proposal or amendment that does not fall within the domaine de la loi (Art. 79).41
The new constitution has also reinforced the government’s powers in the legislative domain. Indeed, Art. 70 states that an enabling act can allow the government, for a limited time and a specific objective, to take by decree measures that normally fall within the remit of the legislature.42 Art. 78 stipulates that the initiative of law belongs concurrently to the head of government and to the members of the parliament. According to Art. 81, the government can, between sessions, adopt decree-laws that must be submitted for ratification in the next ordinary parliamentary session. Furthermore, the government sets the legislative agenda (Art. 82), and the right of amendment belongs to the members of parliament and to the government (Art. 83).43
(p. 507) The aforementioned articles, together with other constitutional provisions (such as Art. 47, which stipulates that the sovereign appoints the head of government on the basis of the results of the elections, and Art. 88, which provides that the government is invested after having obtained the confidence of the House of Representatives) seem to confirm the “tendential merging of the legislative and executive branches”, characterized by a “concentration of powers in the hands of a partisan majority which rules both the Parliament and the Government”.44 Given this tendency, which is typical of most contemporary parliamentary systems, the role of the parliamentary opposition becomes crucial to establishing an effective counterweight to the majority.45 The 2011 Constitution, which has significantly strengthened the status of the parliamentary opposition,46 supports this direction.
An analysis of the legislative power in Morocco, however, would not be complete without discussing the role of the king. Indeed, the royal institution has been of the utmost importance in the legislative domain since the beginning of last century. It was the 1912 Treaty of Fez—which made Morocco a French protectorate—that removed the Oulemas (ʿUlamāʾ) from their quasi-legislative monopoly and the Moroccan Sulṭān expressly received legislative power. The Sulṭān (who assumed the title of king in 1957) continued to exercise this power between 1956—when Morocco gained independence—and 1963, when the first constitution came into force. The sovereign was then described by the literature as a “legislator”.47
The constitutional history of independent Morocco shows that the king exercised legislative power—through royal decrees—both in exceptional circumstances and ordinary situations. He exercised an “exceptional legislative power”48 during states of emergency (such as in the period 1965–1970) and—until 1996—even during the periods of constitutional transitions, when the monarch took the legislative measures necessary to implement the institutions provided for in the new constitution, and to manage public affairs.49 The sovereign also exercised exceptional legislative power (based on an expansive reading of Art. 19 of the constitution)50 during the periods of suspension of the activity of parliament, as well as following the dissolution of parliament, when he was allowed to legislate until the new parliament was elected. The 2011 Constitution has almost entirely put an end to all these prerogatives, leaving to the king significant powers only during states of emergency.51
Regarding ordinary situations, one should distinguish between “the power to decree and the power to block”.52 The former refers to the positive action of the king to legislate in the domains assigned to him by the constitution. As discussed above,53 following the (p. 508) division of the “old” Art. 19, the new constitution dictates the end of the king’s monopoly, in his capacity as Amīr al-Muʾminīn, on legislation pertaining to religious matters, family law, and the protection of rights and freedoms, and heralds in this field the start of legislative power shared with parliament.
Furthermore, the presidency of the opening of the first session of parliament (which is reserved under Art. 65 of the constitution to the sovereign) provides the king with the opportunity to provide inspiration for and to guide legislative action. The speech, given by the Moroccan monarch, then, has nothing to do with the speech given by his counterpart in England, who merely recites a speech that is actually prepared by the prime minister. On the contrary, to a certain extent, the Moroccan king’s speech is more analogous with the “State of the Union address” delivered by the US president.
With regard to the “power to block”, before the adoption of the 2011 Constitution the sovereign could slow down or even stop the legislative process in three ways.54 The first one referred to the promulgation of laws, which, until the 1992 constitutional reform, was not subject to any time limit. Afterward, the king had to promulgate a law within 30 days following its receipt by the government, but the constitution did not state any time limit for the publication of the laws in the Official Gazette. The 2011 Constitution has remedied this situation by stipulating that the law must be published in the Official Gazette within one month of the date of the royal decree through which it was promulgated (Art. 50).
The previous constitutions also vested the king (after he requested a second reading by parliament) with the power to submit any draft bill or proposed law to referendum, except in the case of those submitted for a new reading that were adopted or rejected by a two-thirds majority in the parliament. This royal prerogative disappeared with the 2011 Constitution. The only “power to block” maintained in the new constitution consists of the king’s power to request a second reading by parliament.
Therefore, following the 2011 constitutional reform, the Moroccan sovereign has undoubtedly lost much of his power in the legislative domain, and should thus be described as a lame king-legislator. Nevertheless, he still holds some very relevant prerogatives, which allow him to continue to play an influential role even in this area.
VI. Judicial Power, Constitutional Justice, and the King’s “Interference”
The weak independence of the judiciary has been considered a major punctum dolens of the Moroccan regime for a long time. The new constitution introduced some relevant novelties aimed at remedying this problem. First, the judiciary was elevated from a mere “authority” (as defined under the 1996 Constitution) to the status of a full-blown branch of the state, independent of legislative and executive powers (Art. 107). Such independence, as granted by the king (Art. 107), is guaranteed through a number of constitutional provisions. Indeed, the presiding magistrates (magistrats du siège) are irremovable (Art. 108), and the decisions of the judges are rendered on the sole foundation of the impartial application of the law (Art. 110). Moreover, the magistrates enjoy freedom of expression and can belong to associations or create professional associations within the bounds of respect for impartiality and the independence of justice. However, since magistrates not only have to be impartial but also must appear as such, they cannot belong to political parties or to trade-union organizations (Art. 111). Art. 109 stipulates that in their judicial function, judges cannot (p. 509) receive injunction or instruction, nor be submitted to any pressure whatsoever. Each time a judge considers his or her independence to be threatened, the judge must refer the matter to the Higher Council of the Judicial Power. This body, which replaces the High Council of Magistracy, is still chaired by the king; however, under the new constitution, the executive president is not the Minister of Justice (as provided under the 1996 Constitution) but is the first president of the Court of Cassation, thus making this body more independent (Art. 115). The Council applies the guarantees accorded to the magistrates, most notably concerning their independence, appointment, advancement, retirement, and discipline. It can also draw up reports on the status of justice and the judiciary, and make recommendations in this field (Art. 113).
It should be noted that the constitution now stipulates: “individual decisions by the Council […] may be challenged before the highest administrative jurisdiction in the Kingdom [i.e., the Administrative Chamber of the Supreme Court], on the grounds of abuse of powers” (Art. 114), and that the king approves by ẓahīr the appointment of the magistrates by the Council (Art. 57). This means that if such an appointment were interpreted as an individual decision of the Council, the ẓahīr of appointment could be then challenged on the grounds of abuse of power.55 Therefore, this form of appeal would depart from the tradition of immunity accorded to royal ẓahāʾir.56 However, as has been stressed by part of the literature,57 this type of ẓahīr is not a genuine royal ẓahīr, but a decision made by the Higher Council of Judicial Power (which is chaired by the king).
In September 2013, the High Authority for national dialogue on the reform of the justice system, which was established by Muḥammad VI in May 2012, presented the results of its work, consisting of a Charter on the Reform of the Judiciary System. This document, containing a number of proposals aimed at implementing the constitutional provisions in the field of judicial independence, undoubtedly represents an important step, and therefore its proposals should be turned into law as soon as possible.
It is also important to mention that the new Constitutional Court58 (which is not part of the judiciary) has been assigned the competence “to look into an exception of unconstitutionality raised in the course of a trial, when one of the parties argues that the law on which depends the outcome of a trial undermines the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution” (Art. 133). Thus, in addition to the ex ante review (already provided for under the previous constitution), the drafters—probably influenced by the 2008 French constitutional reform, which gave the Cour de Cassation and the Conseil d’Etat the power to submit legislative provisions to the Conseil Constitutionnel for a review of their constitutionality—decided to introduce concrete constitutional review. Such ex post review appears to be extremely important in order to enable the Constitutional Court to reinforce its position as (p. 510) a counter-majoritarian body and may thus contribute to the transition to democracy more effectively than in the past.59
Notwithstanding the aforementioned novelties aimed at strengthening the independence and power of the judiciary and the Constitutional Court, it is important to point out that the king continues to “interfere” in the domains of the judicial system and constitutional justice. Indeed, according to Art. 124, the judgments “are rendered and executed in the name of the King and by virtue of the law”, thus confirming the well-rooted principle according to which in Morocco justice is a delegated function.60 Moreover (as seen above) the king approves by ẓahīr the appointment of the magistrates by the Higher Council of the Judicial Power. The latter, still chaired by the sovereign, is composed of several members who are appointed by him. Indeed, in addition to the five members directly nominated by the monarch, one must include the mediator and the president of the National Council of the Rights of Man, both of which were appointed by the sovereign through royal decree. The king also plays a key role in the appointment of the twelve justices of the Constitutional Court: Indeed, the parliament nominates six, and the monarch selects the other six as well as the president (Art. 130). Finally, the monarch exercises the right of pardon (Art. 58).
VII. Concluding Remarks
As far as the distribution and separation of powers is concerned, this chapter demonstrates that the 2011 Moroccan Constitution both breaks from and maintains continuity with the past. Indeed, on one hand, the powers of the government and parliament have been strengthened, and the judiciary is now more independent. Moreover, although the form of government has remained the same (Morocco continues to be an executive monarchy), several constitutional provisions have reinforced the parliamentary dimension of the regime.
On the other hand, however, the continuity with the previous constitutional order is still very evident. Indeed, the principle of unity of power that characterized Morocco before the 2011 constitutional reform is still in place and continues to prevail over the principle of the separation of powers. The latter has been undoubtedly strengthened, but it continues not to be implemented in the way it is implemented in Western consolidated democracies. The keys of the constitutional system are still in the king’s hands. In fact, the constitution was “granted” by the sovereign, and did not result from a democratically elected constituent assembly.61 Therefore, Muḥammad VI has continued to pursue the tradition of a “constituent king”.62 Furthermore, notwithstanding the division of the “old” Art. 19, the “confusion” (p. 511) between temporal and spiritual power does not seem to be completely over yet, at least from a practical point of view. Additionally, the monarchy continues to transcend the separation of the three branches of government; in fact, the king is still the real leader of the executive, maintains relevant powers in the legislative domain, and continues to “interfere” in the judicial system. Ḥassan II, with the aim of stressing his key powers over all the aspects of the state apparatus, once stated: “It is necessary that your King, protector of the Constitution and defender of everyone’s liberties, can at all times control and conduct the affairs of the State”.63 This concept seems to still be very relevant in today’s Morocco.(p. 512)
1 The only relevant exception is the fact that he has lost the power to indefinitely postpone elections.
2 J. O. Frosini and F. Biagi, “Transitions from Authoritarian Rule following the Arab Uprisings: A Matter of Variables” in J. O. Frosini and F. Biagi (eds), Political and Constitutional Transitions in North Africa: Actors and Factors (Routledge, London 2015) 159 et seq.
4 See A. Adnane, Legitimación y reparto del poder en la Constitución marroquí (Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia 2010) 85 et seq.
5 The speeches of the three kings are cited by A. El Maslouhi, “Séparation des pouvoirs et régime parlementaire dans la nouvelle Constitution marocaine” in Centre d’Études Internationales (ed), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Analyses et commentaires (L.G.D.J., Paris 2012) 86.
6 See A. El Maslouhi (n 5) 86.
7 A. Menouni, “Constitution et séparation des pouvoirs” in D. Basri, M. Rousset, and G. Vedel (eds), Trente années de vie constitutionnelle au Maroc (Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, Paris 1993) 180.
8 It should be noted, however, that “rudimentary forms of the separation of powers can be traced back to the earliest phases of Islamic statehood,” even if this concept differs from the one that emerged in Europe: Indeed, “the separation of powers in Islamic law is mainly based on the distinction between the realms of rulers and religious legal scholars” (T. J. Röder, “The Separation of Powers in Muslim Countries: Historical and Comparative Perspectives” in R. Grote and T. J. Röder (eds), Constitutionalism in Islamic Countries. Between Upheaval and Continuity (Oxford University Press, Oxford 2012) 323).
9 See A. El Maslouhi (n 5) 86.
10 A. Menouni (n 7), 179 et seq.
11 Cited by A. El Maslouhi (n 5) 87.
12 Cited by A. El Maslouhi (n 5) 87.
13 Cited by A. Menouni (n 7) 193.
14 A. Bouchkars, Politics in Morocco: Executive Monarchy and Enlightened Authoritarianism (Routledge, London 2011) 42.
16 C. Saint-Prot, “L’Islam au Maroc” in C. Saint-Prot and F. Rouvillois (eds), L’exception marocaine (Ellipses, Paris 2013) 56.
17 B. Lugan, Histoire du Maroc des origines à nos jours (Perrin-Critérion, Paris 2000) 290.
18 C. Saint-Prot (n 16) 56.
20 The Green March was a mass demonstration of some 350,000 Moroccans in furtherance of Morocco’s claim of sovereignty over the territory of the Western Sahara, which had been a Spanish colony since 1884 (see J. B. Weiner, “The Green March in Historical Perspective” (1979) 33 The Middle East Journal 20 et seq.).
21 The amendments to the Code entailed a significant improvement (at least from a formal point of view) to the status of women. See Ministère de la Justice, “Guide pratique du Code de la famille”, Association de Diffusion de l’Information Juridique et Judiciaire, Collection des guides pratiques, 6 (2005) Rabat.
22 A. Benchemsi, “Morocco: Outfoxing the Opposition” (2012) 23 Journal of Democracy 62.
23 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, The 2011 Moroccan Constitution: A Critical Analysis (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm 2012) 50.
24 D. Melloni, “Le nouvel ordre constitutionnel marocain: de la ‘monarchie gouvernante’ à la ‘monarchie parlementaire’?” in Centre d’Études Internationales (ed), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Analyses et commentaires (L.G.D.J., Paris 2012) 38 et seqq.
25 D. Melloni (n 24) 38 et seq.
26 A. Harsi, “Séparation et équilibre des pouvoirs dans la nouvelle Constitution de 2011” in A. Bouachik, M. Degoffe, and C. Saint-Prot (eds), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Lectures croisées (Série “Thèmes actuels” no. 77, Publications de la Revue marocaine d’administration locale et de développement, Rabat 2012) 55.
27 D. Maus, “L’exécutif dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011” in Centre d’Études Internationales (ed), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Analyses et commentaires (L.G.D.J., Paris 2012) 83.
28 See Part III of this chapter.
29 See Part VI of this chapter.
30 According to Article 53, he can also delegate the right to make appointments to military positions. The constitution, however, does not specify the recipients of this delegation.
33 In fact, members of parliament have a right of initiative, although proposals will only be adopted if approved by two-thirds of the members of each House. In turn, a proposed amendment presented by the head of government must be submitted in advance to the Council of Ministers, which (as pointed out above) is chaired by the king (Art. 173).
34 F. Rouvillois, “Les règles relatives à la révision dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011” in Centre d’Études Internationales (ed), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Analyses et commentaires (L.G.D.J., Paris 2012) 363.
35 F. Rouvillois (n 34) 364.
36 See E. Dalmasso, “Surfing the Democratic Tsunami in Morocco: Apolitical Society and the Reconfiguration of a Sustainable Authoritarian Regime” (2012) 17 Mediterranean Politics 218 et seqq.
40 See F. Abdelmoumni, “Le Maroc et le printemps arabe” (2013) 145 Pouvoirs 136 et seq.
41 See B. Bouazzaoui, “Le pouvoir réglementaire dans les Constitutions marocaines” in l’Association marocaine de droit constitutionnel (ed), Cinquante ans de vie constitutionnelle au Maroc. Quel bilan? (2013) 76.
42 The decrees have to be submitted for ratification by parliament within the period specified by the enabling act.
43 See A. El Maslouhi, “L’évolution du domaine de la loi dans la Constitution marocaine: rupture ou continuité?” in l’Association marocaine de droit constitutionnel (ed), Cinquante ans de vie constitutionnelle au Maroc. Quel bilan? (2013), 68 et seq.
44 A. El Maslouhi (n 43) 105.
45 A. El Maslouhi (n 5) 106.
47 P. Decroux, “Le souverain du Maroc, législateur” (1967) 3 Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 31 et seqq.
49 The constitutions, however, did not stipulate any time limit and therefore this temporary regime could last weeks or even years, as was the case following the 1972 constitutional reform (from March 1972 to October 1977, when the parliament was installed). It was only with the 1996 Constitution that the prerogatives concerning the temporary regime were assigned to the House of Representatives. See A. El Maslouhi (n 43) 63.
50 A. Menouni, “Le recours à l’article 19: une nouvelle lecture de la Constitution” (1984) 15 Revue juridique, politique et économique du Maroc 25 et seqq.
51 See Part IV B of this chapter.
52 A. El Maslouhi (n 43) 64.
53 See Part III of this chapter.
54 See A. El Maslouhi (n 43) 65 et seq.
55 Contra J. J. Ruiz Ruiz, “La Constitución marroquí de 2011 y el ensayo de parlamentarización de la monarquía” (2014) 164 Revista de estudios políticos 33, 64 et seq.
56 On this tradition, see the judgments of the Administrative Chamber of the Supreme Court: Abdelhamid vs le Ministre de la Justice of June 18, 1960, and Société Propriété agricole Abdelaziz vs Président du Conseil et Ministre de l’Agriculture of March 20, 1970.
57 Y. Gaudemet, “Le pouvoir judiciaire dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011” in Centre d’Études Internationales (ed), La Constitution marocaine de 2011: Analyses et commentaires (L.G.D.J., Paris 2012) 203; B. Mathieu, “L’émergence du pouvoir judiciaire dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011” (2013) 145 Pouvoirs 57.
58 It replaces the Constitutional Council provided for in the 1996 Constitution.
60 Historically, indeed, the judge is the authority delegated by the sulṭān to exercise the judicial power. On this topic, see A. Menouni (n 7) 190; see also the judgment of the Administrative Chamber of the Supreme Court Société Propriété agricole Abdelaziz vs Président du Conseil et Ministre de l’Agriculture of March 20, 1970.
61 See F. Biagi, “The Pilot of Limited Change: Mohammed VI and the Transition in Morocco” in J. O. Frosini and F. Biagi (eds), Political and Constitutional Transitions in North Africa: Actors and Factors (Routledge, London 2015) 56 et seqq.
63 Royal address of December 11, 1965, cited by M. Daadaoui, Moroccan Monarchy and the Islamist Challenge. Maintaining Makhzen Power (Palgrave-Macmillan, New York 2011) 61.


|Court urged to invalidate Kabila candidature|
IRIN - April 14, 2006
The Supreme Court in the Democratic Republic of Congo is set to examine a petition against President Joseph Kabila's candidature in general elections set for later this year.
|President, Former Rebels Join Dozens in Race for Congo's Top Job|
VOA News - April 3, 2006
Registration for Congo's elections closed late Sunday with more than 70 people signing up for the presidential race and 4,000 aiming for a seat in parliament. The continuing absence of the veteran opposition UDPS party is raising concerns for the elections, which are meant to bring peace to the war-torn Congo.
|Annan says DR of Congo at 'critical stage' with enthusiasm for June elections|
UN News Service - March 23, 2006
Describing the Democratic Republic of Congo as being at a ?critical stage? ahead of landmark 18 June elections, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan today met officials in the east of the country, saying that he felt Congolese were excited at the prospect of electing their own leaders and ending the long, bloody civil conflict.
|Annan in Kinshasa for last leg of Africa visit|
IRIN - March 21, 2006
United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan arrived in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), on Tuesday for a three-day visit, on the fourth and final leg of his African tour.
|Security concerns in a "democracy without democrats"|
IRIN - March 16, 2006
Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are a near certainty, despite the obstacles that threaten a smooth transition to democracy. What is largely uncertain, however, is how stable the country will be in the aftermath of the polls.
|Registration of presidential, legislative candidates begins|
IRIN - March 16, 2006
Registration offices for candidates in the Democratic Republic of Congo's presidential and legislative elections opened on Friday in the capital, Kinshasa.
|UN heads drum up support for vulnerable Congolese|
IRIN - March 1, 2006
The heads of three United Nations agencies, who are on a joint mission to Africa's Great Lakes region, have identified the alleviation of human suffering, security and protection of vulnerable people as some of the issues vital to stability and peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
|Parliament adopts electoral law, poll schedule|
IRIN - February 22, 2006
Parliament has adopted a bill giving the Independent Electoral Commission 110 days to organise national democratic elections as soon as Congo's President Joseph Kabila signs the document into law, the commission's second vice-president, Norbert Bansegezi Kantintima, said on Wednesday.
|Congo gets new constitution, new flag|
IRIN - February 20, 2006
President Joseph Kabila has promulgated the Democratic Republic of Congo's new constitution and new flag, a move that paves the way for the beginning of the country's electoral process, expected to end with presidential elections midyear.
|Congo Adopts New Constitution, But Polls Look Delayed|
VOA News - February 18, 2006
The Democratic Republic of Congo adopted a new constitution Saturday, taking another step towards recovery after decades of dictatorship, war and chaos. The new document paves the way for the first democratic elections in 40 years. But, speculation is mounting over whether the June 30 deadline for elections can be met.


BERLIN (Reuters) – A long time after he gained a Silver Undergo prize for a pioneering movie concerning the destiny of Jews fleeing Nazi Germany, Swiss director Markus Imhoof returns to the Berlinale with “Eldorado”, a meditation on Europe’s attitudes to refugees arriving as of late.
Imhoof’s 1981 “The Boat is Complete” shone a gentle on Switzerland’s determination to ship Jewish refugees again to sure demise in Germany all through Global Battle Two.
For Eldorado he used to be triggered by means of the brand new refugees to bear in mind his personal early life friendship with an Italian refugee lady, Giovanna, who his folks took in.
“The enjoy, to are living with a sister coming from battle used to be – all my existence the presence of refugees,” he stated.
The movie blends episodes involving his tragic wartime friendship with as of late’s exodus of refugees to Europe.
Within the movie, an Italian naval send off the coast of Syria fishes 1,800 boat folks from the Mediterranean. Taken to a refugee camp, they’re the fortunate ones, spared the destiny of the hundreds who’ve drowned making an attempt to move the ocean.
“This movie (about wartime Jewish refugees) used to be known as The Boat is Complete, and now the boats truly are complete,” he stated. “The boat is complete, reloaded 40 years later. And it’s a pity the tale isn’t ended but.”
By no means afraid to take on awkward topics, Imhoof has noticed a minimum of two of his movies banned or censored. It took nearly a decade for Switzerland to permit the screening of his 1968 disclose of the truth within the nation’s jail machine.
And but even he struggled to return to phrases with the destiny of his early life friendship.
“My manufacturers and the editors attempted to get extra secrets and techniques out of me,” he stated. “I used to be no longer certain if I’d permit the target market to grasp some of these secrets and techniques.”
Pushed by means of the will to present the human face to refugees that Giovanna used to be ultimately denied, Imhoof seeks in Eldorado to painting the lives of a few of those that come now. One, now running as a dishwasher in a Paris eating place, might be in attendance on the premiere.
“His plan is to return to Africa to turn into a political candidate,” Imhoof stated.
Reporting by means of Thomas Escritt; Enhancing by means of Matthew Mpoke Bigg


text:
Manchester United manager Erik ten Hag has the opportunity to outclass Barcelona by unleashing a midfield trio of Casemiro, Fred and Marcel Sabitzer on Thursday night.
The Red Devils played out an exciting 2-2 draw against Barcelona in the first leg of the Europa League knock play-off last week. They could have easily won the game with the chances created.
Wout Weghorst, who played from a deeper midfield role, was good with his regular pressing but he was guilty of missing a wonderful clear-cut scoring opportunity in the first half.
The Dutchman squandered a similar chance in the 3-0 Premier League win over Leicester City at the weekend and in our opinion, he could drop to the bench for Barcelona’s visit.
Sabitzer was unavailable for selection at Camp Nou with a European suspension while Casemiro could not play against the Foxes as he was serving the third and final game of his domestic ban.
The duo are both available for selection on Thursday night alongside Fred and in our view, Ten Hag can outclass the La Liga leaders by unleashing the trio together at Old Trafford.
Casemiro will obviously play as the lone number six against the Blaugrana. Sabitzer and Fred paired together in central midfield would provide the edge for United in winning key duels.
With both Pedri and Gavi ruled out for Barcelona, United must take advantage. Sergi Busquets is back after injury, but he no longer possesses the same mobility from his prime years.
Ten Hag obviously likes to work with Weghorst in his line-up but we would personally prefer a specialist midfielder in Sabitzer to be paired alongside Casemiro and Fred tomorrow.
Stats from Transfermarkt.com
- Elliott Investment Management submits offer for Man United minority stake
- Man Utd continuing attempts to agree new contracts with De Gea and Rashford
- Man Utd and Chelsea vying to sign Inter Milan goalkeeper Andre Onana
- With Paul Mitchell set to leave Monaco, Man Utd must beat Liverpool and sign him
- Cristiano Ronaldo opens up on his controversial Manchester United exit for the first time
- Tottenham Hotspur’s interest in Man United goalkeeper Dean Henderson could open talks for Harry Kane deal
- Manchester United in advanced talks to sign Watford left-back Harry Amass
- Man Utd star Christian Eriksen provides huge injury update on Instagram
- Behind only Arsenal, Man Utd have been fined six-figure sum for referee abuse
- Man Utd target Diogo Costa could be sold as Porto require €50m to balance their books

domain: sports


text:
About these proceedings
This volume is a collection of the most important contributions presented at the second MFDBS conference held in Visegrád, Hungary, June 26-30, 1989. The papers selected from more than one hundred submissions, originating from 23 countries in 4 continents, can be roughly divided into the following sections: theoretical fundamentals of relational databases, logical foundations and databases, data modelling, database design, deductive databases, transaction management and security, concurrency control and distributed databases. The volume reflects the current state of knowledge and is a guide to further development in database theory.
Datenbankanfragen Konzeptioneller Datenbankentwurf Multi-Media-Datenbanksysteme Wissensbasierte Systeme concurrency data model database deductive database relational database


text:
In a fact sheet provided on its web site, entitled "Secondhand Smoke: The Science," Americans for Nonsmokers' Rights (ANR) claims that:
"Even a half hour of secondhand smoke exposure causes heart damage similar to that of habitual smokers. Nonsmokers' heart arteries showed a reduced ability to dilate, diminishing the ability of the heart to get life-giving blood."
The Rest of the Story
This claim, like similar claims made by Action on Smoking and Health (ASH) and SmokeFreeOhio (SFO), is completely fallacious. Except this one is far worse.
At least ASH and SFO were merely claiming that eating a hamburger in a smoky restaurant would increase the risk of a heart attack. What ANR is claiming is that doing so causes heart damage.
I'm sorry, but this is completely inappropriate and irresponsible. It's basically telling the public that any time they are exposed to secondhand smoke for 30 or more minutes, they are suffering heart damage. And this is completely false.
Presumably, ANR is extrapolating from the Otsuka study which showed that a 30-minute exposure to secondhand smoke can induce endothelial dysfunction in nonsmokers. But endothelial dysfunction is not damage to the heart. In fact, it's not really damage at all, because it is a completely reversible change. In fact, it is the same thing that happens when you eat a hamburger.
By this logic, one could just as easily and just as "correctly" claim that eating a hamburger in a smoke-free restaurant causes heart damage similar to that of habitual smokers.
It's one thing to make an extrapolation, but this is just ridiculous.
Not only is this irresponsible because it is completely fallacious and because it might unduly scare nonsmokers into thinking that they have suffered heart damage if they have even breathed in a few wisps of secondhand smoke, but it is also irresponsible because this fact sheet completely undermines our efforts to educate smokers about the hazardous cardiovascular effects of smoking by giving them the false impression that the damage that might be caused to their hearts from smoking is no more than that of someone who breathes in drifting smoke for a half hour on a street corner.
And I've only analyzed the first part of the statement.
The second part of the statement is also completely fallacious.
Thirty minutes of exposure to secondhand smoke does not reduce the heart's ability to get life-giving blood.
Just think about it. If this were true, Otsuka and his colleagues would likely be in prison now for putting the lives of human subjects at risk. At very least, it would have been unethical for them to expose subjects to something that put their hearts at risk of not getting life-giving blood.
If ANR were correct, then we would see people keeling over from heart attacks all over the place due to brief secondhand smoke exposures. And for that matter, we'd also see people keeling over from heart attacks due to eating hamburgers, cheeseburgers, and the dreaded tater tots. After all, if endothelial dysfunction means that your heart is not able to get life-giving blood, then eating too many french fries could kill you on the spot.
The truth is (if you actually read the Otsuka article) that this study found that a 30-minute exposure to secondhand smoke actually had no effect on coronary blood flow. It did not compromise the coronary circulation, damage the heart, or deprive the heart of life-giving blood.
On the contrary, the study reported that: "Passive smoking exposure had no effect on basal coronary flow velocity in either group." In other words, this study documents that a 30-minute exposure to secondhand smoke does not present a threat of reducing coronary blood flow in patients without severe coronary disease.
So the very study that these anti-smoking groups are relying upon to make their scientific claims actually refutes the very claims that these groups are making.
The clear implication of ANR's claim is that smoking is no worse in terms of cardiovascular risk than being exposed to 30 minutes of secondhand smoke (since it claims that the heart damage incurred is the same as that among smokers). Why should smokers quit smoking then? If they are going to suffer the same amount of heart damage from a half hour of secondhand smoke as from their own smoking, then they might as well be able to enjoy their cigarettes.
I'll be honest. I am still in a bit of shock over all of this. While I realized that things were getting bad in the anti-smoking movement, I didn't realize that they were this bad.
It's one thing when a single fanatical organization stretches the science and makes some inaccurate claims to support its policy agenda. But when you have the two major organizations in the country that promote smoking bans making completely fallacious claims to support the agenda, it's difficult to simply write it off.
The truth is that the anti-smoking movement is in danger of losing the public's trust. It is, in fact, violating the public trust by disseminating, quite widely (and by several prominent groups) completely inaccurate scientific information.
It is an embarrassment to me that the ANR "fact sheet" is titled "Secondhand Smoke: The Science." It would be more appropriately named "Secondhand Smoke: The Lack of Science" or "Secondhand Smoke: The Perversion of the Science."
To call what ANR has done an overzealous or errant extrapolation is probably an injustice to the term. These claims are not what I would view as exaggerations. They are what I would view as completely erroneous.
It just occurred to me that the tobacco companies reading my blog must be getting a real kick out of this. For years, they have been accused by the anti-smoking groups of lying, deceiving, and misleading the public and making inaccurate or misleading health claims. And now they sit back and watch as one by one, anti-smoking group after anti-smoking group is caught making not merely misleading, but completely fallacious scientific claims.
It certainly seems to me that this puts us in the very uncomfortable position of having to convince the public why we should have more credibility than the tobacco companies themselves.
I can't get up in front of the media or the public with a straight face and argue that "their scientific inaccuracies are very bad but ours are just small technicalities." Or to argue that we should still be trusted on scientific issues because "not everything we say is a complete distortion of the scientific facts."
I think that this is a crisis situation for the tobacco control movement. I actually think we should stop what we are doing for a few days and take stock of exactly what we are disseminating to the public. I think we need to get our house in order, and to get it in order immediately.
If we don't correct this problem, and quickly, we are going to lose all credibility.
Post a Comment

domain: news


text:
Motion of a Nation
Gallery V.M.21 Arte Contemporanea is glad to host the works of thirty international and Italian artists, carefully selected by Antonio Arévalo, with the purpose of presenting a crosscutting view of the artistic scene.
The leitmotiv of the project Motion of a Nation is not the representation of an image archive, but rather a daring journey in this broad and colorful setting, notably an introspective reading aimed at offering the key to recreate conditions, by which things could still be reinvented. The artists that are participating are: Alexander Apóstol, Alterazioni Video, Paolo Angelosanto, Marco Bernardi, Veronique Bellavista, Maurizio Bertinetti, Patricia Carmo Baltazar Correa, Radovan Čerevka, Eleonora Chiesa, Donna Conlon, Bruna Esposito, Etcetera…( Federico Zukeferld & Loreto Garín Guzman), Lucie Fontane, Regina José Galindo & David Perez Karmadavid, Michele Giangrande, goldiechiari, Diango Hernandez, Maria Rosa Jijon, Laboratorio Saccardi, Loredana Longo, Valentina Miorandi, Ronald Moran, Gian Marco Montesano, Carlos Motta, Moio & Sivelli, Ivan Navarro, Stefano Scheda, Pier Stockholm, Paula Sunday-Alfredo Maddaluno, Costa Vece, Alejandro Vidal, Manuela Viera-Gallo.
The location of the exhibition has not been selected randomly. I decide to use a private space as if it were public, in order to take distance from the art markets, and provide an opportunity to gather ideas and stories. By these words Antonio Arévalo's explains intention of some cultural institutions, notably galleries, to go beyond self-representation, and rather reinvent themselves through resistance, by articulating proposals and adapting aesthetic production to the present.
This show documents a unique path through one of the iconographical symbols par excellence, the flag. Motion of a Nation is hence a group of visual elements whose survival is mostly based on the value of symbols, by which history, its meaning and its distortions, can be narrated.
The first tricolor, raised during the French revolution, represents an absolute innovation. In a contemporary multiethnic perspective, in which movement generates crossbreeding, artists can manipulate their genetic code, change their homeland, or invent a new one, impact on imaginary and, aim to re-elaborate and combine diverse iconographies and national identities.
In this context artists from different nationalities and origin, tell their stories, the meaning and possibly the evils and distortions of an old symbol such as the flag. The do so using different media and techniques, from photography to drawing, to painting to digital imaging, from social networks to video making, intertwining high level knowledge with pop language, history and headline news, comics and poetry. The ensuing web of quotes and references blurs the borders between sentimental biography an sociological analysis; between literary memory and technological experimentation in a surprising and often ironic provocative game.
For more info:
Show: Motion of a Nation curated by Antonio Arévalo
Venue: V.M.21 artecontemporanea Gallery via della Vetrina, 21 – 00186 Rome
Opening: March 18, 2011, at 7.00 pm
Dates: 18 march – 18 may 2011
Opening hours: Mon-Fri, 11a.m. - 7.30 p.m. and Sat 4.30 - 7.30 p.m.


text:
Video game discs were still king in 2014, but they won't be forever. Will 2015 bring change?
Destiny, the first big ticket, cross-platform next-gen game is finally here. While other high profile games came out earlier this year –Titanfall on Xbox One and Infamous on PlayStation 4 – Destiny is the first game that’s a true next-gen system seller across the board. Everywhere except the Wii U, which isn’t getting Destiny. There […]
Destiny isn't on the Wii U. So what is the Wii U's destiny?
Another round of E3 keynotes have come and gone, leaving video game fans waiting months (or more) to get their hands on the games they’ve drooled over this week. While I haven’t spent much time playing video games lately – I spent more time watching all five major addresses (Microsoft, EA, Ubisoft, Sony and Nintendo) […]
Nintendo held its special ‘Digital Event’ for E3 2014 on Tuesday – forgoing a traditional press conference again in favor of a pre-recorded video. The segment was packed full of new video games, details and announcements, so if you happened to miss all the excitement – here’s a breakdown of everything the iconic developer and […]

domain: entertainment


text:
Editor’s note, December 2020: In our
As she chugged away at her desk job in the financial-services industry, Shuang Everett Li couldn’t shake the nagging feeling that she needed to make a change. “The longer I stayed, the more it didn’t feel right,” she says. “The job paid well, but I knew I didn’t want to spend my days building spreadsheets and PowerPoint presentations.” What she did yearn to do was make
Shuang began taking classes on the weekend and tinkering with ideas in her free time, then started selling her pieces on Etsy. Next, she scaled back her day job to a freelance role, giving her more time to develop designs with her financial safety net intact. But after two years, she felt ready to take a bigger step, quitting her day job and officially launching
Read on to discover how Shuang’s mountain series and other designs have inspired wearers around the world to overcome personal challenges (with style), then
What was the original inspiration behind Everli’s aesthetic?
Early on, I decided
What was that experience like for you?
I had to keep telling myself that nothing gets built overnight. Enjoy the process, don’t just fixate on your end goal. Trust your intuition. Don’t compare yourself to other people. There was all this advice I kept repeating to myself, and eventually I thought, “What if I could make jewelry that can serve as a form of encouragement on a daily basis?”
That’s the direction Everli took on: It’s an
Are there specific designs that people have really responded to?
One of my best sellers from the very beginning has been the
That’s amazing—so you took that lesson right into the design studio.
I turned those feelings into the mountain ring. I would wear the ring and whenever I doubted myself, I’d look at it and think, “Just put one foot in front of another and eventually you’re going to get there.” That spirit of “I can do this” has spoken to people from all walks of life, whether they live in urban places or more natural ones. The other interesting thing, as I look back, is that while you’d think the most enjoyable part of a hike or a challenge is getting to the top, what actually sticks with you is the fact that you completed that difficult route. It’s not about the view from the top or the photos that you snap there.
What’s another example of how you subtly embed meaning into your pieces?
Tell us about your design process. How do you create such organic-looking pieces?
I’ve evolved quite a bit as a designer, from doing very basic stuff to learning more skills with time. Right now, I make most of my jewelry using lost-wax casting. If I want to create a
Once the design is done in wax it’s cast in a metal mold. Every time someone places an order, I cast from that mold. That gives me the creative freedom to achieve the aesthetic I want: very organic in form, not super perfect. Some people want everything to be precise, but I’m into the more nature-influenced shapes and forms that make you want to touch the piece. That ties back to my mission that my jewelry is something I want you to wear and interact with, because there’s also a story and a message there for you.
Can you tell me about your materials?
I work predominantly with silver, gold fill, and solid gold from recycled sources, and I recycle all my scraps from my studio, sending them back to the manufacturer so the material isn’t wasted.
What’s next for you, design-wise?
I’m a new mom, to a 4-month-old girl. So right now my job consists of taking care of her, but also growing the business at the same time. That’s been a learning experience in itself. Motherhood is inspiring so many new feelings and discoveries, which I’m sure are not unique to me but universal for a lot of mothers out there. They’ll probably become the source of inspiration for my next set of
Product photography by