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I. The subordination of rural women in law in Latin America: Introduction
Bearing in mind that society is a dynamic, ever-changing entity with new, sometimes conflict-spawned social structures and institutions, it is important to take history into account in any review of the legal subordination of rural women in Latin America. This approach will reveal not only the political changes inherent in the demands of this marginalized sector for participation, but also the ways in which these changes have affected women in general and rural women in particular.
The conquest, one of the most significant historical events in Latin America, abruptly arrested the social development of the continent's indigenous peoples and partially if not entirely destroyed their culture, including the rules of traditional law. As a result, customary law vanished from vast areas, surviving, in a somewhat reduced form, only in relatively isolated regions.
The arrival of the Spaniards signified a radical change for the women partners in indigenous marriages, which were polygamous or monogamous depending on the region and its level of prosperity. In times of plenty, but when there was a shortage of young men, polygamy (with one wife the favourite) was the norm, while in harder times, monogamy predominated. The Church and the Spanish laws abolished polygamy, leaving numerous women unprotected.4 The conquistadors, on the other hand, took native women as concubines, with or without their consent, in breach of the rules established by the Church and by the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns.
(4 RAMOS ESCANDON, M. 1988. Mujer y sociedad novohispana. In ISIS. Nuestra memoria, nuestro futuro: mujeres e historia. America Latina y el Caribe. Santiago de Chile, Andromeda pp.21-33. (Ediciones de las Mujeres N°10).)
The new forms of social organization gave rise to new family structures and new ethnic groups, each with its own special features and place in a highly stratified society. The women bore the brunt of the convergence of two these worlds, each with its own culture and political and economic systems.
The Spanish and Portuguese colonial venture was particularly hard on the indigenous woman in terms of labour5. Even though the provisions of the Spanish Indian Legislation sought to protect the Indian woman, she was subjected to a strict, cruel labour regime sadly like serfdom.
(5 PEREZ SAN VINCENTE, G. 1984. A mulher e sue atuaçao durante os primeros cinquenta anos de vida novohispánica. In CEHILA. A mulher pobre na historia da igreja latinoamericana. Sao Paolo, Ed. Paulinas. pp.138-151.)
All this shows that the personal and work relations of Indian women to the conquistadors and male settlers was one of subservience - a situation that was to have a significant impact on relations between men and women and between women and society.
At the time of the conquest, collective land ownership (working the land for the benefit of the community) was the system used by the Indians.6 For them, the most important relationship was with the land, followed by consanguinity. Then came the settlers with their own forms of economic organization. Colonial policy toward the rural community was largely geared to the expansion of the capitalist economy. The control of physical space was particularly important, and could only be achieved if the indigenous communities were culturally and physically dismembered.
(6 SANCHEZ, L.A. 1972. Historia general de America. Santiago de Chile, Ed. Ercilla. 3 v.)
The Spanish king authorized the conquistadors to divide land on the strength of Crown decrees, mercedes (grace and favour dispositions), etc., as a reward for their exploits. This later gave rise to the encomienda system7 which, despite its paternalistic objective, in practice became an efficient tool for appropriating land and even destroying the crops that grew there.
(7 The encomienda was a institution in Spanish law whereby groups of Indians were assigned to conquistadors, who were supposed to protect and educate them.)
The legal situation of the Indians living in the Portuguese colonies was even worse. The document establishing hereditary rights8 granted the settlers a number of privileges, the most important of which was the right to take Indians into bondage to serve in their homes or on their ships, and to send up to 39 of them per year tax-free to Lisbon as slaves.
(8 DE VARNHAGEN, F.A. 1952. Historia general do Brasil. Sao Paolo, Melhoramentos. 7a. ed. 2 v.)
In practice, sugar cane cultivation involved expelling the Indians and taking over their land, enslaving many of their number to plant the cane and work the sugar mills, and ghettoizing them for this purpose.9 The men did the agricultural work, while the women were servants in the homes of the Portuguese settlers. Both the men and the women were legally slaves, but the women also had to submit to the sexual whims of their masters.
(9 BEOZZO, J.O. 1952. A mulher indigene e a igreja na situaçao esclavista do Brasil colonial. In: CEHILA, Op. cit., pp.70-93. )
The laws of the Indies enacted by the Spanish Crown were not enforced, given the fact that their principal opponents were also in charge of enforcing them. In addition to the characteristic colonial disobedience of the law, usage had sanctioned the habit of paying lip service to provisions of the law considered unenforceable or counter-productive. The laws were acknowledged, but not given any practical application.10
(10 SANCHEZ, L.A. Op. cit. pp.361-380.)
There thus came into being a parallel system of rules that institutionalized a new social phenomenon in Latin America: a behavioural model based on total contempt for the native woman. There came a point where the encomienda holders and Portuguese settlers could exploit the women sexually with the tacit approval of society. With time, this practice took on the status of custom and later came to be considered one of the conquistadors' rights over the conquered peoples. This macho behaviour toward women represented a significant shift away from the paternalism embodied in the Spanish Laws of the Indies.11 This treatment of the native women continued during the Republican period under the ranchers and local leaders, who maintained this custom-hallowed ''parallel law".
(11SARA-LAFOSSE, V. 1988. Crisis familiar y social en el Peru. Lima, Ministry of Justice. 11 p. (Mimeo).)
The humiliating treatment of the Indians by the Spanish and Portuguese led to numerous indigenous uprisings throughout Latin America. Women's part in these has been little documented, but recent historical research suggests that they had an active role, either actually taking part in the action or supporting or accompanying their menfolk.12 It has proved impossible to learn just how many took part, but some particularly heroic deeds by indigenous women have been brought to light.
(12 DE SILKS, M.E. 1981. Bartolina Sisa, Gregoria Apaza. Dos heroínas indígenas. La Paz, Biblioteca Popular Ultima Hora. pp.4085.)
The late 18th and the 19th Centuries saw the Wars of Independence and the strengthening of republican legal systems in Latin America. The now independent States based their constitutions on those of the United States and France which, in theory, recognized equality for all.
Women, nevertheless, continued to be discriminated against in various areas of law: any declaration of equality was reversed by the paternalistic civil and labour legislation, based on the Code Napoleon, which considered women inferior, weak and in need of protection, and placed wives and mothers under their husbands' authority. The Republican Constitutions denied women the right to vote, while the Civil Codes prevented married women from disposing of their property, entering into work contracts without their husband's permission, or jointly exercising patria potestas over the children born of the marriage.
Whilst it is true that rural women did not suffer any further formal legal discrimination than that already described, they continued to be victimized by the parallel rules which were backed by custom and gave real effect to prejudices stemming from mistaken preconceptions rather than from judgements founded on women's actual ability.
It is important to specify that while rural women have certainly been the major victims of this juridical situation in Latin America, their social class, ethnic group and concept of authority have heavily influenced the extent to which they have been victimized. This is directly linked both to the existence of parallel norms, which lie outside the written law, and to the problem of the effectiveness of the law.
The now independent Latin-American republics inherited, to varying degrees, the subjugation of the judiciary to the political will of the governing classes. 13 This is why the courts regularly decided in favour of the latter, breeding distrust among the rural populations in general. The women were not unaffected by this distorted application of the law or the general mistrust of the judiciary, since they were also the victims of abusive practices and the denial of justice by men of their same class and ethnic group.
(13 REVILLA VERGARA, A.M. 1985. La problemática del fuero privativo agrario y su integración al fuero común. Lima, Universidad Católica. pp.130-169 (Degree thesis).)
Latin-American women's struggle for equal political and labour rights intensified in the late 19th century and has continued during the 20th. During the first half of the present century the countries gradually came to recognize political rights for women so that, today, one cannot imagine democratic movements without women participants, even though their practical gains bear little relation to the formal content of the written laws. The figures show that there is still much to be done before real political equality between men and women is achieved. Even now, Latin-American women are far from having half the seats in their parliaments or half their countries' decision-making responsibilities.
The fight for equal working conditions has not been as successful as the civil rights movements. While it is true that most Constitutions have abolished sexual discrimination in their eligibility requirements for the office of head of state or judge, the fact remains that "protectionist" measures limiting women's right to work persist. Again, women continue to be paid less than men for the same work. Latin-American labour laws include a long chapter on the treatment of women in their capacity as mothers yet, in practice, there is general acceptance of unfair customs which not only disregard the written law, but have established illegal formalities designed to allow employers to avoid contributing to the economic costs associated with the women's reproductive role. Because of this, women have come to look upon maternity with a feeling of guilt, because they associate it with job loss or social disapproval.
The active participation of rural women in civil rights and labour movements has not led to any real recognition of their capacity or any improvement in their status. The European settlers established predominantly masculine political relationships and leadership systems, still in operation today, which explain society's failure to acknowledge female leadership.
The 20th Century has also witnessed important peasant movements to gain access to land. The land tenure system (the big estates and the sharecropping arrangements - a colonial legacy that the advent of the republic has failed to do anything about), aggravated by the consolidation of the latifundio-minifundio structure and the existence of this type of land tenure side by side with a precarious feudal-type, farm labourer-based form of land holding (as had developed in the Peruvian sierra, or among the "huasipungos" in Ecuador), and an expanding landless peasant population, were the factors that unleashed nation-wide movements pressing for land. 14
(14 GARCIA,A. 1982. Modelos operacionales de Reforma Agraria y Desarrollo Rural en America Latina. San Jose de Costa Rica, IICA. p.196)
The intensity of these peasant struggles for land, dignity, work, culture and independence varied from country to country and with the historical context, but they all led to the enactment of agrarian legislation and, in many countries, to actual agrarian reform. In this way agrarian legislation assumed a new dimension, coupling land ownership with social usefulness through a system of limitations and obligations or through rights, and even penalizing inappropriate land use.
Although there is little documentation on the role of women in these peasant movements15, there are indications that women were energetic participants, sometimes playing a leading role (as in Chile and Peru) and sometimes an invisible, silent one.
(15 LEON DE LEAL, M. et al. 1987. Acceso de la mujer a la sierra en America Latina. Panorama general y estudios de caves en Honduras y Colombia. In: FAO. Mujeres Campesinas en America Latina: desarrollo rural. acceso a la sierra. migraciones. leqislaciones. Santiago de Chile, FAO/RLAC. pp. 1-81.)
All the same, poor rural women have not gained equal access to land. This is mainly due to cultural impediments, which have bred discriminatory laws designating males as heads of household; the one-sided interpretation of the law to the detriment of rural women; and the women's own preconceptions (which have prevented them from claiming their rights and obtaining other productive resources).
The peasant movements and the new agrarian legislation did, however, gradually make rural women aware of their rights, and of the need to be organized in order to claim them. According to Leal de Leon and her collaborators12, Latin America has in recent years seen a significant rise in the number of organized rural women seeking access to land. These authors cite organizations in Colombia, Cuba, Chile, Bolivia, Brazil, Honduras and Nicaragua as particularly active in the fight for the establishment and enforcement of unbiased agricultural legislation.
In recent years the advent of democratic governments has brought significant political changes in countries where military dictatorships had predominated since the 'seventies. This has led to greater freedom of expression and greater awareness of women's issues, and has inspired governments with the political will to make changes in women's favour. The democratic government of Chile is one of these, even though income differences between urban and rural workers and between men and women of the same class and ethnic group still persist. Bettering the living standards of rural women (who occupy the lowest rung of the rural poverty ladder) has been a slow and difficult process, as traditional social, legal and economic structures are still in place.
Latin-American development studies and policies have avoided coming to grips with the question of rural women's legal status. Governments have, with few exceptions, shown little willingness to improve rural women's official or actual legal status in any concrete way which would effectively enhance their economic and social condition and thus contribute to their countries' development as well.
(16 The term "sex" refers to the congenital and universal biological differences between men and women; "gender" relates to the socio-cultural and historical characteristics that determine how men and women interact and apportion their roles. These characteristics may change with time and do vary widely from culture to culture. However, gender is a social category which may be used to analyse the different roles, responsibilities, restrictions and opportunities that apply to men and to women in a given community, nation or culture.)
Rural women's legal subordination is part and parcel of women's overall position of subordination, stemming from the historical separation of human activity into two completely different, but closely interrelated, spheres. One sphere is about reproduction, the other about production. Included in the reproductive sphere are biological reproduction and related social activities - activities closely associated with domestic work, and belonging to the private domain, and are not quantified economically and have traditionally been assigned to women. Production comprises social and trade relations, falls within the public sphere, is quantified economically and is invariably a male responsibility. 17
(17 BAENA DE ESPARZA, R. 1982. Considerations sur la division sexuelle du travail. In: CENTRE HAITIEN D' INVESTIGATION EN SCIENCES SOCIALES (CHISS) ET UNIVERSITE D'ETAT D'HAITI (UEH). La femme rurale en Haïti et dans la Caribe. Traditions et innovations. Port-au-Prince. pp.205-225.)
This division of labour is strict to the point where, in every society, some activities and tasks are considered typically feminine (rearing the children and looking after the home, for instance) and others typically masculine (heading the household and providing for the family). Even so, the division is not equally strict for both spheres of activity. For instance, although the current economic crisis in the region has led to a greater female presence in the productive sector, it has not altered the woman's workload in the reproductive sphere (i.e. activities that are not quantified economically and are therefore unpaid and unprotected by the State).18
(18 LEON DE LEAL, M. 1982. Las trabajadoras del agro. Bogotá, ILET. 2 v. is a constant feature of the rural woman's situation throughout Latin America.)
This skewed rapport between men's and women's activities not only affects the woman's workload, increasing her working day two- or even three-fold, but also her remuneration, so that sex - a biological factor - becomes a social one with its own specific connotations in terms of values and standards, and its own ideological and economic consequences.
FIGURE 1 - TRADITIONAL MALE AND FEMALE SPHERES OF ACTIVITY AND HOW THEY INTERACT
The above table 1 illustrates what has been said all along. Not only does the woman have a double workload because she is held solely responsible for the tasks inherent in her reproductive role, she is not paid for these tasks and is paid less than the man for her work in the productive sphere. This is constant feature of the rural woman's situation throught Latin America.
Again, the status of rural women varies depending on the position assigned to them in the different rural economies, which are neither homogenous nor static. Jobs range from agroindustrial enclaves to enterprises producing for the export market, to home market production, to sectors which have very little to do with the market, and to various combinations of these. Woman's position in the economic scheme determines both her workload in the productive sector and the onerous nature of her domestic work, which, in addition to care of her family, includes activities which only help to perpetuate the social status quo.
The maintaining and perpetuation of the status quo extend to such important questions as - the conscious or unconscious imparting of the rules of social relations, language, cultural standards and guidelines, and scales of values. All this is combined with and reinforced by the emotional bonds that are essential components of intimate primary relationships. The rural woman's role in perpetuating society and transmitting the ideology that subordinates her needs no emphasizing here. Paradoxically, then, the woman is both the victim and the victimizer of other women in that she passes on to her children and, through them, to society, a series of prejudices that keep women in a subordinate position.
This ideology of subordination goes counter to unbiased legislation (where such exists) and hinders its enforcement, either by engendering distorted preconceptions on which judges may base their decisions or preventing women from recognizing and claiming their rights. It is also a barrier to the legal reforms designed to amend discriminatory statute law and correct customary practices.
The Latin-American rural woman's activities, as briefly mentioned above, consist mainly of domestic work, which may be defined as "the universal role of the woman: time spent being productive at home and processing goods bought or exchanged in the market",19 - work, it should be recalled, that is unpaid.
(19 FAO. 1990. La situación de la mujer campesina frente a la legislation en nueve parses... Op. cit. p.5.)
Rural women's domestic work varies in form and scope depending on social class and the degree of development of the economy. Because survival is a major concern among the landless in peasant economies, women's domestic work includes collecting wood and fetching water, cultivating a home garden, managing and rearing animals, selling or exchanging their products in the market, and helping (without pay) their husbands in their work. Domestic working conditions improve, however, as the women move up the social ladder, so that in more developed economies, they participate on equal terms.
The conditions governing rural women's participation in productive activities are strictly related to the gender-based division of labour. Unfair wages, job insecurity, and the absence of a formal contract; and, again, how many activities women perform and how these relate to the size of the farm, are all part of this pattern. Additionally, women are either denied access to land, or they have precarious tenure and inadequate access to other productive resources.
Statistics on women's participation in the Latin-American workforce show that even though their numbers are rising 20, a picture of marginalization is what emerges from data on such questions as wages, working hours, formal contracts with employers, and social security benefits in the various countries is one of alienation.
(20 BARSTED LINHARES, L. 1990. Información acerca de la situación de la mujer rural frente a la legislation en Brasil. Río de Janeiro, CEPIA. 16 p. (Mimeo).)
Concerning wages, studies in the different countries recognize that women are usually paid less than men of the same class for the same work. Women are also often recruited for temporary work without any formal, legal contract with the employer, which implies lower wages, irregular working hours, disregard by the employer for the provisions of the labour laws and, as a result, a total lack of social protection.
Rural women are much harder hit by exclusion from access to land or by precarious land tenure than rural men of the same class and ethnic group.21 This is linked to their precarious access to other productive resources, as there is a direct link between women's ownership of land and their possibility of obtaining credit, technical assistance and training, and participating in farmers' etc., organizations.22 As regards land ownership and how it is related to work, the size of the farm has a direct bearing on how and to what extent women participate in productive activities. For instance, the smaller the holding, the more work they have to do: women's workload is lighter on the larger holdings .23
(21 LEON DE LEAL, M. et al. 1990. Acceso de la mujer a la tierra ... Op. cit. pp. 58-75.)
(22 This is the opinion of such experts as DEERE (1979), LEON DE LEAL (1982), BARSTED LINHARES y PITANGUY (1985).)
(23 DEERE, C.D. 1979. Peasants and proletarians; the struggle of third world workers. New York, Monthly Review Press. pp. 3845.)
The statistical data the countries use in their development plans do not give a true picture of women's contribution to the rural sector. They do not, for instance; take into account women's activities in the informal sector of the economy or in the home. The situation in Brazil is a good illustration of the gravity of the problem: according to 1983 statistics, 93.7% of rural working women had no formal job contract and only a small proportion were able to take advantage of the labour legislation and social insurance.24
(24 BARSTED LINHARES, L. 1990. Op. cit. p. 10.)
All this keeps the rural-woman in poverty - a situation due mainly to tradition stemming from gender-based division of labour and the "value" attached to women compared to that attached to men. The fact that the woman is considered the weaker vessel and in need of protection is partly why she has been assigned "reproductive responsibilities" and, consequently, why she has been denied the possibility of participating in development. As briefly noted in what precedes, there are many different ways in which rural women are excluded from the productive process.
It is not easy to answer the question: in which legislative areas is the Latin-American woman best protected? It can be shown, however, that factors such as failure to acknowledge her productive role, her lack of technical training, and wage discrimination - all stemming directly from her subordinate position - have restricted her access to productive resources.
This problem of value judgements, of course, is to be met with in most countries of the region and not only in the traditions that have, as noted before, led to the emergence of rules of de facto legal force, but also in the explicit regulations deriving from existing legislation. There can be no generalizing as to where the problem is at its most serious, for situations differ from country to country depending on historical, political and economic factors. Some recent studies have, nevertheless, brought out the direct relationship between rural women's exercise of their rights and their degree of control over productive resources.25 If this is true, then it argues to the importance of the implications at law for women's reproductive-related activities and, again, the implications of these if a fair and efficient female participation in productive activities is to be achieved and to be enshrined in the law.
(25 FAO. 1987. Mujeres campesinas ... Op. cit. pp.15-86.)
As mentioned in the previous section, the roles that men and women have traditionally been assigned are based on the values and standards that society has adopted and which come to govern uses and habits, custom, and customary and statute law, and lead to economic differences, of which the wages a person receives is but one. These values and standards reflect an ideological way of seeing things that is based on the assumption that women in general, and rural women in particular, are inferior, weak, and in need of protection.
The effect of all this at law, which is to subordinate women, are governed by three fundamental factors: (a) the origin of the legislation and of the authority of the lawgiver; (b) the dynamics of custom vis-à-vis written law; and (c) the area of the law in which the discriminatory rules are to be found.
Law, as the product of legislation, is the written expression of rules having legal force that are established by custom or are the written expression of the conscious intent of those with authority to change uses and customs contemplated in customary law, into customs as distinct from the latter, or in statute law.
Legislation may be defined as the body of rules, corresponding to objectives set more or less consciously by human beings to regulate society. All institutions of the law, therefore, respond directly or indirectly to the conception of society held by those who have brought those institutions into being, i.e. by those holding power, which may be defined as the ability to act on behalf of another. Power is also synonymous with dominion, authority and capacity to exact obedience.
The rules of law differentiating the legal status of men from that of women are no doubt largely an extrapolation of the unequal power relationship between the sexes arising from gender-based division of labour. History has shown that unequal power relationships are characteristically hierarchical and oppressive and place individuals in different situations: some in a position of unjustifiable authority, others in an equally unjustifiable subordinate position. Thus, the fact that males have been assigned functions considered of paramount importance for the preservation and continuity of society as a whole, and are given authority in all spheres of activity, including the household, has led to male-oriented legislation and to insufficient participation by Latin-American women in their countries' legislative areas.26
(26 BAENA DE ESPARZA, R. 1982. Considerations sur la division .... Op. cit. pp. 209-216.)
Whether discriminatory customs have been assigned the force of law by enactment, or are just inveterate practices clashing with law and impeding or distorting its implementation, they are very important factors in women's legal subordination.
Custom is of even greater importance for Latin-American rural women, for it fills the many gaps where legislation is silent about the specific situation of rural people. And custom, moreover, is a decidedly effective barrier to the implementation of non-discriminatory rules in the countryside, where it is even more entrenched than in the urban sector.27
(27 FAO. 1990. La situación de la mujer campesina ... Op. cit. pp. 6-12.)
It is essential to recall here that the customary law observed by the Latin-American indigenous peoples ceased to apply to most of the rural sector following the eradication of their culture and the ensuing breakdown of indigenous political and social life that began with the Conquest and continued throughout colonial times and under the Republican governments that came to power with the 19th Century. When one speaks of customary law today what is meant is an integrated body of legal rules, customarily observed and binding under sanctions, that is still to be found in operation in some isolated indigenous communities. Mention has also been made of the existence of a parallel set of rules in certain areas of the law (especially criminal law), observed in certain indigenous or marginal communities again representing so many "enclaves" of informal law .28
(28 BRANDT, H.J. 1989. Justicia Popular: nativos y campesinos. Lima, Fundación Friedrich Neumann. 2 ed. pp.180-199.)
The customs having force of law generally observed with respect to rural women in Latin America, which fill in gaps in the law (or in practice hinder its correct implementation), do not appear to constitute a full set of guidelines for social organization. They seem rather to have sprung from prejudices29 which have been incorporated into the value systems of rural social groups, influencing certain specific areas within the law (areas inevitably having some connection with women's reproductive role and the implicit and erroneous conception of women's legal capacity*.
(29 Prejudices or preconceived opinions and biased attitudes are defined by Allport as "antipathy based on false generalizations, directed against an individual because he/she is the member of a particular group". There is a link between prejudice and stereotypes, the latter implying preconceived opinions about class, groups or objects, stemming from patterns of perception and judgement, and not from opinions formed about individual phenomena.)
Although such customs are limited to certain areas of the law having to do directly with biological and social reproduction and, consequently, with the inferior role assigned to woman in society, the answer as to just how much of a hindrance they are and to what extent these customs are observed will depend on such circumstances as the position of the rural woman in the various peasant economies, her class status or her ethnic group, which determine the options available to her and the complexity of the social and domestic work she does.
This, again, is sure to determine the effectiveness of actions and strategies designed either to correct legislation sanctioning customs that discriminate against women, or to correct customs which hinder or distort the implementation of unbiased legislation.
Custom, in principle, precedes and gives rise to law. Because of the widespread destruction of political and social organization that occurred on this continent, most of the rural customs that subordinate women today were, as noted earlier, established by the conquistadors and settlers in the first place, and then taken over by the big landowners and local leaders with the advent of the Republican era. Many of these customs then took on the status of law and were incorporated into legislation based on European codes, the most important of which in Spanish and Portuguese Latin America was the Code Napoleon.
Under this Code, adopted with amendments in the new republics, women were treated as adult minors, on the paternalistic pretext that they needed protection. The Code also contained numerous male-oriented provisions; for instance, the administration of the woman's property fell to the man, even though he was under no obligation as regards its proper and efficient management. According to the rules of succession in many countries, the married woman, paradoxically, was not numbered among the forced heirs* and was thus left unprotected, contrary to the purpose of the legislation, which was to provide protection - the pretext, moreover, on which the mistaken conception of women's relative incapacity* was based.
The injustices discriminating between the status of men and the status of women (the cases cited above are but a few examples) gave rise to numerous movements designed to prove that not every custom should be converted into law, and that a discriminatory custom enshrined in law not only adversely affects the individuals directly involved but undermines overall development as well.
These views have been gradually accepted by some governments which have passed laws repealing and amending discriminatory rules. Legislative reforms have varied from country to country, responding to their respective concrete historical situations. Military dictatorships, for example, or the lack of economic and social development in some countries have slowed progress in bettering women's status in law. On the other hand, because the content of law is inevitably geared to a particular social, economic and cultural context, it often happens that not all the aspects of subordination are taken into account, with the result that the legislation is incomplete and lacks enforcement regulations and ways and means of making it effective.
The application of law and the rules for the settlement of disputes or the claiming of rights are also bound up with this situation. Officially, law requires compliance with a number of formalities (presupposing equal participation in economic and legal areas) but in practice this does not really happen.
As regards the judiciary's role in dealing with litigation and in the struggle for the recognition of rights, sociologists detect a common lack of confidence in and ignorance of this branch of Government among rural people (particularly women), but there are no gender-disaggregated data available offering a clear idea of the problem in Latin America.
The implication of all these difficulties in effectively enforcing unbiased laws in rural areas, and the role of tradition in impeding the enforcement of such laws and filling in any gaps in them, is that in most Latin-American countries, rural inhabitants lag behind urban dwellers not only in terms of socioeconomic development but also in their understanding and use of the law. It also suggests that the woman's subordinate status is even more marked in the rural areas where so many of the customary rules, more widely observed there, are prejudicial to women, who lack the arms to oppose them.
The figure below illustrates how custom and law interact.
FIGURE 2 - CUSTOM AND LAW: HOW THEY INTERACT
* The customs referred to here are those (de facto unions*, for instance) where the lack of statutory enactment has serious consequences.
** The statutes in this case govern traditional discriminatory rules; the repeal of such legislation should be accompanied by strategies and actions designed to change the discriminatory custom that led to the law being enacted.
*** When a discriminatory custom prevails over non discriminatory legislation and impedes its implementation strategies should be adopted to ensure compliance and to change the discriminatory custom.
Reproductive and productive activities imply a series of concrete links which, in the specific area of law, take the form of rules governing behaviour between individuals, and acts of individuals where property is concerned. The rules find expression in the provisions of the law or customary legal procedures that regulate concrete situations. This is why most of the unfair rules are found in the various areas of subjective law* (e.g. those of Criminal, Civil, Labour and Agrarian legislation), which governs the exercise of the individual's rights, and almost never in objective law*, which sets out more general legal principles.
The conceptual origin and legal consequences of this unfair legislation are closely interrelated. As noted earlier, the key factor determining woman's role in society and underlying the discriminatory rules applied to her is the restriction of her activities to her reproductive role, a presupposition that reappears in all areas of subjective law. For example, the exercise of land tenure rights by rural women has repercussions on other institutions of the law (such as the marriage regimes*, de facto unions or successions). The final outcome of this interrelationship will depend on the conceptual content of the rules governing such institutions. The implications for women's access to land by women differ depending on whether or not the rules governing marriage regimes embody the concepts of ''marital authority", of consensual unions, or, again, of wives or companions included among the forced heirs.
Underlying discriminatory laws in Latin America are the paternalistic preconceptions of the Code Napoleon, on which the Civil Codes of most countries in this continent are based. Under paternalism, laws that apply specifically to women are based on their need to be protected and hedged round because of their being weak and defenceless - characteristics, these, assigned to the female sex.
And yet, if one looks at the interaction of discriminatory legislation in the various fields of Law, it will be seen that these legal rules often afford little protection and that they actually leave those whom they are supposed to protect quite defenceless. Testamentary succession in countries where the spouse is not an obligate heir and, under certain marriage regimes, where the administration of the wife's and the community property* by the husband (who is not held accountable or responsible before the law for gross negligence in his administration of such property) confirm this.
These considerations warrant the conclusion that the real reason behind this paternalistic philosophy is people's conception of authority, which is the decisive factor in men's domination of women. According to one dictionary definition, authority is "the power to require and receive submission: the right to exact obedience to dominate others", and, according to another definition "implies one becoming dependent on another". Dependency in the present context implies that, among other things, the man has control over the woman's capacity to engage in productive activities.
On this premise, the rural woman's subordination in law becomes easier to understand, for it follows from the rules that limit her civil capacity and consent to unequal working conditions and unequal access to productive resources. Again, the introduction of the "authority" factor into the analysis of subordination makes things clearer, as this factor underlies all discriminatory legislation (unlike paternalism, which has to do with protection alone).
To those who argue that protection/defence provide the rationale for such legislation, it must be countered that this aim cannot be consistent throughout the legislation as there are too many cases where injustices sanctioned by the law victimize women, where the idea of "protecting" them is entirely absent.
Accordingly, the rules that result in women's subordination, whether these are actually embodied in the law or are sanctioned by practice, belong to those areas of subjective legislation that deal with matters relating to gender-based division of labour and with the philosophical presuppositions sustaining them.
In civil law, such rules are likely to be found in family law and in all provisions closely related to the family and the traditional family power structure. They find expression in husband's authority, which is recognized explicitly or implicitly in some marriage regimes, in patria potestas, i.e. where the law expressly establishes the authority of the father, in succession*, and in cases where the law is silent on questions relating to the family and the home - a silence which is particularly prejudicial to the woman.
The discriminatory rules in labour law also stem from the rationale that the woman's major responsibility lies in the reproductive sphere, and the impact that this has on her productive work. They include the statutory and customary provisions that bar women from certain types of work and protect maternity (not, be it noted, as a social function but rather as a concession to the woman). Labour law also fails to provide for certain situations, and this gives rise to inequality between men and women, and particularly rural women whenever the law is silent on the subject of the rural woman worker.
In agrarian legislation, the discriminatory rules relating to the woman's access to productive resources are also likely to be found in legislation and customs governing the woman's work in the reproductive sphere. The interrelationship between civil and agrarian law is very marked here, since the rural woman's access to productive resources is directly a matter of civil law. It should be noted that because agrarian law is a more recent branch, it has not developed equally in every country; and it should also be pointed out that custom acts to reinforce discrimination in all the branches of law considered here.


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Rambo fans, it’s time to get excited as Sylvester Stallone is back.
The 71-year-old is reportedly working on a script for the new movie – more than 35-years on from the first one.
And we are so down for this!
Screen International claims the film will start shooting in September, and will see the legend that is Rambo cross paths with a Mexican cartel.
He was previously believed to have been in line to direct the movie, as well as reclaiming the lead role – but this has now changed.
Rambo first hit the big screen back in 1982, and then again in sequels Rambo: First Blood Part II, in 1985, and Rambo III, three years later.
Sly’s last outing as the legendary character came back in 2008.
But this isn’t the only sequel the actor is working on, as he confirmed he will be joining Jason Statham once again, for The Expendables 4.
Nu Image previously revealed he wouldn’t be coming back, with chief Avi Lerner explaining: ‘We’ve got disagreements with Sly, but we’ve had them for over a year and a half,
‘Right now, each one has opinion. We agreed on 95 per cent of things, but there are certain things in production we don’t agree on. I don’t think it’s over, but what write whatever you want. In my opinion, it’s not dead.’
Sly later delighted fans by confirming his character, Barney Ross, will be back in action alongside his old pals – including Jason and Arnie – and hinted at some new members of the team.
‘BARNEY WILL BE BACK ! PLUS THE CREW AND A COUPLE NEW MEMBERS … (sic),’ he posted on Instagram, alongside a snap of his co-stars.
‘Just when you thought it was safe to go outside…They’re coming back.’
We. Can’t. Wait.
Metro.co.uk has contacted Sylvester’s reps for a comment.
Got a showbiz story?

domain: celebrity


Sheriff Joe Arpaio may have finally met his match.
Mac and Gaydos talked with former Phoenix Mayor Phil Gordon about whether or not he would take on Maricopa County’s sheriff in the next election. Gordon made it clear that he is not running but is considering a run after hearing suggestions from many people over the past week, including Republicans, Democrats and business leaders alike.
“I’m fighting cancer; it’s been my life for the past four years. So they kept coming over the last week,” Gordon said. “And that was most of my Thanksgiving too, but they said, ‘At least keep thinking about it and consider it.’ And I said I would.”
Although the sheriff position may be known for needing to have a background in law enforcement, Gordon makes the point that many police departments are run by city managers.
“I’d bring in the professionals, maybe a retired chief, maybe an active chief…to help reorganize and rebuild and reestablish the credibility and most importantly have the agency working with the county supervisors and with the other law enforcement agencies,” said Gordon.
Gordon himself would handle the policies and open the office up for transparency, making any improvements as needed.
Gordon would also need to address the issue of immigration and undocumented immigrants, a major focus for Arpaio. Some have accused Phoenix under Gordon of being a sanctuary city for those here illegal.
“There were more undocumented, illegal criminals elected in Phoenix and other local jurisdictions than the sheriff in his entire history,” Gordon said.
Gordon and Arpaio have a history of not getting along, so it would be a match for the century if Gordon does decide to run. One reservation Gordon does have in a potential run is possible mudslinging from Arpaio’s side.
“That’s a big concern for me. I know what he did to me as mayor…I don’t know. That’s something I would have to think about very seriously. It affected my family, it affected my friends,” Gordon said.
Gordon served as mayor of Phoenix from 2004 to 2012.
Mac & Gaydos
Show Podcasts and Interviews
- Deadline looms for Latinos detained by former Sheriff Arpaio’s officers
- Penzone: Campaigns should focus on what candidates stand for
- Here are the candidates for Phoenix mayor, in their own words
- More time sought to find victims of Joe Arpaio’s illegal detentions
- Legally Speaking: How could Arpaio win his libel lawsuit against NYT?


Model Bar Refaeli Demands Roger Waters Stop Using Her Photo In Anti-Israel Concerts
Israeli supermodel Bar Refaeli was another face in the crowd at a Roger Waters concert in 2011, when she noticed a picture of herself on the wall.
Thrilled to be recognized by the former Pink Floyd frontman, Refaeli tweeted: "Crazy thing... Went to the Roger Waters show in Paris, and saw a pic of myself on the wall!!! #respect!!! I'm honoured [sic]," according to the Daily Telegraph.
The 28-year-old supermodel changed her tune after Waters sparked outrage among Jewish groups earlier this summer, the Daily Mail is reporting.
Waters, a known activist who supports a boycott of Israel, released a pig-shaped balloon marked with the Star of David into the sky during a concert in July. The Belgium show kicked off his European tour.
Inflatable pigs have been a staple prop of Pink Floyd concerts since the release of the "Animals" album in 1977. After Waters left the band in 1985, he continued to showcase them during solo performances.
“[The Star of David] was the only religious-national symbol which appeared among other symbols for fascism, dictatorships and oppression of people,” Alon Onfus Asif, an Israeli living in Belgium, told ynetnews.com. “Waters crossed the line and gave expression to an anti-Semitic message, beyond all his messages of anti-militancy.”
Supermodel Refaeli seemed compelled to agree, demanding via Twitter that Waters remove her picture from the concert prop wall.
She tweeted in Hebrew:
???'? ?????, ???? ?????? ?? ?????? ??? ??????? ??? ??????? ???. ?? ??? ???- ?? ?? ????.— Bar Refaeli (@BarRefaeli) August 21, 2013
The Daily Mail translated Refaeli's tweet as, "Roger Waters, you better take my picture off of the video art at your shows. If you're boycotting - go all the way."
Waters — a seven-year supporter of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS), a non-violent movement that opposes Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and fights for Palestinian human rights — defended the pig in an open letter on his Facebook page.
"Like it or not, the Star of David represents Israel and its policies and is legitimately subject to any and all forms of non violent protest," Waters wrote. "To peacefully protest against Israel’s racist domestic and foreign policies is NOT ANTI-SEMITIC."
Waters also noted that this particular pig has appeared at approximately 193 shows since 2010, and the concertgoer Asif's complaint is "the first."
This isn't the first time Refaeli has been at the center of controversy concerning her home country.
In March, the Israeli Defense Force slammed the Israeli Foreign Ministry for picking Refaeli as the face of its new ad campaign, because she evaded serving Israel's mandatory, two-year military service.
The Sports Illustrated bikini model married a friend because married women are exempt from the draft. She divorced after receiving her exemption.
Watch the Roger Waters concert footage below to see what set her off:
- An Intruder Has Been Living In Jennifer Lopez's Hamptons House For An Entire Week
- 'Prison Break' Star Wentworth Miller Comes Out Of Closet In Protest Of Russia's Anti-Gay Laws
- How 'Jobs' Actor Josh Gad Lost 30 Pounds After Playing Steve Wozniak
SEE ALSO: The Israeli Army Is NOT Happy About Bar Refaeli's Pro-Israel Ad


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LULULEMON | THE ANTI-SELFIE EXPERIMENT
The Anti-Selfie Experiment was designed to disrupt the selfie-culture and, if for only a moment, put a pause on the curation of digital life. A temporary pop-up in Wicker Park, designed to create a space to truly tap into self, and serve as a connection point for ALL people. The purpose: mindfulness + awareness. Over 10 days in May we invited guests to step out of their digital life and into real life.
We worked with 12 local Chicago artists to build three experiential rooms for guests to walk through, as you would in any museum, - Joy, Discomfort and The Human Condition. In these spaces our artist could truly bring to life what mindfulness means to them and what these feelings bring up for them.
Throughout the 10 days we hosted curated programming inside the space - from yoga, live music performance and a mixology class. Our goal was to bring people together - to help them see that what we feel and experience is often universal.
All proceeds and funds raised during programming were donated to I Grow Chicago and their Englewood Peace House, lululemon Chicago’s social impact partner.

domain: sociology


June 28, 2016
Experts discuss current threats to global health workers in crisis zones, and what can be done to stop attacks on humanitarian workers to ensure their safety and neutrality.
June 9, 2008
Watch Senator Jim Webb (D-VA) discuss major issues in U.S. domestic and foreign policy.
JEFF GREENFIELD: Hi, there. Today -- good afternoon. Welcome. Very impressive turnout, considering the weather. In fact, even not considering the weather. We are now amending Noel Coward's famous so…


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Written by Justin Mason
There are many different ways that game masters have found to reward their players, particularly those who contribute much to a campaign or game session. This could be as simple as a bonus experience reward, or a more complex reward (such as working in some special event into the character's role).
The real question is, how to come up with a system that not only rewards your positive, progressive players, but to also motivates those players who are less than forthcoming.
After all, in many cases, this may be one of the few times everyone is available for a friendly get-together. And, it's very easy to become distracted from the game by catching up with day-to-day life, letting loose some pent up aggression, and sharing the latest jokes from the workplace.
The Bonus Token System is one solution I've come up with and have myself used with quite a bit of success.
Player's earn tokens for things such as attendance, magnificent role-playing, completing of major plot benchmarks, etc. I suggest rewarding 1 token for attendance to be sure everyone at least gets to participate, but not to exceed awarding three to four per player during each game session. Tokens should be rare and valuable commodities.
There doesn't have to be a physical token awarded to the player, though I find handing something tangible over has a very dramatic effect. I use Campaign Coins as a prop to represent the Bonus Tokens I award my players.
These tokens can then be used at the end of the game session to "purchase" bonuses and special features, and upgrades for the character. These should be fairly moderate adjustments, and never anything that would be a "game changer." Though, more powerful benefits could be offered as long as the corresponding token cost is relative to the advantage the character would be obtaining.
For example, below is the basic Bonus Token chart my players utilize for my OGL 3.5 campaigns:
+1 Misc Skill Point = 1 Token
(250 * Level) GP [Max 10,000] = 1 Token
1 Random Minor Magic Item (from DMG) = 3 Tokens
1 Re-Roll Attempt (In-Game Only) = 3 Tokens
(500 * Level) experience [Max 5,000] = 5 Tokens
+1 Ability Point = 10 Tokens
+1 Bonus Feat = 10 Tokens
1 Random Medium Magic Item (from DMG) = 15 Tokens
It can also be fun to find unique and interesting ways to work these rewards into the game session "in-character" to explain how and where they came from. They could even be used as small plot hooks or storyline hints as well.
However you utilize the Bonus Token system, it's a sure-fire way to keep your players on guard, and help keep the focus on role playing.
It's Christmas in July! (Again!) - DriveThruRPG is currently running their *Christmas in July* sale, which means until the 31st you can get all of our PDF stuff at 25% off! I'd recommend *A ...
3 minutes ago

domain: hobby


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In the quest for environmentally friendly and sustainable farming, organic agriculture innovations have taken center stage. With a focus on ecological balance, soil health, and biodiversity, sustainable farming practices not only promote healthier food production but also contribute to the overall well-being of the planet. This article delves into the innovations driving organic agriculture and their impact on sustainable farming practices.
The Essence of Organic Agriculture
Principles and Objectives
Organic agriculture emphasizes a holistic approach to farming, incorporating principles such as biodiversity, soil health, and ecological balance. The primary objectives include minimizing environmental impact, enhancing soil fertility through natural means, and avoiding synthetic pesticides and fertilizers.
Certification and Standards
Certification bodies establish stringent standards for organic farming, ensuring adherence to organic principles. Products bearing the organic label signify compliance with these standards, providing consumers with confidence in the sustainability and environmental friendliness of the agricultural practices.
Innovations in Organic Agriculture
1. Agroecology Integration
Agroecology, the study of ecological processes applied to agriculture, plays a pivotal role in organic farming innovations. Integrating agroecological principles enhances the resilience of agricultural systems, promoting natural pest control, nutrient cycling, and overall ecosystem health.
2. Cover Cropping and Crop Rotation
Cover cropping involves planting specific crops to cover the soil between main crops, preventing erosion and enhancing soil fertility. Crop rotation, the practice of growing different crops in sequential seasons, disrupts pest and disease cycles, reducing the need for chemical interventions. These techniques contribute to sustainable soil management in organic agriculture.
3. Precision Agriculture Technologies
The application of precision agriculture technologies, such as GPS-guided machinery and sensors, allows organic farmers to optimize resource use. This includes precise planting, irrigation, and harvesting, minimizing waste and maximizing the efficiency of organic farming practices.
4. Biological Pest Control
Organic agriculture relies on biological pest control methods to manage insect pests and diseases. This includes introducing beneficial insects, using natural predators, and implementing companion planting strategies to create environments that discourage pests.
5. Organic Soil Amendments
Organic farmers utilize natural soil amendments to enhance soil fertility. Compost, cover crops, and organic matter contribute to soil structure, water retention, and nutrient availability. These amendments not only nourish the soil but also foster a diverse microbial community.
6. Aquaponics and Hydroponics
Innovative organic farming extends beyond traditional soil-based practices. Aquaponics and hydroponics involve cultivating plants without soil, using nutrient-rich water. These methods conserve water, eliminate the need for synthetic fertilizers, and provide opportunities for year-round cultivation.
7. Agroforestry Practices
Agroforestry integrates trees and shrubs into agricultural landscapes, offering multiple benefits. Trees provide shade, contribute to soil health, and enhance biodiversity. Agroforestry systems support sustainable farming by creating resilient ecosystems that are less susceptible to pests and climate extremes.
8. Blockchain for Transparency
In the realm of organic certification and traceability, blockchain technology is gaining prominence. Blockchain ensures transparency and traceability throughout the supply chain, allowing consumers to verify the authenticity of organic products and fostering trust in the organic agriculture sector.
Benefits of Organic Agriculture Innovations
1. Environmental Conservation
Innovations in organic agriculture contribute to environmental conservation by minimizing the use of synthetic chemicals, promoting biodiversity, and reducing the environmental impact of conventional farming practices.
2. Soil Health and Fertility
The focus on organic soil amendments, cover cropping, and crop rotation enhances soil health and fertility. Healthy soils support robust plant growth, nutrient absorption, and water retention, contributing to sustainable and productive farming.
3. Reduced Environmental Footprint
Precision agriculture technologies, biological pest control, and aquaponics/hydroponics minimize resource use and reduce the environmental footprint of farming activities. This results in more sustainable and efficient food production systems.
4. Resilience to Climate Change
Agroecology integration and agroforestry practices enhance the resilience of organic farming systems to climate change. Diverse and well-managed ecosystems are better equipped to adapt to changing environmental conditions.
5. Consumer Trust and Health Benefits
Certified organic products, backed by transparent blockchain technology, instill trust in consumers. Additionally, organic agriculture innovations often lead to products with fewer pesticide residues and higher nutritional content, offering health benefits to consumers.
Organic agriculture innovations are at the forefront of sustainable farming practices, providing solutions to environmental challenges and fostering a healthier, more resilient food system. As organic farming continues to evolve with technological advancements and ecological insights, the future holds the promise of a more sustainable and regenerative approach to agriculture.
- What are the principles of organic agriculture?
- Organic agriculture emphasizes principles such as biodiversity, soil health, and ecological balance. It aims to minimize environmental impact, enhance soil fertility through natural means, and avoid synthetic pesticides and fertilizers.
- How does agroecology contribute to organic agriculture?
- Agroecology, the study of ecological processes applied to agriculture, enhances the resilience of organic farming systems. It promotes natural pest control, nutrient cycling, and overall ecosystem health.
- What are precision agriculture technologies in organic farming?
- Precision agriculture technologies, such as GPS-guided machinery and sensors, optimize resource use in organic farming. These technologies enable precise planting, irrigation, and harvesting, minimizing waste and increasing efficiency.
- How does blockchain technology contribute to organic agriculture?
- Blockchain technology ensures transparency and traceability in organic agriculture. It allows consumers to verify the authenticity of organic products and fosters trust in the organic supply chain.
- What are the benefits of organic agriculture innovations?
- The benefits include environmental conservation, enhanced soil health and fertility, reduced environmental footprint, resilience to climate change, and health benefits for consumers.

domain: food


Champion Door Oy
Mining Doors in Extreme Conditions
Champion Door’s mining doors are made to function in extreme conditions.
Doors that are used in arctic climates can be equipped with a fabric that withstands temperatures of –60 C. The Champion Door’s fabric fold-up door is the only one on the market that is available with additional heat insulation. The door’s tight structure saves energy and prevents drafts and thus improves working conditions.
The doors are corrosion protected and they are long lasting. The doors need very little maintenance and therefore their life cycle costs are very reasonable.


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Cotton yarns can also be decently priced and are wonderful options for wearables or bags, but could be a bit more durable to work with. Like acrylics, they could probably be a tougher texture or feel silky easy, it just is dependent upon the model. So now that you realize the burden, let’s speak concerning the totally different supplies of yarn.
It’s a practical means to make use of up scrap yarn from different tasks. This is an excellent easy crochet scarf worked in half double crochet. Thick yarn and a big hook mean that it works up fast.
One of the great issues about studying how to crochet is that you don’t need lots to get started. Before we dive into the technical features of crocheting, let’s take a look at some of the supplies you’ll need to get started. For crocheting, you’ll need to use locking stitch markers. These markers open and shut, so they can be removed when you’re accomplished with them.
These are the must-know stitches that you’ll see in virtually each crochet pattern. These easy crochet stitches are a great basis for enhancing crochet abilities c2c crochet rectangle as a new crocheter. Keep studying to learn to make the 6 basic crochet stitches for novices.
Yau-Weeks agrees on selecting a medium-weight yarn because it’s versatile and can be used for an array of tasks. “For a newbie, I would recommend acrylic, cotton, or wool yarn that is plied, ” she says. You can take your crochet skill to the subsequent stage by studying the double crochet stitch. You’ll be succesful of create granny squares for afghans whenever you learn this sew. Practice making little swatches until your double crochet stitches are even.
If you’re simply entering the wonderful world of crochet, it could be complicated where to begin. Anytime you learn a new talent, there’s a studying curve, right? They are sufficiently small to suit into a pouch and sharp enough to cleanly reduce any kind of yarn. I particularly love scissors that come with a cover, so you don’t by accident reduce a project should you store your scissors in your project bag.
Tapestry needles, or yarn needles, are just needles with a watch large sufficient to thread yarn by way of. Yarn needles are used to weave in ends in addition to sew seams collectively. These needles may be plastic or metallic and are typically cheap. Check out The Ultimate Crocheting Tools List and learn how to begin crocheting with the best tools at your disposal. Bent tip tapestry needles areeven higher to have, particularly when you’re sewing together amigurumi.
Once you study it, you’ll be succesful of crochet chains, rows, rounds, and join items of initiatives together when needed. A newbie granny sq. is a good project for a more moderen crochet to make. It uses double crochet stitches in clusters to make the sq.. It also can use a magic circle aka magic ring to begin the sq., so it has a seamless circle to begin the project with.
It is important to grasp what these abbreviations imply as a outcome of most crochet patterns will solely check with stitches and actions in abbreviated type. You can have a look above at the crochet stitch part to see the abbreviations I used, or click the link above too to learn all about crochet stitch abbreviations. The crochet sample will inform you the exact yarn weight, sort of yarn, and the popular hook size. Then, with the proper yarn and hook, you’ll be on track to start making your first scarf, hat, blanket, or one thing else. With all the various varieties of yarns and hooks, the choices could be a bit overwhelming. However, luckily for you, just about each crochet pattern gives you the specifics of what you’ll want.

domain: artistic


Once a Metro's very own Austin Fido joins us for this week's unofficially official episode. We talk the dominating 3-0 victory over D.C. United by the New York Red Bulls. We talk the Red Bulls Town Hall 2.0 and how the atmosphere was completely different with some actual answers from the front office. We take a look at the playoff picture and lastly take a shot at predicting semi-random MLS match during the bye week, just because.
Opening: Happy Rock - http://www.bensound.com/royalty-free-music
Breaks & Closing: True Believers by Bouncing Souls
Help fund the Red Bull Rant by visiting our Patreon page and donating to the show on a monthly basis.
WARNING: The Red Bull Rant is a free flowing conversation about soccer that may include adult language or topics. Listener discretion is advised.


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Coming off a high last Sunday after picking up NLEX’s first-ever semifinals win, the young Road Warriors were quickly showed how a championship-caliber team bounces back two days later.
Even if they were undermanned, the battle-tested Magnolia Hotshots were able to bounce back, romping NLEX, 99-84, to even out the series.
A different NLEX showed up for this game as they struggled against the zone defense of the Magnolia Hotshots.
One of the players who struggled to adjust was super rookie Kiefer Ravena. After finishing with 16 points in Game 1, the 6-foot combo guard was limited to just nine points on 3-of-7 shooting, while being forced to commit a team-high five turnovers.
“We started out pretty well and we just couldn’t match the energy of Magnolia towards the latter part of the first half,” admitted the second generation cager, as NLEX only held the lead for 1:42 minutes in the contest. “And coach Yeng [Guiao], the numerous battles, the numerous seven-game series he’s won and lost. Alam niya na kung paano laruin yung minuto ng mga tao niya.
“You know, sinasabi nga ni coach Jolas [Lastimosa] na there are certain games that we really have to be smart about and there was a certain game that we kind of played out of our system and Magnolia took advantage of that.”
Moreover, one of the players who epitomized the “next-game mentality” that the Road Warriors have been striving for was Paul Lee.
After scoring just eight points on 3-of-10 shooting to go along with five turnovers in Game 1, the seven-year veteran bounced back with a game-high 27 markers, while limiting his errors to just two.
“Paul just played awesome and the way he’s supposed to play. We just didn’t find any solution to that all throughout the game,” Ravena lamented.
“That’s tough, you know, they shot 50 percent from the field the whole game, that’s making every two baskets, nakaka-shoot ka ng isa palagi, dos or tres,” he admitted, as Magnolia shot 35-of-70 from the field.
Having seen what a high caliber team is like, Ravena and the Road Warriors vow to take this loss to heart.
“We have to step it up. We’ll learn from this, rest, forget about this and be ready on Wednesday.”
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Mark Nonoy takes charge as Hustle tops Heart in NBTC All-Star Game
Jalen Green, David Carlos battle to epic stalemate in NBTC Slam Dunk Contest
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domain: news


Try this all-natural alternative in this tutorial on how to get fresh smelling towels. Hard water and fragrances can make your towels smell like mildew.
Fresh, clean laundry is one of my all-time favorite things. Especially fresh-smelling towels.
However, clean towels aren’t always fresh-smelling towels. What, you ask? If towels are clean they should smell clean, right? Actually, no. It’s not always true.
Lately, I’ve noticed that my clean towels don’t smell clean. They have a bad, mildew smell…right out of the dryer.
The culprits? Fabric detergent and fabric softener. Fabric softener leaves a residue on towels that actually reduces their water absorbancy.
When you go to wash them, the detergent cannot properly clean them because of the residue of the fabric softener. This build up is what makes towels, even freshly washed ones, smell like mildew.
Also, not properly hanging towels will lead to this problem. If towels are left in a heap on the floor, you’ll have mold and mildew bacteria multiplying. Gross, right?
Before moving to the South I didn’t have this problem as the water wasn’t as hard as it is here. We have lots of minerals in our water, and it builds up in the thicker fabric of towels. Combined with the fragrances of detergents and fabric softeners, that build-up eventually takes a toll on those linens and you end up with foul-smelling, clean towels straight out of the dryer.
How to Get Fresh-Smelling Towels
After working wonders on set-in oil stains, I decided to try baking soda for our towels.
What You’ll Need
- 1/4 cup baking soda
- 1 cup white distilled vinegar
- hot water
Note: this is the method I use on my HE washer, so it should be safe for yours as well!
In place of laundry detergent, use baking soda to wash the towels. I usually sprinkle it right in the drum of my front-loader before adding the towels.
(Sometimes I use the detergent dispenser, but since I have to remove a piece when using powder detergent, I usually opt to just put it directly in the tub.) If you have a top-loading washer, you can add the baking soda before the washer fills with water.
If the thought of skipping laundry detergent makes you uneasy, I recommend this laundry detergent that’s free of dyes, fragrances, or other filler ingredients that can lead to the mildew smell.
Other safer laundry detergents you can add to the baking soda are shoppable below.
Start the load using HOT water. The next step sounds strange but it works!
When it comes time for the rinse cycle, use white distilled vinegar instead of fabric softener.
After the rinse cycle finishes, put the freshly washed towels into the dryer. Out come clean and fresh towels without any hints of vinegar.
How this method works
Baking soda (sodium bicarbonate) dissolves dirt and grease while neutralizing odor. Vinegar breaks up mineral deposits in water and it acts as a fabric softener.
This is why you don’t need to add a fabric softener. Fabric softeners make water “slippery” so that those same minerals don’t remain in the fabric.
Your towels will definitely smell clean, but they won’t have the smelly residues that the fragrances of the detergents, fabric softener and hard-water create.
This method also works for those towels that have been stored in a linen closet for a long time. I have been using this method for over three years now and it never fails.
Had I not experimented with baking soda and vinegar for a “no-poo” experiment I wouldn’t have believed that vinegar conditions, but it actually does! Just like my hair, the towels don’t come out with any smell of vinegar.
Because I love the smell of Downey fabric softener and my Tide detergent, I only do this every few weeks, or as soon as the towels get that funky smell.
Try it. It works. I promise.
Would you try this all-natural method to cleaning towels?


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The latest KFF Health Tracking Poll probes Democrats’ views about the general approaches to expanding health coverage and lowering costs put forward by the candidates. Most Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (55%) say they prefer a candidate who would build on the Affordable Care Act to achieve those goals. Fewer (40%)…
- view as grid
- view as list
This infographic examines public opinion on prescription drug costs in the United States as part of the Visualizing Health Policy infographic series, produced in partnership with the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA).
KFF Health Tracking Poll – October 2019: Health Care In The Democratic Debates, Congress, And The Courts
This poll examines health care issues in the Democratic presidential primary , government negotiation of prescription drug prices, party trust on health care, Medicare-for-all, and the pending Texas v. US lawsuit affecting the Affordable Care Act and pre-existing condition protections.
The COVID-19 outbreak has changed the reality of working life for most of the U.S. workforce, with essential workers at the forefront of performing crucial services for the public in the midst of the pandemic. This post examines who essential workers are and what challenges they are facing in light of coronavirus.
Tracking Poll: A Large and Growing Majority, Including Republicans, Does Not Want the Supreme Court to Overturn the ACA’s Protections for People with Pre-Existing Conditions
As the Senate considers Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s nomination to the Supreme Court, the October KFF Health Tracking Poll finds a large majority (79%) of the public do not want the Court to overturn the Affordable Care Act’s protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions, up 17 percentage points since…
The latest KFF Health Tracking Poll explores the public’s views on the U.S. role in distributing COVID vaccines to other countries, health care priorities for Congress, prescription drug regulations and price negotiations, and affordability changes in the COVID-19 relief bill.
This poll examines the public’s views on the coronavirus pandemic, its mental health impacts, experiences with social distancing, face mask wearing and views on business restrictions. This poll also examines the public’s views on the Affordable Care Act and President-elect Joe Biden’s health care policy proposals.
Poll: Large Majorities Now Say They Wear Masks Regularly and Can Continue Social Distancing for At Least Six Months if Needed, though Republicans Remain Less Likely to Take Such Precautions
As winter sets in and COVID-19 cases and deaths reach records in most parts of the country, more Americans say they wear masks every time they leave home now (73%) than said so in May (52%), a new KFF Health Tracking Poll finds. A small minority (11%) say they wear…
This survey of Americans by the Kaiser Family Foundation and the Agency for Health Care Research and Quality (AHRQ) shows that the recent attention to medical errors may have entered the public’s consciousness since it is now among the public’s leading measures of health care quality. The survey also found…


Alongside the two countries’ close bilateral relationship, their talks focused on the situation in Libya and the next meeting of the Alliance for Multilateralism in Geneva on 24 February.
Close bilateral relations
Germany and Austria enjoy very close linguistic, cultural and economic ties. Germany is by far Austria’s most important trading partner. In the first half of 2019, Germany accounted for around 35 percent of all Austrian imports and just under 30 percent of exports. With more than one third of all overnight stays, Germans are also the most important guests for the Austrian tourism sector. Furthermore, an estimated 300,000 Germans live in Austria. Bilateral cooperation between authorities and ministries at federal and Land level and coordination within the EU are therefore also close and characterised by a spirit of trust.
The EU’s role in Libya
An important topic of discussion between the two Foreign Ministers was the EU’s planned commitment to monitoring the arms embargo in Libya, which the 27 EU Foreign Ministers had agreed to at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels earlier this week. To this end, Operation Sophia is to be terminated in its present form and replaced by a new mission to monitor the arms embargo also comprising maritime components in the eastern Mediterranean. The talks between the two Foreign Ministers focused on outstanding issues and the steps to be taken towards implementing the general agreement reached on Monday.
Working together to foster multilateralism
A further meeting of the Alliance for Multilateralism will take place in Geneva on 24 February, and Foreign Minister Schallenberg has already confirmed his attendance. Impunity and humanitarian assistance will be at the top of the agenda at this meeting. The two Foreign Ministers held discussions on how the operative projects of the Alliance for Multilateralism can be advanced and the initiative’s potential for mobilisation further expanded.


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Khloe Kardashian might still be in LA, but she’s definitely got some Big D dreams. Lamar Odom has already joined his new team mates here in Dallas, and Khloe won’t be too far behind.
TMZ reports that the Kardashian family are thrilled about Lamar’s trade as they have cousins here in North Texas. Besides, Kourtney studied at SMU, so they are definitely no strangers to Dallas.
A source reported to TMZ that the Kardashians are looking to expand their empire to Dallas. They’ve already been scouting possible locations to open a DASH store in the area.
It seems like everyone is excited to have Lamar & Khloe in Dallas. Rick Carlisle and Mark Cuban have both declared Khloe to be the favorite among the Kardashians.


Steven Sinofsky, who exited Microsoft abruptly weeks after his Windows 8 brainchild shipped, has found a new gig at venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz.
Sinofsky has joined as a board partner, a role in which he will represent Andreessen Horowitz on the board of the companies it invests in. The position, he wrote Thursday on his personal blog, isn’t a full-time job.
Sinofsky first made contact with Andreessen Horowitz late last year and was captivated by what he viewed as the firm’s commitment to “fostering innovation, product creation and working with product-focused entrepreneurs.”
In his blog post, he profusely professed great admiration for the firm, its employees and leaders and for “the values clearly articulated and lived day to day by everyone at the firm.”
In turn, Sinofsky hopes to contribute with his skills and extensive experience with product development at Microsoft, which culminated with his leadership of the development of the controversial Windows 8 OS.
A product of historical importance to Microsoft, Windows 8 has been a lightning rod for criticism. Formally launched in October of last year, Windows 8 has been blasted for its radically redesigned “Modern” interface, which is based on tile icons optimized for touch screens and meant to help the OS gain traction in the tablet market.
Still, Apple’s iOS and Android continue to dominate the tablet OS market, with Windows 8 a minor player.
Microsoft is busy working on a major revision of the OS called Windows 8.1 that attempts to address many of the objections from consumers and enterprise customers, including the removal of the Start button and the bumpy interplay between the Modern interface and the more traditional Windows 7-like desktop, included to run legacy Windows applications.
In short, the harshest critics maintain that Microsoft tried to make an OS that works well on both desktops and tablets, and ended up with a product that works well in neither. By contrast, Apple has iOS for its iPads and iPhones, and MacOS for its desktop and laptop computers.
Sinofsky, the public face of the Windows 8 project, left Microsoft in mid-November, about three weeks after the launch of the OS, shocking many in the industry and leading to widespread speculation for the causes and motives behind his departure.
Officially, he and Microsoft said at the time that the decision to part was mutual and cordial, but analysts said there may have been tension between Sinofsky and others in the Microsoft executive team, and that the problems could have been exacerbated by the criticism leveled at Windows 8 since the first builds became publicly available.
Sinofsky also oversaw the development of the Microsoft-branded Surface tablets, which have struggled to gain traction, in particular the model that runs Windows RT, the Windows 8 version for ARM-based devices.
In December, Sinofsky disclosed that he would teach at the Harvard Business School this spring, and in Thursday’s blog post he reiterated that he will continue being an Entrepreneur In Residence there as well as “pursue other business and product development opportunities that arise.”
In May of this year, he publicly defended Windows 8 sales, and in July struck a “retirement agreement” with Microsoft in which he received a payout for unvested stock. In return, he agreed to some concessions that, among other things, prevent him from working for certain Microsoft competitors and from speaking badly about Microsoft products.


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As the culinary and publishing industries have, respectively, evolved, the cookbook of today has become something far removed from what it used to be. Though now a beautiful collector’s item, back in the day, it was literally a book filled with dry (and often vague) lists of ingredients and instructions.
In this video from cooking channel Sorted, two professional chefs attempt a hundred-year-old recipe from the first French cookbook in known history, Le Repertoire De La Cuisine, by Auguste Escoffier. The recipe is Sole Renaissance, and the chefs are forced to guess, from a simple list of ingredients, how to cook and plate this French fish dish. Some items garner dispute, such as the “noisette potatoes,” which could be referring to the color of the potatoes, the shape, or the kind of butter they are cooked in. But the end results are still quite spectacular.
Watch to find out just how close they come to replicating the recipe according to the standards of the time. Buy the book and try this recipe at home if you dare, or, if you’re looking for a slightly more modern (and comprehensive) take on French cuisine, maybe take a look at this cookbook by experimental French cook and YouTube personality Alex Gabriel.


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We were visiting friends in the Dover area and decided to try the Sleep Inn. We had never stayed in one before. It was a little nicer then I expected for a budget motel. The room and bath were clean and comfortable. The towels were what you would expect, not the fluffy kind but they were soft and did the... More
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FORT WORTH -- The city's Parks and Community Services board voted Wednesday to recommend closing the 81-year-old Z Boaz Golf Course and turning its 138 acres into a park.
The vote supported a portion of city staff recommendations. But the board also added a recommendation that the status of the nine-hole Sycamore Creek course be reviewed again in 2014.
City officials have deemed it a priority to keep open Sycamore Creek, which has lost more money than Z Boaz, to serve the central city. It will get new greens and grass that could attract more patrons, officials have said.
Last month, the city's golf course advisory committee recommended placing the two courses in the city's general fund rather than closing them.
Golf courses in the enterprise fund are meant to pay for themselves. Putting a course in the general fund means that its expenses would be paid in part by tax dollars.
The City Council is not obligated to follow the staff's, park board's or golf committee's recommendations, but the council is believed to support turning Z Boaz into a park.
Under the plan, Z Boaz, between Interstate 30 and Camp Bowie West, would get walking trails, picnic areas, playgrounds and athletic fields. It could also get a pool and a dog park.
The city must keep Z Boaz as a golf course or a park under the agreement made when the land was donated.
Bill Hanna, 817-390-7698


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