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Botulinum Toxin Market Size, Trends and Growth Analysis by Type (Botulinum Toxin A and Botulinum Toxin B), Application (Aesthetic and Therapeutic), End User (Dermatology Centers, Hospitals and Clinics and others) and Region (Americas, Europe, Asia-Pacific, and the Middle East & Africa) – Forecast till 2025
Botulinum Toxin Market Overview
The global botulinum toxin market is expected to exhibit a solid 10.3% CAGR over the forecast period from 2019 to 2025, according to the latest research report from Market Research Future (MRFR). The global botulinum toxin market was valued at USD 4.1 billion in 2018 and is expected to rise to a valuation of USD 9.4 billion by 2025, according to the report. The global botulinum toxin market is mainly driven by the growing demand for facial reconstruction surgeries and the growing prevalence of chronic migraines and cervical dystonia. On the other hand, growing awareness about the adverse effects of botulinum toxin is likely to be a key restraint on the global botulinum toxin market.
Botulinum toxin is obtained from Clostridium botulinum, which is responsible for the disease known as botulism. However, in smaller doses, botulinum toxin can have various beneficial effects on the human body. One of the most famous applications of botulinum toxin include its use in tightening the skin on the face and rest of the body. Botulinum toxin causes a tightening of the skin due to its action on the nervous system. This can result in a younger looking appearance of the patient. Due to this, botulinum toxin is widely used in cosmetic procedures to improve the appearance of the patient and make them appear younger. Many entertainment industry bigwigs use botulinum toxin, commonly known as botox, to improve their appearance and look younger. In recent years, the common public has also become a major consumer of botulinum toxin, as awareness about the process has grown and the process has become more accessible to common citizens. This is likely to remain a major driver for the global botulinum toxin market over the forecast period.
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Botulinum toxin also has some therapeutic applications, particularly in spasticity, migraines, and cervical dystonia. The growing prevalence of these conditions is likely to be a major driver for the botulinum toxin market over the forecast period. On the other hand, the increasing awareness about the adverse effects of botulinum toxin and the increasing number of people opting not to alter their appearance synthetically is likely to be a key restraint on the global botulinum toxin market over the forecast period.
Botulinum Toxin Market Competitive Leaderboard:
Leading players in the global botulinum toxin market include Revance Therapeutics Inc., Medytox, Hugel Inc., Evolus Inc., US WorldMeds LLC (Solstice Neurosciences LLC), Ipsen Pharma, Daewoong Pharmaceutical Co. Ltd., Galderma SA, Merz Pharma GmbH & Co KGaA, and Allergan PLC.
In September 2019, Medytox launched Coretox, a new botulinum product.
The same month, Ipsen Pharma received FDA approval for the use of Dysport for the treatment of lower limb spasticity in pediatric patients.
Botulinum Toxin Market Segmentation:
The global botulinum toxin market is segmented on the basis of product type, application, end use, and region.
By product type, the global botulinum toxin market is segmented into botulinum toxin type A and B. The type A segment holds a dominant share of more than 96% as of 2018 and accounts for an overwhelmingly dominant share in the global botulinum toxin market. Botox, Dysport, and Xeomin are among the leading brands of botulinum toxin type A.
By application, the global botulinum toxin market is segmented into therapeutic and aesthetics. The therapeutic segment is further sub-segmented into chronic migraine, spasticity, cervical dystonia, overactive bladder, blepharospasm, and others. The therapeutic segment holds the dominant share in the global botulinum toxin market.
By end use, the global botulinum toxin market is segmented into dermatology centers, hospitals and clinics, and others.
Browse Detailed TOC with COVID-19 Impact Analysis at: https://www.marketresearchfuture.com/reports/botulinum-toxin-market-8567
Botulinum Toxin Market Regional Analysis:
The Americas dominate the global botulinum toxin market, accounting for more than 48% of the global market in 2018. The growing demand for aesthetic botox treatments in North America, particularly the U.S., is likely to be the major driver for the botulinum toxin market in the Americas region over the forecast period. The increasing presence of leading players such as Hugel, Evolus, and US WorldMeds in the U.S. is likely to be a major driver for the botulinum toxin market in the Americas over the forecast period.
Browse More Healthcare Related Research Report at:
- Global Contract Research Organization (CRO) Market size is expected to grow at a 11.48% CAGR across the review period.
- The global Digital Health Market size is touted to reach USD 328,887.8 million by 2025
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text: When an injury results in a need for constant care and someone else is at fault, compensation can be claimed to cover two aspects; the injury itself and the cost of the on-going care. Where care is to be provided by a nursing agency, the cost is simple to calculate. Where someone is looked after by a family member, calculating the cost is more complicated and compensation for a carer’s allowance can be harder to obtain. When Bartletts personal injury solicitors in Wrexham represented a lady suffering from brain injuries following a road traffic accident, they confidently negotiated a compensation award of £200,000 and enabled her to choose the most appropriate carer for her circumstances. The lady, who was in her late 50s, was knocked over whilst crossing a road by a car that was not roadworthy. The car had been modified by its owner with windows that had been heavily tinted. Following the accident, the lady was left with brain injuries which significantly reduced her level of concentration. She struggled to cope with simple daily tasks and required a lot of support from a carer. The nature of the brain injuries meant that care from a family member was preferable to a professional nursing team. Constant care and supervision was kindly provided by a family member, who as a result suffered loss of earnings from their job. Understanding the complexity of the case, Bartletts personal injury experts successfully negotiated a settlement with the driver’s insurance company which allowed the lady to continue to be cared for by the family member, providing compensation to reflect the level of care and for their loss of earnings. The final compensation of £200,000 comprised roughly 30 per cent for the injuries sustained and 70 per cent to reflect the generous care provided.

domain: medical


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In a video recently uploaded on YouTube, an unidentified protester holding a video camera, filming a police line during the early hours of Thursday, Nov. 3, was shot with a rubber bullet or a beanbag round after repeatedly asking police officers: “Is this okay?”
The unnamed protester wrote on his YouTube page:
While filming a police line at Occupy Oakland after midnight on Nov. 3 following the Nov. 2 general strike, an officer opens fire and shoots me with a rubber bullet. I was standing well back. There was no violence or confrontations of any kind underway. At 0:31 seconds you can see a tall officer in the front raise his weapon and then fire. This is the full clip of the incident.
The unprovoked shooting apparently took place following Thursday’s call to general strike, which saw tens of thousands of protesters shut down one of the city’s major highway overpasses. Though the event was largely peaceful, police made 103 arrests, mostly for protesters who failed to disperse after being told to leave public spaces.
Despite their name, rubber bullets are not just rubber, but rather small metal cylinders coated with a layer of rubber, which can be shot from traditional firearms.

domain: news


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U2 frontman reacts to violence against monks in Myanmar
U2 frontman Bono has spoken about the recent violence in Myanmar, in which nine people have been killed.
The country’s Buddhist monks are leading protests against the military government’s decision to double the price of fuel last month.
Despite the peaceful protests by the monks, many have been arrested, with hundreds of them being dragged from their beds overnight (September 26) during invasions of their monasteries.
National League For Democracy Party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, for whom Bono wrote the song ‘Walk On’ is reportedly under house arrest.
The protests were peaceful until yesterday when security forces opened fire on protesters.
Speaking at the premiere of ‘Across The Universe’ Bono showed his support for the monks, telling the Associated Press “Their non-violence may, I pray, win out over the ugliness of the situation.
“There is jeopardy. I slept uneasily last night, and I’m sure everyone else that watched did, too,” he continued, before asking, “How far are they going to have to go?”
–By our New York staff.


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Published on May 11, 2008
A nice song. Album: The Scarecrow (2008)
Shelter From The Rain
[vocals by Tobias Sammet, Michael Kiske and Bob Catley]
[Tobias Sammet:] Like a wheel I keep on turning Straight ahead, it's got me burning The melody — the dignity, Something is speaking to me Night is cold and my soul is battered Not afraid for the first time now that I realize We coincide, I'll never belong to the tribe And a song is calling me to this ship of fools
[Chorus:] Been dying for a sign when faith has been on the line When you find your love on wasted grounds You're taking to the sound, it's shelter from the rain
[Michael Kiske:] No return from the way I've chosen, Cast away - chasing rainbows - condemn the lie And how could I make god believe I'm blind? We create by intuition, call it fate — the tounge of angels in our soul Feel it resound and carry you over the grind All that's left is a song giving shelter from the rain
[Bob Catley:] It's a dark and stormy night, Ain't it funny what it takes to read the signs? But I'm always there, I am the footprints to your right Man overlooks when riding high, young and blind In your darkest lonely night, heed a voice to take you higher Take you higher As you stumble through the ruins, let the spirit take you higher, and a soul
[Tobias Sammet:] Oh, and a song I can hear a song
[Tobias Sammet (Edguy) - lead vocals, bass & keyboards Michael Kiske (Helloween) - lead vocals Bob Catley (Magnum) - additional lead vocals Sascha Paeth (Heavens Gate)- lead guitar & rhythm guitar Henjo Richter (Gamma Ray) - additional lead guitar Kai Hansen (Gamma Ray) - lead guitars Eric Singer (Kiss) - drums]

domain: artistic


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Absolutely love it!
nice work !
I really lost touch with the Marvel universe.
captain Marvel is my favorite superhero so i can really appreciate this on a personal level^^ (also feel like she is underrated)
When I see this, I'm asking myself if such skill should be allowed ! Amazing piece
Great pic of Carol!


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Destination: Arches National Park
About Arches National Park
Location: Moab, Utah
Our Park Chasing List: #93 – April 9, 2021
Famous For: The largest collection of natural stone arches in the world.
Destination Quick Guide
When to Visit
Arches National Park and the Moab, Utah area gets HOT between May and September. Spring and Fall are the best time to visit the park when daytime temperatures are warm but not scorching. It’s also the most popular time to visit the park, so expect busier trails and parking areas.
Nearby National Park Units
Arches National Park is part of the Utah “BIG 5” and is commonly combined with visits to these other parks:
- Canyonlands National Park
- Colorado National Monument
- Capitol Reef National Park
- Zion National Park
- Grand Canyon National Park
The Best of Arches National Park
Our favorites at Arches National Park:
- Park Avenue
- Broken Arch Trail
- Stargazing (Arches has some of the darkest night skies in the NPS!)
Our Arches National Park Guides:
The Best Arches Trip Planning Resources:
Park Chasers is a participant in several affiliate programs. Purchasing from these links supports us in sharing more content and national park travel with no additional cost to you. As an Amazon Associate, this site earns from qualifying purchases.
Indigenous Connections to Arches National Park
As part of our commitment to a more Diverse NPS, Park Chasers wants to acknowledge that the lands we now enjoy were once the home of many different indigenous communities.
According to the National Park Service (nps.gov):
“What is now Arches National Park was a ceremonial area for people who lived and farmed in the Moab valley. Moab is the only major crossing of the Colorado River for hundreds of miles, so this area saw extensive travel and trade, making it an important cultural feature for all tribes on a regional scale.”
The lands around Arches once belonged to members of the:
- Pueblo of Zuni (or A:shiwi),
- the Hopi Tribe,
- the Southern Ute Indian Tribe,
- Ute Indian Tribe-Uintah and Ouray,
- the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah, and
- the Kaibab Band of Paiute Indians.

domain: geography


New Delhi: Tamil Nadu government on Tuesday declared a holiday for all schools in Sivaganga district as incessant rainfall in several parts of the state thrown day to day life out of gear.
At least 25 people have died over the last four days in Tamil Nadu due to various rain-related incidents. On Monday morning, a private compound wall collapsed in Mettupalayam near Coimbatore, killing 17 people and trapping several more.
A compensation of Rs 4 lakh was announced to the families of each of those who died in the wall collapse incident.
All schools and many colleges in the capital city Chennai, along with Chengelpet, Thiruvallur, Ramanathapuram, Thoothukkudi and Cuddalore were closed on Monday after the regional met department issued an advisory. Schools in Puducherry, too, were shut.
Taking stock of the situation, Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu K Palaniswami chaired a meeting with the officials at the state secretariat to review precautionary measures along with relief and rescue efforts.
More than 600 water pumps and six tree-felling machines were kept ready to be equipped for any drastic situation. Additionally, 176 relief centres have been set up across the city and 109 boats arranged to evacuate people, should a need arise. Community kitchens have also been set up to prepare food for the needy.
Moreover, the Greater Chennai Corporation (GCC) has even set up a helpline for complaints related to water-logging and tree fall incidents to take stock of the continuous downpour. Residents can dial 044-25384520 or 044-25384530, and/or WhatsApp on 9445477205 for any rain-related emergency.


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ORDER BY PHONE 1-800-828-4548
3M Scotch Low Tack Artist Tape provides an excellent short-term bond on delicate surfaces including light tissue and newsprint.
A 10-yard (9.1 m) roll is set on a plastic dispenser with convenient tear edge.
see also ...
® 3M is a registered trademark.® Scotch is a registered trademark of the 3M company.
(based on 11 reviews)
of respondents would recommend this to a friend.
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(1 of 1 customers found this review helpful)
My Favorite tape
Comments about 3M Scotch Low Tack Artist Tape:
I use this to tape off the edges of my colored pencil drawings and it always comes off easily without harming the paper.
Bottom Line Yes, I would recommend this to a friend
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A product worth sticking with!
from Pasadena, MD
I bought the lightly tacky, but removable tape to secure paper board to my mat when using ScanNCut. Scotch Low Tack Artist tape has a heavy enough paper backing to handle with enough tack to hold securely. I can easily remove the tape without tearing the paper board when complete. I love the product and would recommend it to others who want to secure art work and be able to remove it without damage to the art.
i would buy this product again-exactly what i was looking fo
from LONDONDERRY, NH
HI-WHEN I DRAW SOMETHING ON TRACING PAPER, THAT I WANT TOPAINT OR PUT IN ONE OF MY JOURNALS--THIS TAPE IS PERFECT--I AM NOT CONCERNED THAT I WILL TEAR MY WATERCOLOR PAPER--OR WHATEVER PAPER I WANT THE DRAWING ON...."JUST USE THE TAPE"
It's easy to use
It causes no damage to a paper, easy to use, keeps your paper in place.
will not buy this again
By Lucy MT
This tape is useless I taped down a dry watercolor (a very good quality brand) 1/2 sheet 22" x 15" on all 4 sides (2 strips on each side even), and a few minutes later when I picked it up to paint it had completely come off my foamboard. So I had to secure it with a better artist brand tape I just happened to have some of it left, thank goodness. This tape is so low in tack it does not tape anything down.
Bottom Line No, I would not recommend this to a friend
Merchant response: We're sorry that this tape did not work as you were expecting. We understand it's not always easy to choose the most suitable product based on a web page, so Blick has a knowledgeable team of product information specialists on staff to answer your questions about art materials, product applications, and techniques. Please feel free to contact us with any questions you may have. Just call 1-800-933-2542 (weekdays 8am - 5:30pm CST) or email email@example.com. We're happy to help!
from California, USA
Bought this to use with transfer paper & tracing paper, etc. I also bought the "Scotch Artist Tape for Canvas" (same brand), to compare the two. This "Low Tack Artist Tape" definitely has much lower tack, which is perfect for when you want that type of application. So for its use, this was the low-tack winner. Worked perfectly.
(2 of 2 customers found this review helpful)
Just What I Needed
from East Coast, USA
I mainly work on hot press watercolor papers and canson illustration board. My issue with tape is I like to color block and the tape I would use would rip the paper. I've spent plenty on tape only to have it rip everytime. I just stared using it so I will adjust my review after using it more but so far so good.
A nearly perfect product
from Clermont, FL
Masking on paper is just effortless now. I use this Scotch3M type tape when I work on Arches/Canson oil painting paper (itself a near-perfect product!) so the combination is just a fabulous discovery. The tape is very, very low tack so it doesn't pull any of the paper's surface. You will need to press it firmly when applying it, and do so again just before painting to assure a well sealed edge. On low texture papers it will leave an extremely good masked area. I would never be without this!
(5 of 5 customers found this review helpful)
Love this tape!
By Sketchbook Artist
from Clinton, CT
I've looked long and hard for this type of tape, and finally have found it. I've been looking for a tape to use in my sketchbook and nature journal work. A tape that I can use to create a picture plane to work within and have a nice clean border around watercolor or gouache sketches that does not rip up the surface of the paper. Regular artist tape,and drafting tape all ruin the paper because the adhesive is too strong. I generally work on heavy 180 lb. mixed- media paper both cold press and hot press surface, as well as watercolor paper both hot and cold press. This tape sticks well enough so that paint does not seep under it but removes cleanly and easily with no damage to the paper surface. It's also sticky enough to re-use on a second or third sketch during the same session.
Images shared by Sketchbook Artist
taped off picture plane with watercolor sketch
Tags: Nature Journal, Tape, Sketch, Watercolor, Made with Product
tape used to create boxes for gouache sketches
Tags: Sketch, Nature Journal, Sketchbook, Nature, Gouache, Made with Product, Tape
(1 of 2 customers found this review helpful)
Does not stick
from Grand Rapids, MI
Tried to use on cold press paper but did not stick at all. Very disappointed in this purchase.
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Dick Blick Art Materials · P.O. Box 1267 · Galesburg, IL 61402-1267 · Toll-free Phone (800) 828-4548 International Phone +1-309-343-6181 ext. 5402 · Fax (800) 621-8293
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So much for NCIS: Legend.
CBS has announced the actual name of its upcoming spinoff, and it's following the model set forth by CSI. Look for NCIS: Los Angeles to air on Tuesday nights this fall.
The series, which will star Chris O'Donnell and LL Cool J (pictured above, during his guest-starring stint this spring), is scheduled for 9 p.m., immediately following the original NCIS. We'd love to hear from fans of that show.
Is the prospect of back-to-back NCIS programs exciting, or too much of a good thing on the same night?


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Unless you’ve been living under a rock, you know that U.S. drone policy is insane.
But one story told by the main drone whistleblowing reporter – Jeremy Scahill – shows just how insane it really is.
Specifically, Scahill explained today that Americans target TALL people in Afghanistan and other countries … assuming that tall men must be Arabs or “foreign fighters.”
In one instance, the U.S. targeted for drone assassination a man who they thought was unusually tall. In reality, he was a normal-size man … who happened to be surrounded by children.
The U.S. killed the man and all of the children (other than perhaps a single survivor):
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We encourage you to share and republish our reports, analyses, breaking news and videos (Click for details).
Contributed by of Washington’s Blog.

domain: politics


text:
Psychology & Neuroscience Stack Exchange is a question and answer site for practitioners, researchers, and students in cognitive science, psychology, neuroscience, and psychiatry. It only takes a minute to sign up.
Most any book on codependency will mention substance abuse, if for no other reason than the concept began there. Treatment of codependency is about empowering the person who is the caregiver to stop that sort of behavior. The best book I can recommend (I'm a LMHC) is Codependent No More. I would also suggest looking at Attachment Theory, as some researchers believe it can encompass the problems ascribed to codependency in a wider-reaching theoretical approach. To that end you might read Attached.
Maybe check out the work of Pia Mellody. It's nearly impossible to speak about codependency outside of the context of addiction. That being said, Pia comes at codependency from the perspective of trauma and attachment
[Please be open-minded since we're all just trying to help here]
Maybe we can try looking at codependency from a different angle. We are made of the physical body, emotional and spiritual elements.
If biology is the logical step towards understanding the pathway of the physical body, then astrology explains the whole gravity of your personality. Not only does it explains who you are, it also explains how you became who you are. One can only heal when there is an awareness of the root of an event. (There are many psychotherapists that are astrologers as well, a faster way to identify the cause of a trauma or event.)
The placements of Neptune and Pluto between two individuals are highly related to codependency and empath/narcissist or victim/saviour relationships. Know your boundaries and make them known, instead quietly resenting yourself for being submissive to the other party.
Healing might take place after reading a book, meeting someone, witnessing an event. What harm does it do to give it a try?

domain: psychology


OAKSHIRE BREWING RELEASES "NO GHOSTS" TANGERINE SOUR
Inspired by memories of trading drinks at lunchtime, Oakshire Brewing (Eugene, Oregon USA) brings back it's neon green tangerine sour for distribution across its networks in summer 2020. Originally released as an ode to "ectoplasm" from the 1980s movie Ghostbusters, this new version offers thirsty beer drinkers a chance to recall their youth and enjoy summer. More from Oakshire Brewing's press release:
"Brewed as an evocation of the playground days long ago, inspiration for No Ghosts comes from a school lunch trading legend”, says Director of Brewing Operations Dan Russo. “Considered the pinnacle of lunch bag favorites, a drink that had its packaging adorned with the image of a slimy green ghost and a flavor said to be tangerine and orange but its liquid was bright neon green”.
Image Credit: Oakshire Brewing


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Magnetic Memo Vintage Library Book Cards
What a fun way to write down memos and notes! You can also use the vintage library book cards in craft projects and scrapbooking or as a special gift tag. This also makes a great gift for any book lover! Each library pocket is filled with 16 blank book cards, 4 of each color. (blue, yellow, green, salmon) A heavy duty 3" x 2" flat magnet is attached to the backside, ready to be put on any metalic surface.

domain: library


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Students examine the reasons why immigrants from Southeast Asia came to the United States. They identify how the culture of California has changed because of the immigrants. They listen to stories of immigrants and their families.
6th - 8th Social Studies & History 3 Views 2 Downloads
What Members Say
- Paul H., Teacher
- Lakewood, NJ

domain: history


I have come here neither to bury Zack Snyder’s Watchmen, nor to praise it. The point of contention here is with the continual parroting of Alan Moore’s claim that the Watchmen comic miniseries is “unadaptable” – an assertion that continues to have a good deal of traction within popular journalism, fan debates, and comics studies. It remains important for comparative endeavours within adaptation and transmedia studies not to adopt hardline medium essentialist viewpoints, but even more vitally, not to hierarchize differing practices of reception.
For example, in “Making Comics into Film,” Henry James Pratt claims that film viewers are not “able to process and understand…complex narrative structures” as well as comics readers because film “juxtaposes frames in time” rather than on the space of a page (161). But this oft-rehearsed notion quite blithely discounts the astute memory of alert film viewers – who can and do recognize patterns intentionally established across time. The embedded compilation video here demonstrates just one of many ways in which Snyder’s Watchmen does, in fact, purposefully “juxtapose frames in time” through recurring graphic and motion-vector based patterns dispersed across the work. Here, we see an emulation of artist Dave Gibbons’ frequent return to the Comedian’s blood-spattered smiley-face button throughout the series’ twelve chapters – in greater or lesser degrees of abstraction (i.e., the “face” is transfigured into a Martian landscape as well as a character’s disintegrated remains). Moreover, Snyder adds various dolly, crane, and zoom out movements to these shots. These film-specific choices both translate Gibbons’ proximal framing choices, and remind us that the composition of his panels was, in turn, informed by filmic devices. Finally, the Mooresian account denies that strategies such as these represent intentional designs that are increasingly becoming the norm within fan-centric adaptations. Snyder’s Watchmen attempts to establish a structural density that its viewers – who are also understood as habitual comics readers – are intended to unpack and scrutinize via multiple viewings. How successfully constructed or meaningful this density might be within Snyder’s adaptation is, of course, debatable. But the point remains that comics and comics readers have no special claim to this (adaptable!) aesthetic complexity, and certainly not over film and film viewers.


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People spend a lot of time traveling public streets, and Salt Lake City is working on major redesigns that better reflect what its residents value.
Streets typically make up about 80% of a city’s public spaces, but they’re lumped into three broad categories — local streets, arterial streets (such as high-speed highways) and collector streets that funnel traffic between the two.
Salt Lake City is in the process of diversifying its streets into 15 different designs, or “typologies,” with new priorities. The typologies guide will help pave the city’s future with streets that add a lot more green space, sidewalks and bike lanes.
“More than anything else, our streets define who we are as a community, but traditionally our streets have been focused on one thing, and that is moving our cars and storing our cars,” said Tom Millar, a transportation planner with the Salt Lake City Department of Community and Neighborhoods, in a recent virtual town hall. “We know our streets can do much more.”
The city began designing its new street typologies after gathering feedback with a survey last year. About 1,200 Salt Lake City residents participated. The survey identified five basic street functions — personal mobility like walking and biking, greening with trees and vegetation, placemaking by making streets a place to linger, curbside uses like parking and bus stops, and vehicle mobility. It then asked respondents to rank them.
Vehicle travel was consistently low on the list, which Millar said came as a surprise.
“Even the people who said they never walked or took the bus or rode a bike, they still prioritized things like greening … higher than vehicle mobility,” Millar said in an interview, adding that the rankings were similar among different demographics and incomes. “Personal mobility was the highest. Vehicle mobility wasn’t always last, but it was near the bottom.”
With those priorities in mind, transportation planners went to work designing new street types. They include “Urban Village Main Streets” with two-lane roads, transit stops and wide sidewalks, slated for areas like 3rd Avenue and 1100 East. There are also “Two-Way Thoroughfares” with transit lanes and tree-lined medians, which planners envision for Beck Street and sections of Redwood Road. All the typologies make room for bike lanes and lots of vegetation, including industrial areas.
(Story continues below image)
But not everyone is on board with the city’s vision, especially when it comes to residential streets. In all five design typologies for neighborhoods, the plan limits parking to one side of the street or cuts it entirely.
“This seems like a solution in search of a problem,” said Erik Christensen, who lives on Logan Avenue. “It’s not something I’ve ever heard neighbors complain about. The amount of parking [proposed] would be very problematic.”
Sandy Rowland lives in Sugar House and has a rental property in the Avenues. She called the typologies guide “ridiculous.”
“Especially in the Avenues, most people don’t have driveways much less garages. Ninety percent of the parking is street parking,” Rowland said.
Tracy Evans, who has a house on 2300 East, said the reduced parking plan won’t be feasible until the city improves public transportation.
“This is not serving citizens, especially the families that have a lot of cars,” she said.
The residents also complained about the city’s poor outreach in communicating the street redesign guide. Some wondered where the funding for street rebuilds would come from, especially during budget shortfalls brought on by the pandemic.
“If I hadn’t heard about this from my neighbor I wouldn’t be aware of it now,” Christensen said. “I still don’t have a great sense of what started this process, who’s driving it and to what end.”
Salt Lake City has hosted a website explaining the typologies with surveys for each to gather public feedback since June. But the formal name of the plan, “Salt Lake City Street and Intersection Typologies Design Guide,” is quite the bureaucratic mouthful and some residents said it was difficult to find as well as confusing to understand.
“I have neighbors in their 50s who aren’t on the computer all the time and they need help to find this,” Rowland said. “I would just hope they postpone this until they can call an actual, in-person meeting.”
Millar with the Department of Community and Neighborhoods said the city has received hundreds of comments so far, with perspectives across the spectrum. He acknowledged that the reduction in street parking has been a common complaint.
“As I’ve been talking with people who have that concern, it’s been great to listen to what their concerns are, what the circumstances are on their individual streets,” Millar said.
He also offered some assurances.
First, the typologies guide is just that — a guide. Any of the designs can be adjusted. When a city is up for a rebuild, there will be another public input and planning process allowing residents to weigh in.
“The downside of this being a citywide design guide is it offers a lot of ideas,” Millar said, “but in no way is it perfect or exact.”
Second, street changes are not imminent.
“Some of [the designs] definitely reduce the amount of street parking. [While} that is the long-term vision of the city, it can’t happen all at once. It takes generations for change like that to happen,” Millar said. “Habits take a really long time to change. The typologies aren’t saying it has to be this way in five years or 10 years.”
Last, the city isn’t squandering its budget on a citywide street upgrade. While tax initiatives like Funding our Future have created additional revenue for Salt Lake City to improve transportation, Millar said there’s not a budget earmarked for updating streets to align with the typologies guide. Instead, the city will refer to the designs when a street needs to rebuilt due to deterioration or other upgrades.
“The project doesn’t come with any funding behind it, nor does it require any funding,” Millar said.
Rethinking streets to cater to more than just cars is one of the most important things a city can do to increase its livability and equity, according to Chris Wiltsie, program director with Bike Utah. He supports the new typologies.
“We talk a lot about privilege these days, that’s exactly what having a transportation network created for your cars is,” Wiltsie said, noting that Black people and people of color rely more on alternative forms of urban transportation than white people.
He pointed to Salt Lake City’s recent redesign of Broadway/300 South downtown as an example of a well-done design with its bike lanes, medians, planters and art.
“If you ride or drive down Broadway, it’s a very different experience than other adjacent streets,” Wiltsie said. “They’ve taken into context that it’s a commercial area, they want people to be comfortable walking.”
A 2015 city analysis found that sales tax receipts increased by 8.79% and bike use was up by 30% along the corridor after the rebuild was complete.
Wiltsie said he understood concerns about losing access to convenient parking, but he compared cities’ focus on cars to running a retail shop.
“If the only thing you thought about was how many people come to your store and how fast they traveled through it, and you didn’t care about how much money they spent or the pleasure they had interacting with your store ... what is lost in the experience?” he said.
The city has extended its public input period until August 31 and residents will have a second chance to share feedback when the typologies guide is submitted to the planning commission at the end of the year. To review the guide and submit comments, visit slc.gov/transportation.


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BILLION OF POUNDS OF PUBLIC MONEY will be lost to fraud and error as a result of the Government’s approach to its Covid-19 business support schemes, says the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) in a new report.
Despite providing important support to businesses across the country, the latest estimate from the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) is that £4.9 billion will be lost to fraud and error in loans issued to ineligible businesses, but the true extent of loss will only be gradually revealed “as assessments catch up with payments made”. The Committee is concerned that identifying fraud and error so late will hinder both recovery efforts and the deterrent effect in future crises.
BEIS officials did seek ministerial directions on these schemes “highlighting some of the risks posed by fraud” but “did not sufficiently identify or reflect the potential risks from organised economic crime”. The number of new companies registered in 2020-21 rose by more than 20 per cent compared to any of the previous five years.
The Committee says 170,000 new companies at the start of a national lockdown “would certainly appear to be a warning sign warranting closer scrutiny”. Lord Agnew suggested more than 1000 companies received emergency business support despite not trading at the start of the pandemic, referring to this as a “schoolboy error”.
BEIS also distributed £21.8 billion of grant funding through local authorities but “lacks information on recipients” of this funding: it has only estimated the level of fraud and error in under half these grants, but already expects over £1 billion of that to be lost.
Dame Meg Hillier MP, Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, said: “BEIS says it saw this risk coming but it’s really not clear where Government was looking when it set up its initial Covid response. It offered an open goal to fraudsters and embezzlers and they have cashed in, adding billions and billions to taxpayer woes. These lessons should have been learned from the banking crisis a decade ago, and could have been prepared in the Government’s pandemic exercises. These mistakes must be written out of future crisis responses, now, and Government would do well to apply the learnings to the mounting, interrelated crises it now faces in climate change, energy supply and the cost-of-living.”
BEIS annual accounts for 2020-21 also cover the “Post Office’s mismanagement of its Horizon programme” which has “had devastating consequences for individuals wrongly accused of fraud”, with financial compensation costs “also largely falling to the public purse”. The Committee has requested BEIS formally “set out what actions are being taken to ensure Post Office Ltd remains a viable company”.
* Read the full report here.
* Source: Public Accounts Committee

domain: finance


text:
On the evening of 8 February, Kingâ€™s College Londonâ€™s fashion enthusiasts came together in the Grand Hall to celebrate sustainable brands.
The brands participating in the event were Soumati, ASOS, Adidas/Parley, Riley Studios, and Filippa K.
Although only half the audience were filled and the starting time forty minutes postponed, the show was an impactful event filled with insightful and surprising facts.
Before the show started, the Environment Society (EcoSoc) representatives gave the spectators an overview on the severe environmental impact of the fashion industry .
They opened their presentation with the fact that one truck of textiles is thrown out every second. Throughout the presentation, the hosts warned the audience of the environmental risks of fast fashion such as microplastics and the waste of water, andÂ also weighed the social aspect of working conditions.
Giving the example of the 2013 Rana Plaza building collapse in Bangladesh, the presenters stated that non-environmental consequences of the fashion industry were as important as the environmental ones.
After the informatory portion was over, the sustainable clothes of each brand were presented.
The first brand to showcase their work was Soumati, a slow fashion brand that chooses to use “certified organic and fair-trade garments” as well as material that is responsibly made.
The second company presented was the shoe line created between Adidas and Parley. The line was created with the incentive to stop the production of microplastic. With its ocean inspired design all their shoes are made of Parley Ocean Plastic.
Riley studios was a particularly interesting brand as they only work with upcycled materials such as pineapple leather. Its representative mentioned that the company played a role in “making sustainable become everyday”.
Filippa K was the last brand presented. Founded in 1993 at Sweden, they present timeless pieces produced abiding strictly to the four Rs: reduce, repair, reuse, recycle.
The models on the catwalk were all KCL students and KCL DJ Society provided an entertainingÂ soundtrack to the experience.
Overall, the fashion show was an educating experience:Â itÂ challenged the audience to think twice about what they are wearing and the choices they make to create an healthy environment.

domain: design


Portsmouth Coastal Resilience Initiative
This project utilized consulting services to supplement City staff hours to provide an inventory, analysis and recommendations that were easily integrated into the Master Plan update process (scheduled to start in July 2012), the building code, and the City’s capital improvement plan. This project also utilized scenario planning to explore uncertainty about the future consequences of climate change on the City (both for the short-term and long-term.) This scenario planning approach sought to avoid adverse impacts on the built environment and natural resources by considering a few potential futures (in this case low, medium, and high risk scenarios). Scenario planning for this project incorporated both quantitative and qualitative information in the decision-making process. This process enabled the City to undertake a focused outreach around climate adaptation, without encumbering the Master Plan process.


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The day started like a few had that week. The sky was hazy due to the smoke from the California and Oregon fires being blown east.
We drove to Jamestown to attend the annual Remembrance ride. As usual, we got there just about the time things were starting. Our hotel, the historic Gladstone Hotel was right across the street from the Memorial center where things were being held. We got checked into the event, met a bunch of our old friends, and checked out the silent auction before having dinner.
The next day, was the day of the ride. We got set up with riders after breakfast and headed out to Lisbon, ND to the Veteran's Home 85 miles away. The home was very nice. spacious with wonderfully kept grounds. We had lunch with the residents, sang some patriotic songs, and then had a tour. After that great afternoon, we mounted up and headed back out towards Jamestown.
The route. We went south out of Jamestown down hwy 281 and turned east on hwy 46. We made a right turn on hwy 1 going south to hwy 11 where we went east again into Lisbon. After we left Lisbon, again on hwy 11, we turned south on hwy 1 and took that to hwy 13 at Verona, turning west and after a brief stop at Lamoure, continued west to pick up hwy 281 to go north back into Jamestown.
As Laurie and I were driving home, we put on the Red Sox game which lasted until we got home. (and they won again).
|At the Memorial building|
|Jamestown Sports Museum|
|The ride begins|
|Staging for a police escort in Lisbon|
|We adventurers, Gerald, Me, Laurie, and Tony|
|Is this cool, or what?|


text:
Street cordoned off and under police guard after incident in Sheffield city centre
A street is cordoned off and under police guard in Sheffield city centre this morning following an incident.
South Lane, off The Moor and Cumberland Street, is cordoned off close to the El Paso restaurant.
CRIME: Woman injured in shooting in SheffieldThere is police tape across the road and officers are at the cordon.
There are also a number of police cars at the scene.
Details on the nature of the incident have not yet been released by South Yorkshire Police.
More to follow.


text:
Finally. Disney have finally turned their eyes towards marketing their winter animated release; they tweeted the above countdown earlier, promising the first trailer (although they bill it as just a "new" one) for Frozen in 5 days' time! Oh look at that, it'll be out just in time for Monsters University, it seems everything is coming together. Finally.
But is it too little, too late? This isn't only the first trailer, it's more or less the first non-leaked promotion material that we've seen for the film. Cynicism aside though, I can't wait! Frozen, which seems to follow in the fantastic footsteps of Tangled, is directed by Chris Buck and Jennifer Lee, scored by Christophe Beck and features music from Robert Lopez and Kristen Anderson-Lopez. Disney's icy princess story hits on 27th November (US)/6th December (UK).

domain: entertainment


text:
Funds of Moor's School letter
Funds of Moor's School "Amount of Capital for behoof of Moores Indian School in the hands of the Society in Scotland for propagating Christiam Knowledg." Signed: James Knox, Clerk.
- Moor’s Indian Charity School (Author, Organization)
Conditions Governing Access
Conditions Governing Use
Copyright on this material has not been evaluated. You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by copyright that applies to your use.
.01 linear ft. (1 envelope)
Language of Materials
From the Havemeyer Collection.
Part of the Rauner Library Archives and Manuscripts Repository
6065 Webster Hall
Hanover NH 03755 USA


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After decades of “ever closer” international cooperation, the economic integration process has come under pressure in recent years. Faced with increasing trade-offs between the gains from international cooperation, democracy, and national sovereignty,Footnote 1 popular movements that aim to slow down or even reverse international integration have proliferated. When such movements are successful, as in the case of the UK's “Brexit” referendum or the election of Donald Trump as US president, they challenge the viability of international institutions. The consequences of national democratic decisions can thus be felt strongly both domestically and internationally. In today's interconnected world, such popular rejections of international cooperation therefore beg important questions about international relations, national sovereignty, and democracy. To answer these questions, we need to better understand the motives underlying such rejections, the dilemmas and incentives such votes generate for policymakers, and the dynamics they produce in the international arena. In short, we need a better understanding of the mass politics of international cooperation and their implications for international relations.
We seek to hone our understanding of these issues by focusing on Europe where integration-skeptic movements have been particularly successful and where popular referendums have allowed voters to decide directly on whether to accelerate, stop, or even reverse the highly advanced European integration process. An important feature of these decisions has been that their consequences extend well beyond the domestic realm. When referendums fail to ratify new cooperation agreements or succeed in reversing existing ones, they create negative spillovers for the other parties to such agreements, thus sparking fears of contagion and even disintegration. As a result, those other member states have a clear interest in a cooperative referendum outcome. At the same time, they also have a range of options for how to respond to a negative referendum outcome and whether to accommodate the referendum country's direct democratic choice or not. This creates interesting strategic dynamics in which foreign policymakers can interact with domestic voters during the referendum campaign to boost the cooperative vote.
We explore how voters behave in this kind of strategic environment, especially how their expectations about foreign reactions to a noncooperative referendum outcome shape their vote intentions and to what extent foreign policymakers can influence those expectations. For this purpose, we leverage a fascinating and important case of a foreign policy referendum in which the stakes of other countries were particularly high: the 2015 Greek bailout referendum. While on paper the referendum was simply meant to be about the terms of an international financial bailout package designed to tackle the country's enormous financial crisis, it was widely feared at the time that a noncooperative referendum outcome would put Greece's entire eurozone membership at risk. Since a Greek exit from the currency union (colloquially referred to as “Grexit”) would put the irreversibility of the euro in question and would potentially create large contagion risks for other peripheral eurozone countries, the referendum vote was also seen as a threat to the entire project of European monetary integration—with potentially enormous negative consequences for all other eurozone members.
To investigate how expectations and foreign signals about the likely response to a noncooperative outcome influenced individual vote choices in the 2015 Greek referendum, we use original survey data from a unique poll fielded just one day before the vote. Our analysis shows that expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome can have a powerful effect on voting behavior: voters expecting that a No vote would result in Grexit were substantially more likely to vote Yes, that is, in favor of the proposed bailout agreement, than those believing that Greece's creditors would accommodate a No vote by proposing better bailout terms in renewed negotiations. This effect was especially strong for the vast majority of voters who wanted to stay in the common currency. We also show that there is room for foreign actors to shift voters’ expectations and decisions in their favor by signaling their resolve not to accommodate a noncooperative vote. In fact, we find that, following the announcement of the referendum, the European Central Bank's (ECB) decision not to increase capital injections into Greek banks—thereby forcing their closure—influenced expectations and increased the share of cooperative votes. Overall, this study helps refine our understanding of how the strategic international dimension shapes the mass politics of international cooperation.
Expectations and Foreign Intervention in Foreign Policy Referendum Campaigns
By their very nature, the consequences of national referendums on foreign policy, especially those on treaties concerning international cooperation and supranational integration, are also felt abroad, affecting both domestic voters and citizens of other countries. When such a referendum results in a vote that enables the initiation, widening, or deepening of international cooperation, these cross-country spillover effects are usually net positive. By contrast, whenever the outcome of a national foreign policy referendum impedes a deepening or continuation of cooperation, it tends to generate net negative cross-border spillover effects.
Such negative outcomes of referendums on international cooperation are not a new phenomenon. From the 1972 rejection of EC membership by Norwegian voters to the 2016 rejection of the EU-Ukraine accession agreement by Dutch voters, efforts to establish or deepen international cooperation have failed time and again at the polls.Footnote 2 However, a closer look reveals that noncooperative referendum outcomes have become both more frequent and more disruptive in recent years. Figure 1 lists all national referendums on questions concerning international cooperation from the 1970s until today and shows that the share of referendums that resulted in a rejection of more or continued cooperation has markedly increased in recent years.
The cross-border ripple effects of noncooperative referendum outcomes have also grown with time. Whereas, for example, Switzerland's 1986 rejection of UN membership barely registered abroad, other countries have been much more affected by the consequences of the Dutch and French rejections of the EU Constitution in 2005 or the 2016 UK referendum vote to leave the European Union. The magnitude of the potential spillover effects of a noncooperative referendum outcome varies widely and depends on the specific circumstances of the referendum, such as the issue at stake, the political and economic importance of the referendum country for other countries, the level of integration, the rules of international cooperation, and the renegotiation process itself. Thus, spillover effects can be small, but they can also prove very costly for other member states, especially when the referendum outcome prevents other countries from cooperating further or even unilaterally challenges the status quo of an existing arrangement. All else equal, the more integrated the referendum country is within a politically interconnected and highly institutionalized organization (such as the EU), the larger the potential damage a negative referendum vote can cause abroad. And the higher the potential spillover effects are, the stronger the interest of other member states in a cooperation-friendly referendum outcome.
Whereas the referendum country is free to vote in favor or against cooperation, the other countries are also free to choose how to react. A range of foreign responses is possible, ranging from more to less accommodating ones. For instance, foreign partners may accommodate the reservations of the dissenting country by modifying the agreement, granting exceptions, or negotiating a new one that better reflects the concerns of the referendum country. But they can also pursue more hard-line responses such as making no concessions or simply moving forward without the referendum country. This type of decision is not easy because the other countries face a dilemma: accommodating the democratically expressed wishes of the referendum country's electorate allows them to salvage as many of the cooperation gains as possible, but also generates moral hazard and political contagion risks because other countries might be incentivized to call national referendums to improve their relative position in the union. On the other hand, pursuing a hard stance vis-à-vis the referendum country allows them to discourage such opportunistic behavior, but it is likely to be costly for everyone involved because of the foregone gains from cooperation. This dilemma will be particularly pronounced when the potential spillover effects of a negative referendum vote are large.
Whatever the most likely strategic response on the part of other member states, this response strongly determines how a negative referendum vote would ultimately play out for the referendum country. It thus shapes the underlying stakes of the referendum vote for everyone involved, including above all the referendum country itself. From the referendum country's viewpoint, these stakes are lowest when a noncooperative vote carries small negative externalities and highest in referendums that leave the other countries highly exposed. This is because high spillover effects typically increase the range of (re-)negotiation options available to the countries involved because more issue areas are affected and because a higher level of integration increases interdependence between states. Taken together with imperfect information over both the true preferences of multiple actors and the magnitude of spillover effects that have yet to materialize, this variability of final payoffs effectively renders the consequences of a noncooperative referendum vote uncertain ex ante.Footnote 3
Because the consequences of a negative referendum outcome depend so strongly on the other countries’ response, voters are likely to take that into account when deciding how to vote. Policy preferences and expectations about those responses should therefore jointly determine voting decisions in foreign policy referendums.Footnote 4 Not surprisingly, foreign policy referendum campaigns are often characterized by distinct and often contradictory narratives about the risks and benefits associated with referendum outcomes.Footnote 5 In such politicized environments, voters will form certain sets of beliefs about how foreign actors will react to a noncooperative referendum vote. These expectations are likely to influence their voting behavior, especially in cases where the spillover effects of their decision are potentially large.Footnote 6 The more a voter believes in the likelihood of punishment for noncooperation, the more likely that voter is to vote for cooperation.
Figure 2 illustrates the wide divergence of expectations about the likely consequences in four recent foreign policy referendums with relatively large spillover effects abroad: the 2008 Lisbon Treaty ratification referendum in Ireland, the 2014 Swiss referendum “Against Mass Immigration,” the 2015 Greek bailout referendum, and the 2016 “Brexit” referendum on EU membership. In all four referendums, expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative vote diverged widely between voters favoring and opposing cooperation. In each case, voters in favor of new or continued cooperation assessed the likely international responses associated with the noncooperative referendum outcome (resisting further integration in the Irish case, defying compliance with an existing arrangement in the Greek case, and reversing existing forms of cooperation in the Swiss and British cases) much more negatively than voters opposed to such cooperation.
Given the importance of voters’ expectations in shaping vote intentions, all actors with a stake in the referendum outcome, including domestic and foreign ones, have an incentive to influence these expectations. Foreign policymakers in particular may seek to sway voters toward a cooperative vote by coaxing them through normative appeals and promises of future benefits, or by threatening them with negative consequences in the case of a noncooperative referendum outcome (in fact, they may also try to directly influence public opinion during the campaign, as the recent revelations about Russia's efforts to meddle in Western elections show). Especially when other countries would be worse off under all potential outcomes of a noncooperative referendum vote compared to the outcomes associated with a cooperative referendum vote, they have a strong strategic incentive to try to induce voters to cast a cooperative ballot.Footnote 7 However, influencing domestic public opinion through foreign interventions is a difficult task. Not only is there a risk that these efforts might backfire,Footnote 8 but foreign governments also face private information and time-inconsistency problems that make it difficult for them to credibly communicate their actual resolve not to accommodate a noncooperative vote.Footnote 9 Because non-accommodation also imposes costs on those other countries themselves, their pledge to punish such a vote ex post may suffer from credibility issues.
Much research in international relations has shown that one way to overcome such credibility problems is to send costly signals that reveal one's true resolve.Footnote 10 By engaging in activities that create costs not only for the referendum country but also for themselves, foreign policymakers can more credibly signal that they would not be willing to accommodate the referendum country's noncooperative vote. As a result, such costly signals from foreign policymakers should make voters more pessimistic in their expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative vote, making them more likely to cast a cooperative referendum vote.
The 2015 Greek Bailout Referendum
To study the role of expectations and foreign intervention in foreign policy referendums, we focus on the July 2015 bailout referendum in Greece, a particularly interesting case with potentially wide-ranging spillover effects abroad. All eurozone members had a strong interest in the Greek referendum because it was widely believed that a No vote would effectively end Greece's membership in the eurozone. Grexit was an outcome European policymakers had been trying to avoid for years because they feared that it would lead to renewed financial market pressure on other European crisis-ridden countries such as Italy or Portugal and would also trigger massive losses in the budgets and central bank balance sheets of surplus countries such as Germany and the Netherlands.Footnote 11 Perhaps most importantly, Grexit would put the viability of the entire European monetary integration project into question. A noncooperative referendum outcome could thus create potentially very large negative spillover effects for other eurozone members. Unsurprisingly, foreign intervention in the referendum campaign was unusually high and the likely consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome were a hotly debated issue during the campaign. These features render the 2015 Greek bailout referendum a critical and insightful case for studying the role of expectations and the effects of foreign intervention in foreign policy referendums.
Set against the background of one of the deepest and most prolonged economic crises in recent decades,Footnote 12 the referendum was the culmination of a lengthy negotiation between the Greek government and the country's creditors, in which neither side showed any willingness to compromise. Since the crisis started in 2010, ushering in a period marked by a sharp rise in unemployment and poverty levels, Greece had received two bailout packages on the condition of drastic austerity measures and structural reforms. Against that backdrop, the populist left-wing SYRIZA party came to power in January 2015 with an explicit mandate to end austerity. The new government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras immediately embarked on an aggressive negotiation strategy aimed at softening the conditions attached to the existing bailout program in Greece's favor. Worried about political contagion and moral hazard effects, the creditors remained firm in their resolve not to make any concessions.
As the country was facing increasing liquidity problems, it became clear that Greece would need an extension of the existing bailout arrangement beyond its 30 June 2015 expiration date. As that date drew nearer, events escalated. On 24 June 2015, the European Commission made a “take-it-or-leave-it” proposal about the conditions attached to a bailout extension for Greece. Tsipras rejected the ultimatum and broke off negotiations, accusing the creditors of blackmail and characterizing the proposal as an attempt to humiliate Greece. On the morning of 27 June, Tsipras—in an effort to boost his bargaining leverage vis-à-vis the country's creditors—surprised everyone by calling a referendum on the proposal to be held only one week later. To the dismay of European policymakers, he recommended that voters vote No—that they reject the creditors’ proposal.
An intense week of campaigning followed. Two dominant narratives emerged in the public debate in which all major political actors took very clear stances. The three moderate pro-EU parties, conservative Nea Dimokratia, center-left PASOK, and centrist To Potami, in tandem with European policymakers warned that a vote against the bailout proposal would inevitably result in Greece's exit from the eurozone. They argued that European policymakers would not give in to the Greek government for fear that granting Greece better terms in response to a noncooperative referendum vote would signal a lack of resolve to enforce existing rules, thereby inciting similar noncooperative behavior by other countries and eventually undermining the eurozone's stability. As a result, they strongly advocated voting Yes. By contrast, the No camp, led by Tsipras and the coalition government parties of SYRIZA and ANEL (populist right), argued that a rejection of the agreement would enhance Greece's bargaining leverage in renewed negotiations with its creditors and ultimately result in debt forgiveness and less austerity.Footnote 13 This second narrative emphasized that Greece's membership in the eurozone was not at risk because Europeans would not want to damage the monetary union by allowing Greece to crash out of the euro. Greek voters were thus exposed to two very different competing narratives about the potential consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome for the future of Greece and the eurozone.
The Greek referendum campaign also witnessed an unusual escalation of events involving foreign policymakers and politicians. For example, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director Christine Lagarde, and German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble strongly advocated a Yes vote and threatened that a No vote would result in disorderly default and Grexit.Footnote 14 Moreover, foreign policymakers directly intervened in the campaign. On 28 June, one day after Tspiras had called the referendum, eurozone finance ministers decided not to extend the ongoing bailout program scheduled to end three days later. As a consequence, the ECB announced later in the day that it would not increase the Emergency Liquidity Assistance (ELA) funds it had been supplying to keep the Greek banking system afloat with the justification that such support could not be granted without a bailout program in effect. Faced with a bank run in the making, the Greek authorities decided later in the evening to call a bank holiday and impose capital controls. Both measures were meant to last at least until the day after the referendum and immediately caused long queues in front of the country's automated teller machines (ATMs).Footnote 15 Another major international event occurred two days later when an IMF loan expired and Greece became the first developed country ever to default on its debt to the IMF.
While threatening statements by foreign officials may have been nothing more than “cheap talk,” the creditors’ decision not to extend the existing bailout program or ELA assistance to Greek banks effectively amounted to a costly signal of their determination not to accommodate the Greek government's anti-austerity mandate. Greece was being told in unequivocal terms that the creditors would not budge in this game of “chicken” and that the country had to choose between the creditors’ path of austerity and leaving the euro. Recognizing the potential impact of this signal on the referendum campaign, Tsipras retorted that the creditors’ actions “had no other aim but to blackmail the will of the Greek people.”Footnote 16 Those actions were costly not just for Greece but also for the creditors. The economic damage they inflicted on the Greek economy vastly increased the amount needed for an eventual third bailout package, which would ultimately have to be financed out of foreign coffers. Whereas the sum needed for a third bailout program had been estimated to range between EUR 30 billion and EUR 50 billion just one month before the referendum,Footnote 17 the amount had risen to about EUR 90 billion when a third bailout package was finally agreed to on 12 July 2015.Footnote 18
Despite all these international efforts to sway Greek voters to vote cooperatively on 5 July 2015, the bailout referendum ended in a 61 to 39 percent landslide victory for the No camp. Greek voters had rejected the bailout proposal in what amounted to a noncooperative referendum vote.
Research Design and Data
To understand the Greek vote in the 2015 bailout referendum and the role expectations and foreign interventions played in this context, we use original survey data from a poll we conducted on Saturday, 4 July 2015, one day before the referendum. Our nationwide, computer-assisted telephone survey covered 989 respondents identified through a multistage sampling process.Footnote 19 Our survey was fielded just some hours before the polling stations opened, allowing us to gain a very accurate depiction of the motives of the Greek people and their vote. Although few surveys correctly predicted the strong rejection of the creditor proposal in the referendum, our survey mirrors the actual referendum outcome. Excluding those who were undecided or not planning to vote, 58 percent of respondents in our sample said they would reject the bailout package, which is very close to the 61.3 percent rejection rate in the actual referendum.
Our analysis proceeds in two steps. We first analyze the role that expectations played for the vote choice in the Greek referendum using both regression analysis and matching methods. We then explore foreign policymakers’ ability to shape voters’ expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative vote through costly signals. For this purpose, we concentrate on the effect of the ECB's decision not to increase emergency liquidity assistance to Greek banks, which forced the Tsipras government to close the banks, arguably the biggest event in the campaign period. Overall, we show that expectations about the response of international actors were the most important predictor of individual vote intentions in the Greek 2015 bailout referendum and that foreign intervention influenced both expectations and vote intentions.
Our main variables in the first part of the analysis are individuals’ vote intentions, expectations about the consequences of a No vote, and attitudes toward the euro. To measure vote intention, we use respondents’ answers to the following question: “As you are probably aware, PM Alexis Tsipras announced a referendum regarding the ratification of the agreement that Greece's creditors offer, which will take place on next Sunday, July 5th. What are you going to vote in the referendum?” For our analysis, we create a dummy variable that takes the value of 1 if voters stated that they intended to vote against the creditor proposal in the referendum or would probably do so, and 0 otherwise.Footnote 20 The left-hand panel in Figure 3 shows most voters had made up their mind about their referendum vote, with a majority stating that they would probably or certainly vote No.
Expectations are measured with respondents’ answers to the question “What do you think will be the consequences of a No vote?” Respondents could choose between (i) “Greece will exit the eurozone” reflecting the narrative of the Yes camp that a noncooperative referendum outcome would not be accommodated abroad; (ii) “The government will continue negotiations,” which captures the No camp's narrative that a No vote would enhance the government's bargaining leverage in a new round of negotiations; and (iii) “Don't know / no answer.” The right-hand panel in Figure 3 shows that most voters (85%) had clear expectations on the eve of the referendum. A majority believed that a noncooperative referendum outcome would result in continued negotiations, whereas only about one quarter thought that a No vote would lead to Grexit.
Because Greece's membership in the eurozone was the key issue at stake in the Greek referendum, voters’ attitude toward the euro conditioned by expectations should have had a strong influence on their vote choice. We therefore asked respondents what they personally thought was best for Greece's future: staying in the euro or adopting a national currency. More than three quarters of respondents (76%) wanted to keep the euro, whereas only 13 percent of respondents preferred to leave the euro (about one-tenth of respondents were undecided about this issue or did not answer). Even among those voting No in the referendum, a clear majority (61%) favored keeping the euro, the option that was preferred by virtually all Yes voters (98%).
Our argument suggests that expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative vote should be a key driver of voting behavior. To account for alternative determinants of referendum vote choice identified by existing research, we control for a number of additional variables. Most importantly, much research has shown that voters’ partisan identification is a strong determinant of the vote in popular referendums.Footnote 21 Parties frame the issues at stakeFootnote 22 and have a heuristic value for voters that allow them to overcome cognitive and information limitations around the referendum question.Footnote 23 Foreign policy referendums also often turn into a contest about the incumbent parties’ popularity.Footnote 24 To control for these partisan and incumbency effects, we use the vote recall from the January 2015 general election in Greece and create dummy variables for the main political parties in Greece: the governing parties syriza and anel, the conservative opposition party nea dimokratia (reference category), the center-left pasok, the centrist to potami, and the radical right golden dawn. We also include a dummy variable for those who abstained in the January elections and the other options.
Past research has also shown that material interests affect vote choices in foreign policy referendums.Footnote 25 For Greece, this suggests that more-educated people should be more inclined to vote Yes because they tend to disproportionally benefit from international integration. By contrast, the young, the unemployed, private-sector employees, and the self-employed—who have been hurt most by Greece's adjustment programs—should be more inclined to vote against the bailout proposal than public officials and pensioners who have seen lower decreases in their incomes.Footnote 26 We control for education using an ordinal variable with the following categories: (1) no education or primary studies, (2) secondary, (3) postsecondary, and (4) tertiary education. Age is operationalized in six categories—18–24, 25–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55–64, and over 65—and we include it as a continuous variable in all models.Footnote 27 Occupation is operationalized with a series of dummy variables: public sector employee, private sector employee, unemployed, farmer, entrepreneur, pensioner, and other. We also control for gender and whether the voter lives in a rural or urban area.
Vote Choice in the 2015 Greek Referendum: The Role of Expectations
How did expectations about the likely consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome influence voting behavior in the 2015 Greek referendum? To answer this question, we gauge the effect of expectations on the referendum vote net from the possible confounders described earlier by using both regression and data-preprocessing techniques.
Figure 4 shows the results from a regression analysis of vote intentions. It displays the change in the probability of voting No as a result of moving from the baseline category to each of the variable values denoted on the vertical axis.Footnote 28 As our argument predicts, expectations about the consequences of a No vote have substantially strong and statistically significant marginal effects on individuals’ voting decisions, even after controlling for a range of alternative explanations. All else equal, a switch in expectations from grexit to new negotiations increases the probability of voting No by more than 40 percent.
Not surprisingly, issue preferences and partisanship also matters. A preference to reintroduce the national currency strongly increases the odds of voting No, whereas a pro-euro attitude reduces these odds (although to a lesser extent). We also find strong partisan effects: voters for Nea Dimokratia (the baseline category), PASOK, and To Potami are all significantly less likely to vote No than voters for the governing parties SYRIZA and ANEL as well as the right-wing Golden Dawn, all of which campaigned in favor of a No vote. Substantively, and taking the partisan effects globally, these effects are somewhat larger than in other studies,Footnote 29 suggesting that parties played a particularly important role in the referendum campaign and that voters were influenced by their preferred party's recommendation. This is not surprising in this specific context, which was characterized by a polarized campaign, a short decision time of only one week, and a complicated referendum question. Nonetheless, the marginal effects of the expectation variables remain large and their magnitude is comparable to the partisan effects.
Material interests and demographics do not seem to matter much once expectations, issue preference, and partisan identification are taken into account. The only exception is age, where older voters are, as expected, more likely to vote Yes than younger voters. To the extent that younger voters have been hit hardest by austerity in Greece,Footnote 30 this is likely to reflect some pocketbook concerns, but in general the low association of material interests with voting behavior squares with recent research that emphasizes nonmaterial factors in explaining policy preferences and vote choice. Education is also of little predictive power once preferences and expectations are taken into account.
A key issue of concern is, of course, that partisan preferences and expectations are not independent from each other. To examine in more detail whether expectations have an independent effect on vote intentions or whether they are driven by partisanship and other variables such as issue preference, we repeat our analysis using matching analysis. Matching is a method of data preprocessing that allows us to pair “treated” cases with untreated cases along a series of observable characteristics, thus generating a control group which, on the basis of these characteristics, appears very similar to the treated group. This allows us to estimate the treatment effects independent of shared confounders.Footnote 31 In our analysis, this means that each individual who is “treated” with the expectation that a noncooperative referendum outcome will result in Grexit is matched to another individual from our data set who did not expect this outcome (the control category) but who is otherwise almost identical, meaning that s/he voted for the same party, had the same view of the euro, and so on.Footnote 32 Matching analyses thus allow us to compare how different expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome affect the vote intentions among individuals who are almost identical on all other relevant covariates. The advantage of the matching approach is that it not only allows us to evaluate more transparently the degree of similarity in pretreatment covariates between control and treated units, but it is also less model dependent.Footnote 33 We employ two methods of data preprocessing: genetic matching and entropy balancing.Footnote 34 Although there are clear imbalances in the observable characteristics of the two groups in the raw data, including key demographics and the two most obvious attitudinal confounders—partisan preferences and attitudes toward the euro—these differences evaporate after the matching process. The matching process thus creates practically identical treatment and control distributions for all covariates, increasing our confidence in the results.
Both matching analyses produce very similar estimates and confirm that expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative referendum outcome significantly shaped the vote in the 2015 Greek referendum, independently of partisanship or issue preferences. Figure 5 shows that on average, and using the Average Treatment Effect on the Treated (ATT) as our estimand of interest, individuals who expected Grexit in response to a No outcome of the referendum were thirty-two (entropy balancing) and thirty (genetic matching) percentage points respectively less likely to vote against the proposed bailout package than individuals who believed that a No vote would result in new negotiations, but who were otherwise identical.Footnote 35 Thus, the matching analysis confirms that expectations had a substantial effect on vote intentions, which reassures us of the robustness of our results.
Our analysis so far has centered on the unconditional effect of expectations because a vast majority of Greeks had a clear preference for remaining in the eurozone. But expectations matter because they guide voters toward a vote choice that is consistent with their preferences. In our case, for example, for the majority of Greeks, who wanted Greece to stay in the euro, the expectation that a No outcome in the referendum would result in Grexit should drive them to vote for the Yes option. However, for those in favor of reintroducing the national currency, Grexit would be a desired outcome. Expectations about the consequences of a No vote should thus matter much less for this latter group because of their embrace of Grexit. To see if this was the case and to shed further light on the mechanism driving the effect of expectations on Greek voters’ referendum choice, we replicate our regression analysis from Figure 4 to explore the extent to which voters’ preferred outcome—staying in or leaving the eurozone—conditioned the effect of expectations on their vote.
Figure 6 represents the conditional effects of expectations. It displays the change in the predicted probability of voting No as a result of expecting Grexit or new negotiations, respectively, compared to those who are undecided. Consistent with our argument, we find that expectations matter greatly for those who want to stay in the euro. If these voters are convinced that a noncooperative vote will lead to new negotiations, possibly with more leverage for Greece, their likelihood of voting against the bailout package increases by about thirty-eight percentage points. But those who fear that a No vote would result in Grexit, although they want to stay in the eurozone, are twenty-three percentage points less likely to vote against the bailout proposal. In contrast, and as expected, expectations matter much less for those in favor of a return to the national currency.
Taken together, these findings underscore that voters’ expectations about the consequences of a noncooperative outcome strongly influenced their referendum choice, especially among voters who wanted to remain in the common currency.
Can Foreign Policymakers Influence Expectations and the Vote?
The 2015 Greek referendum campaign also provides a good environment to examine whether and how involvement by foreign policymakers can influence voters’ expectations and ultimately vote intentions in favor of a cooperative vote. Foreign policymakers not only issued stark warnings that a No vote would spell the end of Greece's membership in the eurozone,Footnote 36 but also took costly measures designed to increase pressure on Greece and signal European policymakers’ resolve to punish the country for a noncooperative referendum outcome. Our argument suggests that such a costly signal should shift voters’ expectations toward a more pessimistic evaluation of the consequences of a No vote, thus decreasing their propensity to vote against cooperation.
To examine how costly signals sent by foreign policymakers affect expectations and vote intentions, we examine how the ECB's decision not to raise ELA assistance and the Greek government's subsequent decision to close the banks and impose capital controls influenced referendum vote intentions. Our argument suggests that if this foreign intervention indeed served as a credible signal of the creditors’ resolve not to accommodate a negative Greek referendum vote, the bank shutdown should increase Greek voters’ propensity to vote for the bailout proposal in the referendum. To test this empirical implication of our argument, Figure 7 uses data from all thirty-three public opinion polls published during the referendum campaign in Greece to show how the proportion of respondents intending to vote Yes in the referendum evolved throughout the campaign.Footnote 37 We classify each poll according to the date of fieldwork and distinguish between polls conducted prior to and after the bank shutdown, which was announced in the evening of 28 June, becoming effective the next day, 29 June.Footnote 38 For each group of polls, we plot a local polynomial smoother that indicates the evolution of public opinion during each phase. As expected, the announcement of the bank closure and capital controls had a significant effect on vote intentions. In line with our argument that a costly foreign signal should increase support for a cooperative vote, the bank shutdown bumped up vote intentions in favor of the bailout package by approximately ten percentage points, thus bringing the predicted outcome to a much narrower margin. Although this did not ultimately change the outcome of the referendum, which was still rejected with only 39 percent Yes votes, this is a fairly substantial increase in average vote intentions, which would have been able to sway the vote in a closer race.
To corroborate this finding, we asked voters in our referendum survey if they had changed their vote intention as a result of the bank shutdown. About one fifth (21%) of all voters answered affirmatively. The majority of those who changed their vote intention because of the bank closure switched to a Yes vote (12.3% of all voters). Some voters (4.9% of all voters) became undecided, and a few (3.8% of all voters) hardened their position and switched toward a No vote. This latter group illustrates that costly signals sent by foreign policymakers can also backfire, pushing voters toward a noncooperative vote. Nonetheless, the net effect is positive and these individual-level results correspond closely with the average ten-percentage-point increase in Yes-vote intentions that we saw in the analysis of all polls shown in Figure 7.
Our argument suggests that foreign signals influence the vote because they affect expectations about the likely foreign reaction to a noncooperative referendum outcome. In the last step of our analysis, we examine this prediction empirically, testing whether the bank holiday predicts expectations about the consequences of a No vote in the referendum. For this analysis, our dependent variable, expectations, is trichotomous (respondent expects Grexit, new negotiations, or does not know or answer). We therefore employ a multinomial logit regression model, where those who “did not know/answer” serve as a reference category. This allows us to investigate whether shifts to and from this category can be attributed to the bank closure after controlling for all the covariates included in the previous analyses.Footnote 39
Figure 8 shows the determinants of respondents’ expectations about the consequences of a No vote. In line with our findings on the determinants of the vote intention, our results show that both partisan attachments and euro preferences influence these expectations. Sociodemographic variables, such as education and occupation, also seem to matter. The most relevant result, however, is that after controlling for all these influences on voters’ expectations, the bank closure also affects people's expectations. Those who changed their vote intention because of the bank shutdown were significantly less optimistic about the likely foreign response to a No vote. Substantively, the bank shutdown reduces the predicted probability of expecting new negotiations by almost twenty percentage points.Footnote 40 At the same time, the bank shutdown is associated with an increase in expectations that a No vote would push the country toward Grexit by almost ten percentage points. The strategy of European policymakers not to accommodate Greece's new financing needs during the referendum campaign thus succeeded in making some voters more pessimistic about the likely consequences of a No outcome in the referendum.Footnote 41
Overall, these results demonstrate that the European policymakers’ decision to take a hard line on Greece did indeed convince some voters that they would not accommodate a negative referendum outcome, increasing Greek voters’ propensity to support the bailout proposal. But our results also demonstrate the difficulties associated with this strategy. Despite the huge cost that the ECB's decision generated, both for Greece and other European states, this foreign intervention did not sway enough voters to change the referendum outcome. Our analysis thus suggests that, while international actors can indeed affect expectations in referendum campaigns through costly signals, this influence has its limits.
In recent years, popular referendums on questions of international cooperation and supranational integration have posed an increasing challenge to European integration. What these referendums have in common is that a direct democratic vote that rejects further cooperation or reverses existing levels of cooperation affects not just the referendum country but is costly for other countries as well. At the same time, the response of other countries to such a negative referendum outcome shapes how the vote will ultimately play out for the referendum country. In this strategic setting, foreign policymakers have incentives to warn domestic voters about a harsh foreign reaction to a noncooperative referendum vote to induce them to vote cooperatively.
We have explored one aspect of this strategic setting, focusing on how voters’ expectations about foreign reactions to a noncooperative referendum outcome shape vote intentions, and whether foreign policymakers can influence these expectations. Leveraging survey data from the 2015 Greek bailout referendum, a referendum in which other countries’ stakes were particularly high, we show that expectations about the likely consequences of a No vote had an unusually large impact on vote choice. Voters more optimistic about the foreign response were much more likely to vote noncooperatively than voters expecting a harsh foreign reaction (who were much more likely to cast a Yes vote). Our analysis also suggests that foreign policymakers were able to influence these expectations among some voters by sending a costly signal (cutting Greece off from additional financing) about their determination not to accommodate a noncooperative referendum outcome. Our work thus contributes to unpacking the popular dynamics and strategic interactions in the 2015 Greek bailout referendum, a fascinating and important instance of a foreign policy referendum with large potential consequences for other nations.
Our results point to a number of open questions that future research should investigate. How are signals and statements by foreign policymakers received in different contexts? How costly do such signals have to be to sway voters in favor of supporting new or continued cooperation? And, moving up one level of analysis, (how) do policymakers anticipate and respond to the expected reactions of other countries and the feedback effects between their actions and expectations?
More generally, our findings contribute to a better understanding of the mass politics of international cooperation. While the role of the mass public in creating new international agreements has been studied in detail, the spillover effects of popular rejections of new or existing forms of cooperation and integration on other countries, and the role of foreign interventions in domestic elections and referendum campaigns, have so far received much less attention. Because these spillover effects are growing, especially in highly integrated countries such as the member states of the European Union, the stakes other countries have in the outcome of domestic referendums and elections are equally growing.Footnote 42 This is most vividly demonstrated by the vast consequences of the Brexit vote in the 2016 UK referendum for the remaining twenty-seven EU member states, but is also evident in the strong interest abroad in the 2017 French presidential elections. In this setting, the interactions of policymakers not only with their own publics but also with voters abroad are becoming increasingly salient, raising important questions about international cooperation, democracy, and national sovereignty, which open new and exciting avenues for future research.
Supplementary material for this research note is available at <https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818318000255>.


text:
While download games are certainly becoming more popular, Take-Two CEO Ben Feder doesn't think packaged games are going anywhere anytime soon.
"I think reports on the death of package goods have been greatly exaggerated," Feder told a gathering of analysts in New York earlier today. "Downloadable content is interesting and will continue to be interesting, not because it's eclipsing retail but because of the instant feedback.
"You can learn as you go along" from customers.
Feder said that while he thinks that downloadable content will continue to increase, it won't be at the expense of retail goods or retail stores.
"I'm bullish on downloadable content but not necessarily at the experense of retail stores and packaged goods," he said. "I think package goods are here with us for a long time. I am pretty confident we will be seeing package goods and stores for a long time."

domain: economics


تعیین درجه حرارت بدون تماس فازهای مغناطیسی جاسازی شده از پوشش سخت با بهره برداری از پسماند مغناطیسی
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|20399||2012||6 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||4326 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Sensors and Actuators A: Physical, Volume 178, May 2012, Pages 104–109
A non-contact temperature sensor is described which is based on the temperature dependency of the hysteresis of a magnetic phase embedded in a non-magnetic hard coating. For the measurement principle the technique of frequency mixing is used, with extension toward phase sensitivity as indicator for the temperature. The sensor's capabilities such as selectivity and sensitivity are investigated on TiN–FeCo magnetic multilayers. The sensor has been proven for temperatures up to 500 °C and shows capabilities for higher temperatures.
Measurement of physical parameters based on changes of magnetic properties of a sensor phase has already been applied in areas where established methods cannot be used, e.g. extreme temperature applications or UHV . Characteristic examples are represented by pressure and strain sensors, where magnetostrictive materials are used as sensor phase . More recently, superparamagnetic beads as specific labels for proteins or bacteria are used to measure their concentration . To date, for temperature investigation typically the magnetic properties of a sensor phase, i.e. magnetostriction, permeability, or the Curie temperature have been measured as direct indicators  and . More recently, the magnetization curve of superparamagnetic beads and its temperature dependency has been described analytically, enabling their use for temperature measurement in medical applications . In this paper, a new technique based on frequency mixing is proposed. The temperature is indirectly determined by related changes of the magnetic hysteresis of a sensor phase. The performance of the method is tested for temperatures up to 500 °C in the case of TiN-based hard coatings, where the in-situ non-contact measurement of the temperature of the coating would be a valuable quantity for process optimization.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
In this paper, a non-contact sensor concept is introduced to measure the temperature of soft magnetic materials. The novelty of the principle based on frequency mixing technique is that the phase of the demodulated frequency mixing signal is used to gain information about the magnetic properties, e.g. hysteresis, and implicitly on the related physical properties, e.g. temperature. The prospects and limitations of the technique were tested using TiN–FeCo multilayers as model samples. To complement the experimental analysis, a theoretical model based on measured magnetization curves by a standard technique (VSM) has been developed. Results from measurement and simulation have shown good qualitative agreement. Even more, by introducing an empirical factor for the system's calibration, both results have shown quantitative agreement, too. It has been proven that phase fluctuations below 0.015° and temperature noise less than 1 K can be measured if the system parameters are chosen properly. The system has been proven for temperatures up to 500 °C, but simulation and measurements indicated nearly constant rates of up to 0.016°/K from 200 °C, which makes it promising even for higher temperatures. As the measurement and evaluation of the phase shift is independent from other methods of evaluating frequency mixing signals, phase sensitive detection can be used to gain additional information, or eliminate cross-correlation between different effects. For example, the separation between mechanical stress introduced into the material and temperature-dependent stress due to thermal expansion seems feasible.