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2 November 1795
20 September 1792
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The National Convention (French: Convention nationale) was the third government of the French Revolution, following the two-year National Constituent Assembly and the one-year Legislative Assembly. Created after the great insurrection of 10 August 1792, it was the first French government organized as a republic, abandoning the monarchy altogether. The Convention sat as a single-chamber assembly from 20 September 1792 to 26 October 1795 (4 Brumaire IV under the Convention's adopted calendar).
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- Girondin Convention
- The Girondins and the Montagnards
- The Plain
- The Trial of the King
- The Crisis and Fall of the Girondins
- Montagnard Convention
- Constitution 1793
- Federalist revolt war and counter revolution
- Revolutionary government
- The economy
- The Army of the Year II
- Fall of the factions
- The Terror
- Thermidorian Convention
- Thermidorian Reaction
- Crushing of the popular movement
- Constitution of the Year III
The Convention came about when the Legislative Assembly, which had found it impossible to work with the king, decreed the provisional suspension of King Louis XVI and the convocation of a National Convention to draw up a new constitution with no monarchy. The other major innovation was to decree that deputies to that Convention should be elected by all Frenchmen twenty-five years old or more, domiciled for a year and living by the product of their labor. The National Convention was therefore the first French assembly elected by a suffrage without distinctions of class.
Although the Convention lasted until 1795, power was effectively stripped from the elected deputies and concentrated in the small Committee of Public Safety from April 1793. The eight months from Fall 1793 to Spring 1794, when Maximilien Robespierre and his allies dominated the Committee of Public Safety, represents the most radical and bloodiest phase of the French Revolution. After the fall of Robespierre, the Convention lasted for another year until a new constitution was written, ushering in the French Directory.
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The election took place from 2 to 6 September 1792 after the election of the electoral colleges by primary assemblies on 26 August. Owing to the abstention of aristocrats, the anti-republicans, and the fear of victimization the voter turnout in the departments was low – 11.9% of the electorate came, compared to 10.2% in the 1791 elections - in spite of the fact that the number of those eligible to vote had doubled. Therefore, the increased suffrage had very little impact. The electorate returned the same sort of men that the active citizens had chosen in 1791.
In the whole of France, only eleven primary assemblies wanted to retain the monarchy. Of the electoral assemblies, all tacitly voted for a republic – though only Paris used the word. None of the deputies stood as a royalist for elections. Out of the five million Frenchmen able to vote, only a million showed up at the polls.
The Convention held its first sessions in a hall of the Tuileries Palace, then it sat in the Salle du Manège, and finally from 10 May 1793 it met in the Salle des Machines, an immense hall in which the deputies were loosely scattered. The Salle des Machines had galleries for the public who often influenced the debates with interruptions or applause.
The members of the Convention came from all classes of society, but the most numerous were lawyers. 75 members had sat in the National Constituent Assembly, 183 in the Legislative Assembly. The full number of deputies was 749, not counting 33 from the French colonies, of whom only some arrived in Paris in time. Besides these, however, the newly formed départements annexed to France from 1792 to 1795 were allowed to send deputations.
According to its own ruling, the Convention elected its President every fortnight, and the outgoing President was eligible for re-election after the lapse of a fortnight. Ordinarily the sessions were held in the morning, but evening sessions also occurred frequently, often extending late into the night. Sometimes in exceptional circumstances the Convention declared itself in permanent session and sat for several days without interruption. For both legislative and administrative the Convention used committees, with powers more or less widely extended and regulated by successive laws. The most famous of these committees included the Committee of Public Safety and the Committee of General Security.
The Convention held legislative and executive powers during the first years of the French First Republic and had three distinct periods: Girondin, Montagnard or Jacobin, and Thermidorian.
The abolition of the royalty is a matter you cannot put off till tomorrow.
The first session was held on 20 September 1792. The following day, amidst profound silence, the proposition was put to the assembly, "That royalty be abolished in France" and was carried with cheers. On the 22nd came the news of the Battle of Valmy. On the same day it was decreed that "in future the acts of the assembly shall be dated First Year of the French Republic". Three days later the corollary was added, to guard against federalism, that "the French republic is one and indivisible". A republic had been proclaimed, but it remained to enact a republican government. The country was little more republican in feeling or practice than it had been before at any time since Varennes. But now it had to become a republic, because it no longer had a king.
When the Convention met the military situation was undergoing an extraordinary transformation that seemed to confirm the Girondin prophecies of easy victory. After Valmy the Prussians withdrew to the frontier, and in November French troops occupied the left bank of the Rhine. The Austrians, who had besieged Lille in October, were defeated by Dumouriez at the Battle of Jemappes on 6 November and evacuated the Austrian Netherlands. Nice was occupied and Savoy proclaimed its union with France. These successes made it safe to quarrel at home.
The Girondins and the Montagnards
Most historians divide the National Convention into two main factions: the Girondins and the Montagnards. The Girondins were the more moderate conservatives at Convention. They protested the vast influences held at the Convention by Parisians. They drew their name from the Gironde, a region of France from which many of the deputies of this faction originated. They were also known as the Brissotins after their most prominent speaker, Jaques Pierre Brissot.
The Montagnards represented a considerably larger, more democratic, portion of the deputies. They were much more radical than the Girondins and held strong connections to the Jacobin Club of Paris They drew their name from the high bleachers that they sat on while the Convention was in session. The Montagnards dominated the Convention.
Three questions dominated the first months of the Convention: revolutionary violence; the trial of the king; and Parisian dominance of politics.
Antagonism between Paris and the provinces created friction among the people that served as a propaganda tool and combat weapon for the two groups. The departments resisted the idea of centralization. They saw this idea being symbolized by the desire to reduce the capital of the Revolution to its one-eighty-third share of influence. Much of the Gironde wished to remove the Assembly from a city dominated by "agitators and flatterers of the people": it did not at the time encourage an aggressive federalism that would have run counter to its political ambitions.
The Plain was a third faction during the Convention. Though some historians consider these men to be closely associated with the Girondins, the Plain was much more centrist in their ideals.The Plain held the largest group of deputies and derived their name from their place on the floor of the Convention. During the start of the Convention, they sided with the Girondins, however, as it progressed and the Montagnards began to push for the execution of Louis, the Plain began to side with them.
The Trial of the King
Louis must die so that the nation may live.
From the opening of the Convention the Girondins showed no inclination to bring the king to trial. They were more interested in discrediting Paris and its deputies. Their decision to hound the Jacobins was not merely a choice of priorities; they genuinely wanted to spare the king. But in reality the Convention had to declare him guilty if it wanted to avoid damning 10 August 1792, its own existence, and the proclamation of the Republic. "If the king is not guilty, then those who have dethroned him are", as Robespierre remarked on 2 December. Once the Convention recognized Louis's guilt it could hardly refuse to pronounce the death penalty against a person who had summoned the aid of foreign powers and whom the sans-culottes considered responsible for the ambush at the Tuileries.
The discovery of the iron chest in the Tuileries 20 November 1792 made the trial inevitable. Documents found in this secret chest proved without any doubt the treachery of Louis XVI.
The trial began on 10 December. The Montagnards put the debate on the ideological level. Louis XVI was classified as an enemy, alien to the body of the nation and as a "usurper". Balloting began on 14 January 1793. Each deputy explained his vote at the rostrum. The vote against the king was unanimous. There was to be no popular referendum as Girondins hoped. The fatal vote started on 16 January and continued until the next day. Of the 721 deputies present, 387 declared themselves for the death penalty, while 334 were opposed. 26 deputies voted for death on condition that he was reprieved. On 18 January the question of reprieve was put to a vote: 380 votes were cast against; 310 for. Each time the Girondins had split.
On the morning of 21 January the Convention ordered the entire National Guard to line both sides of the route to the scaffold. Louis was beheaded at the Place de la Revolution. Within the nation, "voters" and "appellants", those that were against the execution of Louis, swore undying hatred of each other. The rest of Europe, fearing the outcome of the French Revolution in their own countries, decreed a war of extermination against regicides.
The Crisis and Fall of the Girondins
The Assembly began harmoniously, but within a few days the Girondins launched a bitter attack on their Montagnard opponents. Conflict continued without interruption until the expulsion of the Girondin leaders from the Convention on 2 June 1793. The Girondins had relied on votes from the majority of the deputies, many of whom were alarmed as well as scandalized by the September massacres, but their insistence on monopolizing all positions of authority during the Convention, and their attacks on the Montagnard leaders, soon irritated them, causing them to regard the party as a faction. One by one, able deputies such as Couthon, Cambon, Carnot, Lindet and Barere began to gravitate towards the Montagnards, while the majority – the Plain, as it was called – held itself aloof from both sides.
Girondins were convinced that their opponents aspired to a bloody dictatorship, while the Montagnards believed that the Girondins were ready for any compromise with conservatives, and even royalists, that would guarantee their remaining in power. The bitter enmity soon reduced the Convention to a state of limbo. Debate after debate degenerated into verbal brawling from which no decision could emerged. The political deadlock, which had repercussions all over France, eventually drove men to accept dangerous allies, royalists in the case of Girondins, Jacobins in that of the Montagnards.
Thus the struggle within the Convention continued without results. The decision was to come from outside.
Since the king's trial, the sans-culottes had been constantly assailing the "appealers" (appelants), and quickly came to desire their expulsion from the Convention. If this were achieved, the government could recover the energy to enable it to deal with the aristocratic plot by arresting suspects and establishing a revolutionary tribunal. Military setbacks from the First Coalition, Dumouriez's treason and the war in the Vendée, which began in March 1793, were all used as arguments by Montagnards and sans-culottes to portray Girondins as soft. They demanded that the Girondins take measures to change thing, but the Girondins were reluctant to adopt the proposed measures. The Girondins were forced to accept the Montagnards creation of the Committee of Public Safety and Revolutionary Tribunal. Social and economic difficulties exacerbated the tensions between the groups. The final showdown was precipitated by Jean-Paul Marat's trial and the arrest of sectional activists.
On 25 May the Paris Commune demanded that arrested patriots be released. In reply, Isnard, who was presiding over the Convention, launched into a diatribe against Paris which was reminiscent of the Brunswick Manifesto: "If any attack made on the persons of the representatives of the nation, then I declare to you in the name of the whole country that Paris would be destroyed". On the next day the Jacobins declared themselves in a state of insurrection. On 28 May the Cité section called the other sections to a meeting in order to organize the insurrection. On 29 May the delegates representing 33 of the sections formed an insurrectionary committee of nine members.
On 2 June, 80,000 armed sans-culottes surrounded the Convention. After an attempt of deputies to leave collided with guns, the deputies resigned themselves to declare the arrest of 29 leading Girondins. In this way the Gironde ceased to be a political force. It had declared war without knowing how to conduct it; it had denounced the King but had shrunk from condemning him; it had contributed to the worsening of the economic crisis but had swept aside all the claims made by the popular movement.
Unité, Indivisibilité de la République; Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité ou la mort
Scarcely had the Gironde been eliminated when the Convention, now under Montagnard leadership, found itself caught between two threats. While forces of counter-revolution were gaining new impetus from the federalist revolt, the popular movement, roused to fury by high prices, was increasing the pressure it exercised on the government. Meanwhile, the Government was proving incapable of controlling the situation. In July 1793 the nation appeared to be on the point of falling apart.
During the month of June the Montagnards played for time. Yet the Convention did not overlook the peasants. It was to these latter that the revolution of 31 May (like those of 14 July and 10 August) brought a substantial and permanent profit. On 3 June the sale of the property of emigrants, in small parcels and payable in ten years, was decreed; on the 10th, the optional division of common lands by head; and on 17 July, the abolition, without compensation, of all that remained of manorial rights.
The Montagnards attempted to reassure the middle classes by rejecting any idea of terror, by protecting property rights, and by restricting the popular movement to very narrowly circumscribed limits. It was a delicate balance to achieve, a balance that was destroyed in July by the worsening of the crisis. The Convention rapidly approved the new constitution, hoping to clear itself of the charge of dictatorship and calm the anxieties of the departments.
The Declaration of Rights which precedes the text of the Constitution solemnly reaffirmed the nation's indivisibility and the great principles of freedom of the press, equality and resistance to oppression. It went far beyond the Declaration of 1789, adding to it the right to public assistance, work, education and insurrection. No man could impose his will on others. All political and social tyranny was abolished. Although the montagnards had refused to be led further down the road to democracy, the Constitution became the bible of all democrats.
The chief aim of the Constitution was to ensure the major role of the deputies in the Convention, which was seen as being the essential basis for political democracy. The Legislative Assembly was to be elected by direct vote cast for a single member; deputies were elected on receiving a simple majority of the votes cast, and the assembly would sit for one year. The executive council of 24 members was chosen by the Legislative Assembly from among the 83 candidates chosen by the departments on the basis of universal male suffrage, and in this way ministers were made responsible to the representatives of the nation. The exercise of national sovereignty was widened through the institution of the referendum – the Constitution was to be ratified by the people, as were laws in certain precisely defined circumstances.
The Constitution was submitted for popular ratification and adopted by a huge margin of more than 1,801,918 in favour to some 17,610 against. The results of the plebiscite were made public on 10 August 1793, but the application of the Constitution, the text of which was placed in the sacred ark and laid in the debating-chamber of the Convention, was postponed until peace had been made.
Federalist revolt, war and counter-revolution
Indeed, the Montagnards faced dramatic circumstances – federalist insurrection, war in the Vendée, military failures, and a worsening economic situation. Despite everything, a new civil war could not be avoided. By the middle of June, about sixty departments were in more or less open rebellion. Fortunately the frontier departments had remained faithful to the Convention. The rising was widespread rather than deep. It was essentially the work of the departmental and district administrations. The communes, which were more popular in composition, showed themselves in general lukewarm or hostile; and federalist leaders soon became divided among themselves. Sincere republicans among them could not fail to be uneasy about the foreign invasion and the Vendée. Those who were seeing themselves rejected by the people, sought support from the moderates, the Feuillants and even from the aristocrats.
July and August were bad months on the frontiers. Within three weeks Mainz, the symbol of previous successes, capitulated to the Prussians, and the Austrians captured the fortresses of Condé and Valenciennes and invaded northern France. Spanish troops crossed the Pyrenees and began advancing on Perpignan. The Piedmontese took advantage of the diversion of republican forces at Lyons in order to invade France from the East. In Corsica, Paoli's revolt expelled the French from the island with British support. British troops opened the siege of Dunkirk in August and in October the Allies invaded Alsace. The military situation had become desperate.
In addition there were other incidents which compounded the fury of the revolutionaries and convinced them that their opponents had abandoned all restraint of civilized behavior. On 13 July, Charlotte Corday murdered sans-culotte idol Jean-Paul Marat. She had been in touch with Girondin rebels in Normandy and they were believed to have used her as their agent.
The lack of forethought displayed by the Convention during the first few days was redeemed by its vigor and skill in organizing measures of repression. Warrants were issued for the arrest of the rebellious Girondin leaders; the members of the revolting departmental administration were deprived of their office.
The regions in which the revolt was dangerous were precisely those in which a large number of royalists had remained. There was no room for a third party between the Mountain, which was identified with the Republic, and royalism, which was the ally of the enemy. The royalist insurrection in the Vendée had already led the Convention to take a long step in the direction of the Terror – that is to say, the dictatorship of central power and the suppression of liberties. The Girondin insurrection now prompted it to take a decisive step in the same direction.
The provisional government of France is revolutionary until there is peace.
The Constituent Assembly had legislated through its commissions. The Convention governed by means of its committees. Two of them were of essential importance: Public Safety and General Security. The second, which had formidable powers, is less well known than the first, which was the true executive authority and was armed with immense prerogatives. It dated from April, but its composition was thoroughly reshuffled during the summer of 1793.
The summer of 1793 saw sans-culotte disturbances reach a peak under a double banner: price-fixing and terror. On top of this came the news of unprecedented treason: Toulon and its squadron had been handed over to the enemy. In the name of the wretched poverty of the people, the leaders of the Enragés, with Jacques Roux at their head, called for a planned economy from a Convention which had no liking for the idea. But the revolutionary logic of the mobilization of resources by national dictatorship was infinitely more powerful than economic doctrine. In August, a series of decrees gave the authorities discretionary powers over the production and circulation of grain, as well as ferocious punishments for fraud. "Granaries of plenty" were prepared, to stock corn requisitioned by authorities in each district. On 23 August the decree on the levée en masse turned able-bodied civilians into soldiers.
On 5 September, Parisians tried to repeat the revolt of 2 June. Armed sections again encircled the Convention to demand the setting up of an internal revolutionary army, the arrest of suspects and a purge of the committees. It was probably the key day in the formation of the revolutionary government: the convention yielded, but kept control of events. It put Terror on the agenda on 5 September, on 6th elected Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne to the Committee of Public Safety, on the 9th created the revolutionary army, on the 11th decreed the Maximum for grain and fodder (general controls for prices, and wages on the 29th), on the 14th reorganized the Revolutionary Tribunal, on the 17th voted in the law on suspects, and on the 20th gave the local revolutionary committees the task of drawing up lists of them.
The dictatorship of the Convention and the committees, simultaneously supported and controlled by the Parisian sections, representing the sovereign people in permanent session, lasted from June to September. It governed through a network of institutions set up haphazardly since spring in March, the Revolutionary Tribunal and representatives on missions in the departments; was followed the next month by the Convention's representatives to the armies, also armed with unlimited powers; and enforced acceptance of assignat as the sole legal tender, price controls for grain and the forced loan of a billion livres from the rich.
At last France saw a government take shape. Danton resigned from it on 10 July. Couthon, Saint-Just, Jeanbon Saint-Andre, and Prieur of the Marne formed a nucleus of resolute Montagnards who rallied Barrere and Lindet, then successfully added Robespierre on 27 July, Carnot and Prieur of Cote-d'Ore on 14 August, and Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne on 6 September. They had a few clear ideas to which they clung: to command, to fight, and to conquer. Their work in common, the danger, the taste of and pride in power created solidarity that made the Committee an autonomous organism.
The committee was always managed collegially, despite the specific nature of the tasks of each director: the division into "politicians" and "technicians" was a Thermidorian invention, intended to lay the corpses of the Terror at the door of the Robespierrists alone. Many things, however, set the twelve committee members at loggerheads; Barrere was more a man of the Convention than of the committee and was a link with the Plaine. Robert Lindet had qualms about the Terror which, by contrast, was the outstanding theme of Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne, latecomers to the committee, forced on it by the sans-culottes in September; unlike Robespierre and his friends, Lazare Carnot had given his support only provisionally and for reasons of state to a policy concession to the people. But the situation which united them in the summer of 1793 was stronger than those differences of opinion. The Committee had to set itself above all, and choose those popular demands which were most suitable for achieving the Assembly's aims: to crush the enemies of the Republic and dash the last hopes of the aristocracy. To govern in the name of the Convention, at the same time controlling it, and to restrain the people without quenching their enthusiasm — this was a gamble.
The ensemble of institutions, measures and procedures which constituted it was codified in a decree of 14 Frimaire (4 December) which set the seal on what had been the gradual development of centralized dictatorship founded on the Terror. In the center was the Convention, whose secular arm was the Committee of Public Safety, vested with immense powers: it interpreted the Convention's decrees and settled their methods of application; under its immediate authority it had all state bodies and all civil servants (even ministers would disappear in April 1794); it directed military and diplomatic activity, appointed generals and members of other committees, subject to ratification by the Convention. It held responsibility for conducting war, public order and the provisioning of the population. The Commune of Paris, a famous sans-culotte bastion, was neutralized by coming under its control.
Administrative and economic centralization went hand in hand. The state of siege forced France into autarky; to save the Republic the government mobilized all the nation's productive forces and reluctantly accepted the need for a controlled economy, which it introduced extemporaneously, as the emergency required. It was necessary to develop war production, revive foreign trade, and find new resources in France itself; and time was short. Circumstances gradually compelled it to assume the economic government of the country. Along with organization of the army, this was the most original feature of its work.
All material resources were subjected to requisitioning. Farmers surrendered their grain, fodder, wool, flax, and hemp. Artisans and merchants gave up their manufactured products. Raw materials were carefully sought out – metal of all kinds, church bells, old paper, rags and parchments, grasses, brushwood, and even household ashes for manufacturing of potassium salts, and chestnuts for distilling. All businesses were placed at the disposal of the nation – forests, mines, quarries, furnaces, forges, tanneries, paper mills, large cloth factories and shoe making workshops. The labor of men and the value of things were subject to price controls. No one had a right to speculate at the cost of Patrie while it was in danger. Armaments caused more concern. As early as September 1793 efforts were made to create a large factory in Paris for rifles and sidearms. A special appeal was made to scientists. Monge, Vandermonde, Berthollet, Darcet, Fourcroy perfected metallurgy and manufacture of arms.
Only to the wage earners did the Maximum seem thoroughly advantageous. It increased wages by one-half in relation to 1790, and commodities by only one-third. But since the Committee did not ensure that it was respected (except for bread), they would have been duped had they not been benefiting from the favorable conditions that a great war always offers the labor force. Still Paris became calmer, because the sans-culottes were gradually finding ways to subsist; the levée en masse and the formation of the revolutionary army were thinning their ranks; many now were working in arms and equipment shops, or in the offices of the committees and ministries, which were expanded enormously.
The Army of the Year II
Surprise them like a flash of lightning and smash them like a thunderbolt.
During the summer the requisition of the levy was completed and by July the total strength of the army reached 650,000. The difficulties were tremendous. The war production just started in September. The army was in the middle of the purge. In the spring of 1794 the amalgamation was undertaken. Two battalions of volunteers joined one battalion of regulars to constitute a demi-brigade, or regiment. At the same time the command was reconstituted. The purge ended with most of the nobles excluded. The new generation reached the highest ranks, and the War College (Ecole de Mars) received six young men from each district to improve the staff. Army commanders were to be appointed by the Convention.
What gradually emerged was a military command unequaled in quality: Marceau, Hoche, Kleber, Massena, Jourdan, and a host of others, backed by officers who were sound both in their abilities as soldiers and in their sense of civic responsibility.
For the first time since antiquity a truly national army marched to war, and for the first time, too, a nation succeeded in arming and feeding great numbers of soldiers – these are the novel characteristics of the army of the Year II. The technical innovations resulted chiefly from its sheer size as well the strategy that developed from it. The old system of cordons lost its prestige. Moving between the armies of the Coalition, the French could maneuver along interior lines, deploy part of their troops along the frontiers, and take advantage of the inaction of any one of their enemies to beat the others. Acting en masse, and overwhelming the foe by sheer numbers – such were Carnot's principles. They were still untried, and not until Bonaparte appeared did they enjoy any great success.
Fall of the factions
As late as September 1793, there were two distinct wings among the revolutionaries. Firstly those who were later called Hébertists – although Hébert himself was never the official leader of a party – advocated war to the death and adopted the program of the Enragés, ostensibly because the sans-culottes approved it. The Hebertists preferred to side with the Montagnards, so long as they could hope to control the Convention through them. They dominated the Cordeliers Club, filled Bouchotte's offices, and could generally carry the Commune with them. The other wing was that of the Dantonists, which formed in response to the increasing centralization of the Revolutionary Government and the dictatorship of the Committees. The Dantonists were led predominately by deputies of the Convention (rather than the sans-culottes), including Danton, Delacroix, and Desmoulins.
Putting the needs of national defense above all other considerations, the Committee of Public Safety had no intentions of giving in to the demands of either the popular movement or the moderates. Following the Hebertists would jeopardize revolutionary unity, while the giving in to the demands of the moderates would have undermined the both the Terror and the controlled economy. However, unity, centralization, and the Terror were all considered essential to the war effort. In order to balance the contradictory demands of these two factions, the Revolutionary Government attempted to maintain a position halfway between the moderate Dantonists (citras) and the extremist Hebertists (ultras).
But at the end of the winter of 1793-4, the shortage of food took a sharp turn for the worse. The Hebertists incited sans-culottes to demand stringent measures, and at first the Committee did prove conciliatory. The Convention voted 10 million for relief, on 3 Ventose, Barere presented a new general Maximum, and on the 8th Saint-Just obtained a decree confiscating the property of suspects and distributing it to the needy (Ventose decrees). The Hebertists felt that if they increased the pressure, they would triumph once and for all. Although the call appeared like one for insurrection it was probably just for a new demonstration, like the one in September. But the Committee of Public Safety decided on 22 Ventose Year II (12 March 1794) that the Hebertists posed too serious a threat. The Committee linked Hebert, Ronsin, Vincent, and Momoro to the emigres Proli, Cloots and Pereira, so as to present the Hebertists as parties to the "foreign plot". All were executed on 4 Germinal (24 March). This move largely silenced the Hebertists, now without their leadership. Having succeeded in stifling dissent on the left, the Committee then turned on the Dantonists, several members of which were implicated in financial corruption. The Committee forced the Convention to lift the parliamentary immunity of nine Dantonist deputies, allowing them to be put on trial. On 5 April Dantonist leaders Danton, Delacroix, Desmoulins, and Philippeaux were executed.
The execution of the leaderships of both rival factions caused some to become disillusioned. Many sans-culottes were stunned by the Hebertists' execution. All the positions of influence traditionally held by the sans-culottes were eliminated: the Revolutionary Army was disbanded, the inspectors of food-hoarding were dismissed, Bouchotte lost the War Office, the Cordeliers Club was forced to self-censor and the Government pressure brought about closing 39 popular societies. The Paris Commune, controlled by sans-culottes, was purged and filled with Committee nominees. With the execution of the Dantonists, many of the members of the National Convention lost trust in the Committee, and even began to fear for their personal safety.
Ultimately, the Committee had undermined its own support by eliminating the Dantonists and Hebertists, both of which had backed the Committee. By compelling the Convention to allow the arrests of the Girondins and Dantonists, the Committee believed it had destroyed its major opposition. However, the trials demonstrated the Committee's lack of respect for members of the Convention (several of whom had been executed). Many Convention members who had sided with the Committee in the past by mid-1794 no longer supported it. The Committee had acted as mediator between the Convention and the sans-culottes from which they both had acquired their strength. By executing the Hebertists and alienating the sans-culottes, the Committee became unnecessary to the Assembly.
That which constitutes a Republic is the total destruction of that which opposes it.
Though the Terror was organized in September 1793, it was not introduced until October. It had resulted from a popular movement A new chapter of the Revolutionary Tribunal was opened after 5 September, divided into four sections: the Committees of Public Safety and General Security were to propose the names of judges and jurymen; Fouquier-Tinville stayed as public prosecutor, and Herman was nominated president. The Terror was meant to discourage support for the enemies of the Revolution by condemning outspoken critics of the Montagnards.
The great political trials began in October. The queen was guillotined on 16 October. A special decree stifled the defense of 21 Girondins, including Vergniaud and Brissot, and they perished on the 31st.
At the summit of the apparatus of the Terror sat the Committee of General Security, the state's second organization. It consisted of twelve members elected each month by the Convention, and vested with security, surveillance and police functions, including over civil and military authorities. It employed a large staff, headed the gradually constituted network of local revolutionary committees, and applied the law on suspects by sifting through the thousands of local denunciations and arrests which it then had to try.
It struck down the enemies of the Republic whoever and wherever they were. It was socially indiscriminate and politically perspicacious. Its victims belonged to the classes which hated the Revolution or lived in the regions where rebellion was most serious. "The severity of repressive measures in the provinces," wrote Mathiez, "was in direct proportion to danger of revolt." Many outspoken members of the community were tried and executed for claims of treason: Camille Desmoulins and Georges Danton were two of the more notable men executed for their "threats" against the Revolution.
Deputies sent as "representatives on mission" by the Committee of Public Safety, armed with full powers, reacted according to both the local situation and their own temperaments: Lindet pacified the Girondin west in July without a single death sentence; in Lyon, some months later, Collot d'Herbois and Joseph Fouche relied on frequent summary executions by shooting because the guillotine was not working swiftly enough.
The Revolution has grown cold; all its principles are weakened; there remains only red caps worn by intriguers.
The Jacobin dictatorship could only hope to remain in power so long as it was dealing successfully with a national emergency. As soon as its political opponents had been destroyed, and its foreign enemies defeated, it would lose the chief force that kept it together. The Jacobin fall happened more rapidly than expected because of issues within the party.
So long as it remained united, the Committee was virtually invulnerable, but it had scarcely attained the apogee of its power before signs of internal conflict appeared. The Committee of Public Safety had never been a homogeneous body. It was a coalition cabinet. Its members were kept together less by comradeship or common ideals than by calculation and routine. The press of business which at first prevented personal quarrels also produced tired nerves. Trifling differences were exaggerated into the issues of life and death. Small disputes estranged them from one another. Carnot, in particular, was irritated by the criticisms directed at his plans by Robespierre and Saint-Just, Dispute followed dispute. Bickering broke out on the Committee of Public Safety, with Carnot describing Robespierre and Saint-Just as "ridiculous dictators" and Collot making veiled attacks on the "Incorruptible". From the end of June until 23 July Robespierre ceased to attend the Committee.
Realizing the danger of fragmentation, they attempted a reconciliation. Saint-Just and Couthon favored it, but Robespierre doubted sincerity of his enemies. It was he who brought about the fatal intervention of the Convention. On 8 Thermidor, Year II (26 July 1794), he denounced his opponents, and demanded that "unity of government" be realized. When called upon to name those whom he was accusing, however, he refused. This failure destroyed him, for it was assumed that he was demanding a blank cheque. This night an uneasy alliance was formed from threatened deputies and members of The Plain. On the next day, 9 Thermidor, Robespierre and his friends were not allowed to speak, and their indictment was decreed. The men of the extreme left played the leading roles: Billaud-Varenne, who attacked, and Collot d'Herbois, who presided.
On hearing the news the Paris Commune, loyal to the man who had inspired it, called for an insurrection and released the arrested deputies in the evening and mobilized two or three thousand militants. The night of 9–10 Thermidor was one of great confusion in Paris, as Commune and Assembly competed for the support of the sections and their troops. The Convention proclaimed that the rebels were henceforth outlaws; Barras was given the task of mustering an armed force, and the moderate sections gave this their support. The National Guardsmen and artillerymen assembled outside the Hotel de Ville were left without instructions and little by little they dispersed and left the square deserted. Around two o'clock in the morning a column from Gravilliers section led by Léonard Bourdon burst in the Hotel de Ville and arrested insurgents.
On the evening of 10 Thermidor (28 July 1794), Robespierre, Saint-Just, Couthon and nineteen of their political allies were executed without trial. On the following day it was the turn of a large batch of 71 men, the largest mass execution in the entire course of the Revolution.
Whatever reasons the conspirators had behind 9 Thermidor, the events afterwards went beyond their intentions. Evidently the remaining members on the Committees counted on staying in office and currying the favour of the Jacobin dictatorship, as though nothing more had happened than a party purge.
They were speedily disabused of this notion. Robespierrists might go out and Dantonists come in; the Convention had recovered its initiative and would put an end, once and for all, to the dictatorial committees government which had ousted it from power. It was decreed that no member of governing committees should hold office for more than four months. Three days later the Prairial Law was repealed and the Revolutionary Tribunal shorn of its abnormal powers. The Commune was replaced with a Commission of Civil Administrators (commission des administrateurs civils) from the ranks of the Conventions. In November the Jacobin club was closed. Not merely anti-Robespierrist but anti-Jacobin reaction was in full flood. At the beginning of September Billaud, Collot and Barere left the Committee of Public Safety; by the end of the year they were in prison.
The stability of the government was weakening. Next came the concentration of power, another revolutionary principle. The identification of the Committee of Public Safety with the executive was ended on 7 Fructidor (24 August), restricting it to its former domain of war and diplomacy. The Committee of General Security kept its control over the police. There was now to be a total of sixteen committees. Conventionnels, while aware of the dangers of fragmentation, were even more worried by its experience of monopoly of powers. In a few weeks the revolutionary government was dismantled.
These measures affected, finally, the instruments of the Terror and opened numerous breaches in the apparatus of repression. The law of 22 Prairial was repealed, the prisons were opened and "suspects" were released: 500 in Paris in a single week. A few public trials were staged — including those of Carrier, held responsible for the mass-drowning at Nantes, and Fouquier-Tinville, notorious as the public prosecutor of the Great Terror of the late spring and summer of 1794 – after which the Revolutionary Tribunal was quietly put aside.
The destruction of the system of revolutionary government eventually brought about the end of the Economic Terror. Maximum was relaxed even before 9 Thermidor. Now nobody believed in it any longer. Because the black market was plentifully supplied, the idea took hold that price control equalled scarcity and that free trade would bring back abundance. It was generally supposed that prices would rise but that then they would fall as a result of competition. This illusion was to be shattered in the winter. Formally the Convention put the end to the maximum on 4 Nivose Year III (24 December 1794).
The abandonment of the controlled economy provoked a frightful catastrophe. Prices soared and the rate of exchange fell. The Republic was condemned to massive inflation and its currency was ruined. In Thermidor, Year III, assignats were worth less than 3% of their face value. Neither peasants nor merchants would accept anything but cash. The debacle was so swift that economic life seemed to come to standstill.
The crisis was greatly aggravated by famine. Peasants, finally, stopped bringing any produce, because they did not wish to accept assignats. The government continued to provision Paris, but was unable to supply the promised rations. In provinces local municipalities resorted to some sort of regulations, provided not direct coercion in obtaining provisions. The misery of rural day laborers, abandoned by everyone, was often appalling. Inflation ruined creditors to the advantage of debtors. It unleashed an unprecedented speculation.
At the beginning of spring, scarcity was such that more unrest appeared almost everywhere. Paris was active again.
Crushing of the popular movement
Bread and Constitution of 1793
Discontent increased along with the shortages. On 17 March a delegation from faubourgs Saint-Marceau and Saint-Jacques complained that "We are on the verge of regretting all the sacrifices that we have made for the Revolution." Police law was passed which lay down the death penalty for use of seditious language. Arms were distributed to the "good citizens", the faithful nucleus of the National Guard. The trial of strength was approaching.
On 10 Germinal (30 March) all the sections called their general assemblies. The political geography of Paris emerged clearly from this. Convention debate was centered on two issues: the fate of Barere, Collot, Billaud and Vadier, and the implementation of the constitution of 1793. While in the sections of the center and the west formal addresses called for the punishment of the "Four" and passed over the food shortages, the sections of the east and the faubourgs demanded measures to deal with the grain crisis, the implementation of the constitution of 1793, the reopening of the popular societies and the release of the imprisoned patriots.
On the morning of 12 Germinal (1 April) crowds gathered on the Ile de la Cité and, pushing aside the palace guards, burst into the chamber where the Convention met. Amidst the uproar, spokesmen of the sections outlined the people's grievances. Reliable battalions of National Guard were called and demonstrators, lacking arms and leaders, were forced to withdraw. For the most people it was the constitution of 1793 – seen as a liberating utopia – which represented the solution to all evils. There were others who openly regretted the passing of "the reign of Robespierre".
But it was not the end. A new explosion was on the horizon. Insurrection was being openly prepared. On 1 Prairial (20 May 1795) the alarm bells sounded in the faubourgs Saint-Antoine and Marceau. The armed battalions arrived at Place du Carousel and entered the sitting chamber. After an hour of uproar, "The Insurrection of the People" (L'Insurection du Peuple) was read. In the chaos, none of the ringleaders thought of implementing the key item of the program: the overthrow of the government.
The remainder of the Montagnards, The Crest (la Crête de la Montagne), managed to obtain the passage of decrees favorable to the rebels. But at 11:30 p.m. two armed columns entered the chamber and cleared out the rioters. The next day insurgents repeated the same mistakes and after receiving promises from the deputies to take speedy measures against the famine, returned to the sections.
On 3 Prairial the government assembled loyal troops, chasseurs and dragoons, national guardsmen, selected from those "who had fortune to preserve" — 20,000 men in all. Faubourg Saint-Antoine was surrounded and on 4 Prairial surrendered and was disarmed. Uncertainty about how to react, hesitancy in action, and lack of revolutionary leadership had doomed the popular movement to throw away its last chance in battle.
4 Prairial Year III is one of the crucial dates of the revolutionary period. The people had ceased to be a political force, participants in history. They were now no more than victims or spectators.
Constitution of the Year III
A middle way between royalty and anarchy.
The victors now could set up a new constitution, the task the National Convention was originally elected for. The Commission of Eleven (the most notable members of which were Daunou, Lanjuinais, Boissy d'Anglas, Thibaudeau and La Révellière) drafted a text which would reflect the new balance of power. It was presented on 5 Messidor (23 June) and passed on 22 August 1795 (5 Fructidor of the Year III).
The new constitution went back to the constitution of 1791 as to the dominant ideology of the country. Equality was certainly confirmed, but within the limits of civil equality. Numerous democratic rights of the constitution 1793 – the right to work, to relief, to education – were omitted. The Convention wanted to define rights and simultaneously reject both the privilege of the old order and social leveling.
The constitution went back to the distinction between active and passive citizens. Only citizens over twenty-five years old, disposing of an income of two hundred days of work, were eligible to be electors. This electoral body, which held the real power, included 30,000 people, half as many as in 1791. Guided by recent experience, institutions were set up to protect the Republic from two dangers: the omnipotence of an assembly and dictatorship.
Bicameral legislature as a precaution against sudden political fluctuations was proposed: the Council of Five Hundred with rights to propose laws and Council of the Ancients, 250 deputies, with powers to accept or reject proposed laws. Executive power was to be shared between five Directors chosen by the Ancients from the list drawn by Five Hundred. One of the Directors would be renewed each year with re-election after five years. As one of the practical precautions, no military were allowed within 60 miles of the sitting assembly and it could relocate in case of danger. The Directory still retained great power, including emergency powers to curb freedom of the press and freedom of association.
The Constitution generally was accepted favorably, even by those on the right, who were hopeful for the upcoming elections and even more happy to get rid of the legislative body so hated by them.
But how to make sure that the new elected body would not overturn the constitution as it was before with Legislative Assembly? Thermidorians attempted this on 5 Fructidor (22 August) by voting for a decree on "formation of a new legislative body". Article II stipulated: "All members presently active in the Convention are re-eligible. Election assemblies may not take fewer than two-thirds of them to form the legislative body". This was known as the Law of the Two-Thirds.
On 23 September the results were announced: the constitution was accepted by 1,057,390 votes, with 49,978 against. The Two-Thirds decrees obtained only 205,498 votes in favor and 108,754 against.
But the Convention had not taken into account those Paris sections who were against Two-Thirds decrees and failed to provide precise vote figures: 47 Parisian sections had rejected the decrees. Eighteen of the Paris sections contested the result. The Lepeletier section issued a call to insurrection. By 11 Vendemiaire seven sections were in state of revolt, sections which were the base of the Convention since 9 Thermidor and now won by the far right if not royalists. The Convention declared itself permanent. The conventionnels knew the score. They knew the art of insurrection by heart and to bring down muscadins was easier than the sans-culottes. Five members including Barras were appointed to deal with the crisis. A decree of 12 Vendemiaire (4 October) repealed the former disarmament of the former terrorists and an appeal to sans-culottes was issued.
During the nights of Vendemiaire 12-13 (October 4–5), General Jacques de Menou de Boussay was tasked with putting down the royalist rebels and keep them from attacking the Convention. He recruited other generals to help aid in quelling the insurrection such as, Napoleon Bonaparte. The rebels outnumbered the Army by the thousands, but because of their preparations the night before, Bonaparte and the armies were able to line the road into Paris with cannons from Sablons Camp. Without a way into Paris, the rebels surrendered to the Convention on Vendemiaire 13. Barras and the Convention gave the armies permission to kill. Within 45 minutes over 300 royalist rebels were dead in front of the Church of Saint Roch. The rest had scattered and fled.
Moderate repression ensued and the White Terror in the south was stopped. On 4 Brumaire Year IV, just before breaking up, the Convention voted a general amnesty for "deeds exclusively connected with the Revolution".
The article on the Convention in the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica concludes, "The work of the Convention was immense in all branches of public affairs. To appreciate it without prejudice, one should recall that this assembly saved France from a civil war and invasion, that it founded the system of public education (Museum, École Polytechnique, École Normale Supérieure, École des langues orientales, Conservatoire), created institutions of capital importance, like that of the Grand Livre de la Dette publique, and definitely established the social and political gains of the Revolution." By a decree of 4 February 1794 (16 pluviôse) it also ratified and expanded to the whole French colonial empire the 1793 abolition of slavery on Saint-Domingue by civil commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel, though this did not affect Martinique or Guadeloupe and was abolished by the law of 20 May 1802.


text:
By: Yang Yan
Fuel cell (FC) is an electrochemical device that can directly convert the chemical energy of hydrogen, natural gas, methanol and other fuels into electricity. In addition to its applications in new energy vehicles such as Toyota Mirai, the fuel cell train manufactured by Alstom has entered commercial operation in Germany in September 2018. Depending on the material used and operating temperature, FCs can be divided into several types. A comparison of major classifications is shown in Table 1.
Solid Oxide Fuel Cells (SOFCs) are one of the main focuses in FC research. In 2010, Bloom Energy Inc. (NYSE: BE) in the US introduced an SOFC mini-power station that will provide US households with low-cost and environmentally-friendly power 24/7. The company is now the SOFC provider for Google, Walmart, FedEx, AT&T, Panasonic and many more fortune 500s. In 2017, Kyocera Japan Ltd. (OTCMKTS: KYOCY) introduced the first commercial 3 kW SOFC system. The system achieves a standalone efficiency of 52% and, through waste heat cycle, the overall system efficiency can reach 90%. The system integrates four small stacks with a power of 700 W and can deliver 3 kW of power externally.
SOFC has many unique advantages. At present, SOFC has application prospects in large, medium and small distributed power stations, portable power bank, military, aerospace and other fields. Significant advantages are:
1. High efficiency. The power efficiency can reach more than 60%; with waste heat and gas turbine combined use, the total efficiency can reach up to 90% or more;
2. Reliability. achieves operating times more than 90% and power available more than 99.99% of the time. This is the main reason why computer facilities, call centers, data processing centers and high technology manufacturing facilities choose SOFC:
3. All-solid-state structure, leading to easy assemble and cell amplification;
4. Use of common, low-cost catalysts, which can effectively control manufacturing costs;
5. A wide range of fuel options; In addition to the use of hydrogen, natural gas, liquefied petroleum gas, ethanol and even biological waste gas could be used. This is useful in waste treatment plants, as the cell can convert biomass gases to electricity with minimal environment impact.
6. Low cell noise, less pollutant emissions; This is useful in urban areas, industrial facilities, airports, and zones with strict emissions standards.
7. Long cell life, up to 10 years.
Given that SOFCs can directly use hydrocarbons as fuel, its large-scale application can promote the efficient and clean utilization of coal, natural gas and biomass.

domain: chemistry


Some people just can’t help but live and breathe theatre 24/7, and Emilie Baartman, playing Myrtle Mae Simmons in The Naples Players’ upcoming production of Harvey, is at the top of that list.
From a young age, Emilie remembers attending community theatre camps and watching her dad perform on stage. “I’ve been doing theatre since I was a kid. I was first inspired to perform because of my dad. At one point my dad was doing a show called The Sanders Family Christmas. He was sitting in the living room practicing his guitar and singing and going over his lines and I remember thinking, ‘Wow, I want to do what he’s doing. I want to be on stage with him.’”
“My first show was A Midsummer Night’s Dream. I was a fairy, and I didn’t have any lines, but it didn’t matter. After that show, I knew that I wanted to do theater forever. I think even then I just knew that it was going to be a huge part of my life. It makes me feel more human and it’s had an incredible impact on my life.”
Through community theatre, Emilie began working with performers of multiple ability levels. “I love teaching people how to use theatre as a way to express themselves, build their confidence and communication skills, imagination, and help them grow.” Emilie says her background in inclusive performance has helped her in a multitude of ways. “It helped me as an educator and a performer, and discover what I want to do. I’m autistic, so for me to be able to do theater is something that has helped me grow so much, whether it’s backstage, on stage, or working the front-of-house.”
She says, “When I went to college, I was set on becoming a film actor, but randomly one day I was given the opportunity to help out with an all ability production of The Wizard of Oz. I helped the actors backstage and during rehearsals. I had a friend who was in the hospital during the day of auditions, so I went to the hospital and filmed an audition video for her to send to the director. She ended up getting the role of Dorothy. That whole experience made me realize that I was really passionate about inclusive theatre and theatre education. This focus helped me get a job at Black Hills Playhouse right after graduation, and ultimately end up here in Naples. To this date, I will find an opportunity to do inclusive theatre and provide an outlet for those who need theatre as a way to express themselves, and find their confidence and voice.”
For Emilie, there’s no one thing that makes theatre special – but instead it’s a mixture, or “smorgasbord” of all of it. “Honestly, I can’t survive without theatre. It sounds cliche, but I absolutely need to do theatre every single second. Even when I catch myself thinking, ‘I need a break,’ I still somehow find myself coming back to it almost immediately. I can’t imagine not living and breathing theatre 24/7. Everything about it draws me in – the community, the cast, performing. When you’re on stage, you get to be a completely different person. You get to take a step away from reality and live in someone else’s shoes – see someone else’s perspective. It’s really a gift that a lot of us actors overlook sometimes.”
The community here is one of the things that keeps Emilie involved. After moving to Naples in June of 2019 to work as the education assistant at Gulfshore Playhouse, Emilie quickly got involved with nearly every community theatre in the area – The Naples Players and beyond. “The art community within Naples is very intertwined. I love connecting with so many people and knowing their stories and them as human beings. It’s just an incredible feeling all being together. The patrons too! Everyone is so incredible and so supportive! It’s unlike anywhere else! Everyone here, regardless of wealth or background, loves the arts! Seeing everyone’s love for theatre and cooperation through writing, producing, directing, donating, volunteering – everything, collectively brings everyone together.”
After starring in Boeing, Boeing at TNP, and volunteering backstage on multiple occasions, Emilie has been itching for her next opportunity to perform on our stage. “I went into the rehearsal process for Harvey thinking that this would be just a kooky, fun comedy, like the movie. But on the first day of rehearsal, our director, Paul Graffy, pointed out that at the center of this show is a lot of heart. Despite being constantly told he’s crazy or wrong for seeing a six-foot-tall rabbit, Elwood P. Dowd shows kindness to everyone who he meets. He takes the time to talk to everyone, bring them flowers, and really acknowledge their presence. He’s the least selfish of anyone in the show and is the embodiment of compassion and being a good person. Paul’s whole perspective and direction of this show is really exciting, and I think will be a lot of fun for the audience to see. The characters are great. The actors are great. You’ll laugh, you’ll cry, you’ll have a great time!”
Harvey is on stage from Jan. 10 – 28 offsite at Naples United Church of Christ in McSpadden Hall while The Naples Players’ historic 5th Ave S building undergoes a $20 million renovation. General tickets are $49, and season ticket holders are offered a price of $39. Those interested can visit NaplesPlayers.org anytime or call the TNP Box Office at 239-263-7990.


Atlas Copco Power Technique is boosting its lineup of generators with upgrades to two models while introducing its largest mobile generator, the QAS 625.
The new generator features a power rating of 500 kilowatts with a 724-horsepower Volvo Penta diesel engine.
The company also boosted power on its smaller QAS 250 and QAS 330 generators with John Deere diesel engines of 290 and 399 horsepower, respectively.
Atlas Copco designed the new QAS 625 for construction, as well as a variety of other uses, such as mining, disaster recovery and general rental.
The company describes it as compact, light and fuel-efficient. The 700-gallon fuel tank enables 27 hours of continuous operation. Camlocks and a battery charger are standard. Voltage can be quickly changed with the flip of a switch.
The QAS’s new PMS parallel controller with touchscreen allows for parallel linkage of up to 32 generators.
QAS 250, QAS 330
For when a more compact generator is desired along with powerful operation, Atlas Copco has updated its QAS 250 and 330.
The internal 385-gallon fuel tanks for both generators allow for 34 hours of operation at 75 percent load on the QAS 250 and about 26 hours at 75 percent load on the QAS 330, the company says.
The generators feature an emergency stop for safety. A remote-signal start and stop allows connection as a backup unit through a two-wire dry contact connection in the distribution panel. The DeepSea 7310 control module is fully diagnostic and has a 3-inch display.
The generators can also be equipped to connect to 32 generators of any size with an optional parallel controller.
The models come in two configurations: standard dual-axle trailer or an optional skid-mounted unit with forklift pockets.


text:
A proposed amendment to the fisheries law by the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives is underway, designed to alleviate the economic issues plaguing fishermen who assert that their livelihoods are compromised by stringent regulations.
Thammanat Prompow, the Minister, acknowledges the concerns raised by fishing communities, who claim to be adversely impacted by the Fisheries Act. This fisheries law, originally instituted to curb Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing in Thailand, has drawn criticism for its severity. In response, the ministry has established a committee to investigate these concerns, as announced by Thammanat.
Thammanat emphasised the significance of the fisheries sector in propelling economic growth, citing its contribution of approximately 130.3 billion baht to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the previous year. This was partly attributed to the Department of Fisheries’ efforts to augment fish stocks and collaborate with local communities to conserve marine life.
A senior official from the department shared that the committee will be examining issues that hinder fishing businesses, including the high penalties imposed on rule violators, reported Bangkok Post.
Additionally, the committee plans to engage with international organisations, such as the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, to ensure that any proposed alterations do not impede Thailand’s commitment to combating IUU fishing.
The president of the National Fisheries Association of Thailand, Mongkol Sukcharoenkana, expressed his association’s support for these proposed changes, stating that certain regulations pose difficulties for fishing.
Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin has pledged to address the issues afflicting the fisheries industry. This decision came in response to calls from industry representatives, who have urged the newly formed government to revise laws aimed at alleviating the impact of restrictions imposed to combat illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. Read more HERE.
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domain: law


Bulgaria goes mad for the green baize
By Angel Krasimirov
SOFIA (Reuters) - Ten years ago there was not a single full-sized snooker table in Bulgaria and the majority of people in the Black Sea state would not have heard of the sport, let alone played it.
But the country has now hosted a Challenge Tour Event three years in a row and Bulgarian Ivaylo Pekov recently became only the second eastern European to compete in the world snooker championship qualifying rounds.
“Snooker? What’s this? That was the reaction of the Bulgarians until the middle of last decade,” Bulgarian snooker federation chairman Oleg Velinov told Reuters.
A Georgian businessman made the first snooker tables in Bulgaria and after professional tournaments were screened on television snooker broadcasts quickly became among the most-watched program's in the Balkan country.
Viewing figures already out-strip those for well-established sports like volleyball, which is Bulgaria’s most successful team sport.
Poland and Russia have also hosted Tour events as snooker looks to tap the potential market in eastern Europe.
“Everything changes so fast,” Velinov said.
“We invited (former world champion) Shaun Murphy to play an exhibition match in 2007 and we’re just happy to see such a great player. Nowadays, he’s competing in European Tour events in Bulgaria.” Continued...


Battery storage power ups
Battery storage has long been talked about as the spark to power the next stage of the renewable revolution. With renewable energy accounting for more than a third of the total installed electricity capacity in 2018, an impressive 2,351GW, we are now approaching an inflection point in enabling the continued expansion of this technology. Battery storage will be required to ensure sustainable energy supply as the energy mix shifts closer to an essential zero-carbon future.
The GE reservoir represents GE’s own part in this revolution, providing a power storage solution that offers compact, integrated energy storage to enable and optimise energy production. On a global scale, 2019 is a year experiencing notable investments in battery technology, with the renewable energy leader China progressing hundreds of millions of dollars of battery storage investment nationally. Corporate transactions and multimillion-dollar investments in battery storage technology companies by established industry players also speak to a pivotal year for this emerging technology.
Renewables shift end-to-end
Renewable technology is set to shift towards a more integrated landscape, with individual assets optimised as part of a digitally-integrated ecosystem.
The increasingly complex nature of renewables means a comprehensive and holistic approach is vital for success. GE’s announcement to integrate its own renewable assets into a single business unit reflects this increasing need to combine engineering, grid infrastructure, and data solutions as part of a comprehensive and integrated renewable energy ecosystem.
An end-to-end renewables approach will be essential to ensuring informed decisionmaking and optimised assets as renewable energy grows to play a larger share of national and global energy mixes. As consumers increasingly turn into prosumers, with renewable assets of their own feeding back into the grid, this integrated approach will be pivotal to ensure that energy networks continue to operate in an optimal way for all stakeholders.
Low-cost carriers drive growth in Southeast Asia
Southeast Asia’s astonishing aviation market growth is set to continue in 2019, with dynamic new operators such as Vietnam’s Bamboo Airlines emerging onto the market. This growth will continue to be driven by low-cost carriers (LCCs) that form a substantial part of the region’s aviation ecosystem.
According to South China Morning Post, global traffic will double in the next twenty years, with the Asia-Pacific being responsible for a substantial share of that growth. Southeast Asia’s LCCs currently have around 1,400 aircraft on order to meet growing demand, compared to the fewer than 400 for traditional full-service carriers. However, this rapid growth also raises the challenge of a pilot shortage. Boeing predicts that the Asia-Pacific needs about 261,000 pilots through 2037, which means that the number of pilots will need to double during that period.
The race for speed
2019 is set to be an exciting year for the re-emergence of supersonic travel, with a number of rival business jet technologies continuing their journey towards viable commercial supersonic flight.
This year will be about continuing to develop the technological capabilities but also about navigating the legislative and regulatory environment that has for years limited supersonic travel. This emerging sector includes the Aerion AS2, powered by GE’s Affinity™ Engine. The AS2’s unique design aims to negate the impact of the sonic boom by using complex engineering to direct the sonic boom away from the ground. This advanced engineering solution helps address concerns around the sound disruption caused by supersonic travel over land. This year may well be crucial in demonstrating proof of concept in this new race for speed.
Healthcare spending accelerates in ASEAN
Changing demographics and lifestyles are creating an emerging challenge in the ASEAN’s healthcare ecosystem. The World Economic Forum (WEF) estimates that healthcare spending in part of the ASEAN (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam) is set to increase from $420 billion in 2017 to $740 billion by 2025. That represents a 70 per cent rise in healthcare spending.
With the growing opportunity of digital technologies, 2019 may well witness a growth in innovative solutions to tackle this spending challenge through early diagnosis and treatment. The ASEAN could benefit from leapfrogging the world’s more mature healthcare markets, without the burdens of tired legacy systems inhibiting growth in digital health. Emerging opportunities such as headline investment in telehealth in Indonesia, innovative startups integrating offline and online health in Vietnam, and emerging mobile apps across the region, are the kind of technologies to look out for in 2019 and beyond.
AI gets predictive in healthcare
AI is revolutionising industries around the globe, and healthcare is no exception. AI diagnosis is an important emerging area of health-tech. Is 2019 the year when AI in healthcare enjoys widespread adoption?
Effective solutions exist that demonstrate the power of AI in healthcare. Google’s Deep Mind technology has shown demonstrable and accurate diagnosis to help predict eye disease. GE is developing its own predictive AI technology for applications in healthcare on its revolutionary Edison AI platform, aiming to utilise the 97 per cent of imaging data captured but not analysed in healthcare. In Malaysia, a number of startups are using AI-based technology to predict medical needs and customer healthcare plans. Smart solutions and adoption could mean an artificially intelligent future for healthcare in the ASEAN and around the globe.
Maintaining the speed of innovation
In this emerging world of connected technologies, data-driven insight, and advanced engineering techniques, innovation continues to be the driver which pushes the pioneering edge of the global industry.
Whether that innovation is taking to the skies at 1,000 mph or transmitting data across a circuit at the speed of light, there is no sign that this drive for innovation is slowing in 2019.
In my role at GE, I’m privileged to witness the power of imagination at work. As I look across the global landscape, it’s fair to say – the reality of what imagination can deliver continues to be truly fantastic and has a very positive impacts on our world.


text:
Last night, December 18, Credit One Bank, issuer of the Official Credit Card of the Vegas Golden Knights, and the Vegas Golden Knights Foundation presented U.S.VETS – Las Vegas with a $10,000 check at their annual holiday party at Binion’s Gambling Hall.
$5,000 was raised from a silent auction at the Vegas Golden Knights game on November 14 and $5,000 was matched by Credit One Bank.
To celebrate the spirit of the holidays, employees from Credit One Bank volunteered at the U.S.VETS – Las Vegas’ holiday party. They served a three course meal prepared by Binion’s Gambling Hall to current and alumni veterans along with veteran family members. Besides dinner, the party featured photos with Santa and a holiday crafts station for kids and families.
There was also a special appearance by members of the Vegas Golden Knights ‘Golden Aces.’

domain: entertainment


Equipped with advanced features, the APT4000 pH/ORP analyzer helps diagnose and rectify electronic errors occurring in the transmitter. This pH/ORP analyzer also offers continuous diagnostics for monitoring calibration, cell health and analyzer self-test.
The APT4000 pH series works with a variety of Honeywell pH/ORP electrodes including Meredian glass and Durafet® II/Durafet III non-glass types. In addition, the process analyzer can be used with a wide variety of other compatible pH and ORP electrodes.
An assortment of mounting options (panel, wall or pipe) and accessories ensure easy installation, while its simple operator interface and large front display make it easy to use.


Download Latest Music
Music: Bri Feel – Offline
Bri Feel – Offline
We present to you a new Song Titled “Offline” from Bri Feel, Bri Feel is back with another tune and we are delighted to inform you the latest fresh out of the Conner turn. This song is what the fans have been waiting for. A top request from fans this period.
The Turn is correct accessible and Downloadable right here on BulletMp3.com, Enjoy it.
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Music: Kyng Ali – Big Wins (Ballin’ Ballin’)
Music: 1504 MuteBaby – Disguise Ft. Grimm Reaperr


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The right side doesn't look too bad, but the left is too long and all the flowers droop too much. Doesn't the mantle look bad? I haven't a clue how to decorate it and no real desire to work on it.
The flowers were easy and fun to make. You can get 25 sheets of tissue paper for a $1 at Dollar Tree. I used one sheet of paper per flower. They'd look nice down the middle of a table or as the bow on a package. I put two on top of a loaf of banana bread I gave to a friend. Maybe I'll get started on June's garland now in hopes of having it completed by June first. Maybe not! Too many yard and fair projects to get done.

domain: artistic


While it may not have been sold in mass quantities like the Samsung Galaxy S22 series and the iPhone 13the asus zenfone 8 2021 attracted everyone’s attention for one reason only: its rather diminutive size. Thanks to its 5.9-inch screen, the Zenfone 8 was about the same size as the iPhone 12 and Google Pixel 5. It was also only slightly larger than the iPhone 12 mini. While the Zenfone 8 received praise for its small and light form factor and excellent camera, it suffered from poor battery life, screen responsiveness issues, and a lack of support for wireless charging.
Now that more than a year has passed since the release of the Zenfone 8, it was about time Asus created a successor. If we are to believe the folks at TechGoing, the Asus Zenfone 9 is about to be announced. The Hong Kong-based publication Just released a video of the Zenfone 9 that not only showcases the design aspects of the upcoming phone, but also sheds light on the device’s key hardware specs.
With the Zenfone 9, Asus seems to want to address one main complaint against its predecessor: its uninspiring design. The upcoming Zenfone 9 seems to have a squarer look, albeit with more rounded edges. The most significant change is seen on the rear panel, which now has two massive cutouts for the camera lenses. The phone’s already small size makes these camera cutouts seem huge compared to the rest of the smartphone’s body. The video also sheds some light on the camera hardware. It says that the main camera on the Zenfone 9 will use Sony’s 50MP IMX 766 sensor (the same one found on the Zenfone 9). ROG Phone 6) and that the phone will feature a 6-axis gimbal system for OIS.
At 5.9-inches, the Zenfone 9 has the same screen size as the Zenfone 8. This time around, the phone gets a Samsung-sourced AMOLED panel with a 120Hz refresh rate, with a visible left-aligned cutout for the selfie camera. . Other notable features on the Zenfone 9 include stereo speakers, a 3.5mm headphone jack, a side-mounted fingerprint scanner, and an IP68 rating for water and dust resistance. Furthermore, the Zenfone 9 also gets a 4,300mAh battery. As expected of any self-respecting Android flagship from 2022, this Zenfone 9 is powered by Qualcomm’s Snapdragon 8+ Gen 1 chip. We don’t yet have details on the different storage and RAM options available for the phone.
The promotional video also shows off a couple of interesting accessories that Asus intends to launch alongside the Zenfone 9. These include a smart backpack mount that allows you to strap your smartphone to your backpack with a retractable cable. Then there is the flexible phone case which also includes a kickstand and card holder.
We still don’t have a likely release date or pricing details for the Asus Zenfone 9 yet. However, since its predecessor was released over a year ago, we could see this phone launch in the coming weeks.


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How Does 5G Affect Us?
"Adverse Health Effects of 5G Mobile Networking Technology Under Real-Life Conditions" Ronald N. Kostoffa, Paul Herouxb, Michael Aschnerc, Aristides Tsatsakis Toxicology Letters, Volume 323, 1 May 2020, Pages 35-40
Highlights of Research Article on Adverse Effects of 5G
• Identifies wide-spectrum of adverse health effects of non-ionizing non-visible radiation.
• Most laboratory experiments were not designed to identify the more severe adverse effects reflective of real-life conditions.
• Many experiments do not include the real-life pulsing and modulation of the carrier signal.
• Vast majority of experiments do not account for synergistic adverse effects of other toxic stimuli with wireless radiation.
• 5G mobile networking technology will affect not only the skin, eyes, lung and reproductive system, but will have adverse systemic effects on every cell of the human body that makes up every gland, every organ and every tissue as radiation poisoning flows through the interstitial fluids of the Interstitium causing membrane degeneration and genetic mutations.
The Health Risks of 5G Pulsating Frequency
5G V-pulsating frequency at 60 GHz causes hypoxia leading to the death of every red blood cell and every body cell in the human body.
This is why people who appear to be healthy and asymptomatic, one day and then suddenly the next day drop over dead while just walking down the street to go shopping or to work.
This is NOT the work of a non-existent virus I call CONvid-19 but the work of systemic radiation poisoning from over 100,000 plus satellites and billions of cells stationed in trees, on a lamp post, or a cell tower sending corona energy which is highly radioactive directly to your cell phone or to your computer or to your home or to an entire city. 5G makes nuclear weapons totally obsolete! Welcome a new era of another very deadly contributor to the cause of sickness, disease and death.
Despite widespread denial, the evidence that radio frequency (RF) radiation is harmful to life is already overwhelming. The accumulated clinical evidence of sick and injured human beings, experimental evidence of damage to DNA, cells and organ systems in a wide variety of plants and animals, and epidemiological evidence that the major diseases of modern civilization—cancer, heart disease and diabetes—are in large part caused by electromagnetic radiation pollution, forms a literature base of well over 10,000 peer-reviewed studies, just like the one I have referenced for you above.
The telecommunications industry’s plans for 5G has come to fruition and was turned for the first time in World on the people of Wuhan, China, with no person, no animal, no bird, no insect and no plant in Wuhan capable of avoiding exposure, 24 hours a day, to levels of RF radiation that is tens to hundreds of times greater than what exists today, without any possibility of escape anywhere on the planet. These 5G plans are threatening to provoke serious, irreversible effects on humans, animals, plants and insects with permanent damage to all of Earth’s ecosystems.
So please wake up from your lack of knowledge and read and study the research on the negative effects of 5G radiation poisoning on ALL living things on Earth before it is too late. We are ALL headed for a collision course to extinction if we say nothing and do nothing!
This article identifies adverse effects of non-ionizing non-visible radiation (hereafter called wireless radiation) reported in the premier biomedical literature. It emphasizes that most of the laboratory experiments conducted to date are not designed to identify the more severe adverse effects reflective of the real-life operating environment in which wireless radiation systems operate. Many experiments do not include pulsing and modulation of the carrier signal. The vast majority do not account for synergistic adverse effects of other toxic stimuli (such as chemical and biological poisoning) acting in concert with the wireless radiation. This article also presents evidence that the nascent 5G mobile networking technology will affect not only the skin and eyes, as commonly believed, but will have adverse systemic effects as well.
To learn more about how to protect yourself against the negative effects of 5G radiation on the bio-fields of the human body please read, study and then share the following scientific articles with everyone you love and care about.
Watch, listen and share the following youtube videos on Corona and 5G

domain: biology


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The United States and its European allies have launched a policy that could weaken Moscow's control over northwestern Russia and draw that region into closer ties with the West.
Everyone involved says the purpose of this policy is not to splinter Russia, encourage the independence of its city-states, or establish Western beachheads in Russia beyond control of the central government in Moscow.
But no matter what the intentions, this splintering could be the result, especially as the chaos and financial crisis inside the Russian government encourages the Russian regions to set up their own economic--and even foreign--policy.
"Do we want to weaken Moscow's control?" asked F. Stephen Larrabee, a scholar with the Rand Organization who is studying the policy for the New York Council on Foreign Relations. "This is not the goal, but it could be the effect.
"Moscow's control is already being weakened now. As the center's power weakens, the regions are likely to become increasingly important. U.S. policy should be designed to promote and encourage the process of regionalization that is already under way in Russia."
The policy is aimed at steering Western investment to oblasts (provinces) and at getting the oblasts to cooperate in dealing with problems--pollution, for instance--that affect their neighbors to the West, such as Finland, Poland or the Baltic states.
This campaign is part of a larger Western policy, called the Northern European Initiative, which aims at creating an economically and socially unified region, with strong ties across borders.
The NEI basically encompasses the old Hanseatic League, including the Nordic nations of Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland; the Baltic nations of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia; plus Poland and northern Germany.
But the Baltic Sea ends at St. Petersburg in Russia, the Baltic nations border Russia, Finland shares a long land border with the Karelia region of Russia, and even Norway and Russia meet in the far north. This geography means that Russia's problems become the region's problems, so the Russian oblasts near the frontier are objects of the NEI, whether Moscow likes it or not.
The area includes some of Russia's most advanced and most distressed cities, its most cosmopolitan and its most remote. Among them are fairly Westernized places such as St. Petersburg and Novgorod, and such far northern ports and mining outposts as Murmansk and Nikel.
The NEI also deals with the sensitive issue of Kaliningrad, a Russian enclave wedged between Lithuania and Poland but separated from Russia itself. Kaliningrad, once a major Baltic port, is now a cesspool of crime and corruption and, hence, a concern to its neighbors as they try to keep the Russian mafia at bay.
"We're not trying to break up Russia," a State Department official said. "But Moscow doesn't have the resources to deal with some of the issues (addressed by this policy.)"
For instance, the official said, the far northern nickel-mining town of Nikel was established by the Soviet government and supported by it. With the end of communism, Nikel will survive only if Western investment saves it.
The official said Western governments are keeping the Russian government informed as the policy goes forward. "Where appropriate, we want Russia involved," he said. "We want the Russians not to think that this is (aimed) at them. This is not anti-Russian."
But the Russian government is keeping a wary eye on the project, Larrabee said. "Moscow is not enamored," he said. "It fears this will decrease the center's hold over the regions."
For the record, though, the Russian Embassy in Washington said: "We don't have any problem with this. We support any regional cooperation in Europe."
There is more to NEI than economics and ecology. Among other things, it aims to integrate the Baltic nations into Western organizations, including the European Union and NATO. Russia hotly opposes any NATO membership for Latvia, Lithuania or Estonia.
Although NATO has no plans to include any or all of Russia in NATO, the military undertones of NEI make it doubly sensitive to the Kremlin.
That is especially true now, given Russia's bitterness at NATO airstrikes against another Slavic country, Yugoslavia, a long-time Russian ally.
NEI is not exactly secret, but it has received little public attention in the United States. It was launched in September 1997, in Bergen, Norway, and was followed four months later by the Baltic Charter, which the Clinton administration signed with the three Baltic nations.
That document gave the Baltics assurances that Russian opposition would not keep them out of NATO and the EU.
At a U.S.-Baltic Partnership Commission meeting in Riga in mid-1998, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott said that "your American friends are committed to help you as you progress toward--and in due course through--the open doors of the Euro-Atlantic community's evolving and expanding institutions, very much including the new NATO."

domain: geography


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As an interior designer, I can tell you that bling is in! Mirrors and shiny things so the aluminum foil is a great idea. THe other idea with the paper bags is good and you can get some inexpensive red and green plaid ribbons and tie them with pine needles! Would look so earthy and rustic, just the plain bag and ribbons! Don't forget Goodwill and other thrift stores for unique boxes etc that you can pick up for pennies. Carol
Pursue the things that make you feel alive and fill you with joy and balance.!
In my more poverty stricken eras I have used the funny pages from the newspaper with raffia. I usually glue cut out old Christmas cards to decorate packages. It works really well if you are traveling with gifts or have to mail them. The packages can stack and stay flat. Now crushed bows.
I have also gone to the $ type stores and purchased packages of garland or "snowflakes" to decorate packages. They look great. I usually get my wrapping paper, tags and bows there. Going early and being selective about the patterns on the paper makes for beautiful packages.
Those Christmas ornaments that haven't been used in years also make great gift decorations. I'm not speaking of the heirloom type, just the plastic ones that haven't been on the tree in years.
I like the aluminum foil idea and I am going to try it. I have made wrapping paper in the past by ironing two sheets of greaseproof paper together, with flower petals between the layers. I wonder if this would work for pine needles? Rickrack makes a pretty and inexpensive ribbon. Star anise, either by itself, which smells best, or sprayed, makes a great Xmas gift decoration.
We used aluminim foil some when I was a child. It was really cool to see the lights reflecting off of the presents under the tree. I like that Walmart wrapped the present in the bag - that's great, and even better that ya'll are still using it
On a scrapbooking show they took brown paper bags and cut them open. They removed the bottom where the glued parts were. Then they flattened them out and drew various designs on the inside. They were very imperfect. Then they painted them with inexpensive paints. It made beautiful one of a kind wrapping paper.
I would think that the plain bag with a yarn tie, a few rubber stamp designs, kiddie art work or cut out pictures glued on would make very inexpensive wrapping paper.
I saw a little report on our local news about using scraps of fabric to wrap gifts. They said to cut out a square or rectangle from your scrap fabric, highlighting whatever the image is that is printed on it (a tree, a tropical parrot, or a holiday image from the fabric). Then use a glue stick to attach that square onto the top of a plain white gift box. Try to center it on the box so it just decorates the middle, leaving the space around the fabric still plain. Then use some glitter glue or puffy paint to trace around the edges of the fabric to kind of "frame" it. Then you can use colored markers or stickers to decorate the plain area around that square of fabric if you wish. it looked really cute when the lady did it on the demonstration video. :)
When I ordered a gift from Walmart a few years back and asked that it be gift wrapped to hide it from hubby's eyes, they wrapped it in a blue fabric bag, tied closed with a thick white ribbon. There was plenty of room for my gift to fit inside, or even a larger gift, so we've reused that bag over and over through the years. It's never ripped or popped a seam yet. :)
We are just setting up the tree tonight - the tree, with no decorations or anything else, to get the kittens used to it somewhat.
I thought this thread would be about how to wrap presents, what to use. What I did several years ago was make cloth bags for wrapping. I hoped to get them back but I haven't I need to make some more, and at least use them here in the family. I need to get a place to sew, first, though! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pounds lost: 16.0
Fitness Minutes: (57,438) Posts: 5,073 12/3/11 6:13 P
Good morning my organizing friends, First thanks everyone for all your awesome posts. Today I am setting up my card table in my spare bedroom and I will be wrapping 3 or more gifts a day set to a little Holiday music. I dislike waiting till the last minute to wrap gifts. So this is my plan.
Hope you all have a wonderful weekend, Hannah
“Each friend represents a world in us, a world possibly not born until they arrive, and it is only by this meeting that a new world is born.” ― Anaïs Nin,
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domain: design


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During the visiting teams time in Aberdeen, they talked with many different groups within the community asking for information about Aberdeen. Questions asked included what they liked and didn’t like for each focus group. A big concern was the closing of Simplot’s because it contributed economic growth to the community. One of the first things told to the community members who attended the meetings during the community review, was not to focus on Simplot. In order for economic development to happen everyone must do their part.
In the community review report, they give suggestions, recommendations and resources to help bring prosperity to Aberdeen despite Simplot. Don’t stop at the edge of town. You have assets in neighboring communities that may be helpful.
Jon Barrett of the visiting team with Mike Field visited Aberdeen to review the report with the Mayor, city council and residents of Aberdeen. He gave an overview of the report and explained how the report was written. The city council picked three major areas on which to focus their attention. These were economic development, infrastructure and downtown revitalization. The visiting team chose a fourth focus area because it was discussed extensively at the meetings. It was about community involvement and civic life. Economic development is the focus of this article.
The team identified four main opportunity areas for economic development.
Area one involves better communication of what Aberdeen’s identity and brand is. Who are we, what do we offer, and what makes Aberdeen unique? We need to let people know why they should come to Aberdeen, future residents and visitors alike. We need to have something that shows the possibilities of entertainment, nature and shopping.
Some of the recommendations in the report include:
* creating an Aberdeen Ambassador program
* enlist residents (youth or adult) to create a heritage tourism map or booklet that describes important places, people, visitor services and attractions
* improve welcome to Aberdeen signage
* use social media to get awareness of Aberdeen out
Opportunity area two is about creating connections between existing businesses. Better communication between business owners of all nationalities would decrease the division among residents. All members of the community should have equal opportunity to grow their businesses.
Some suggestions were:
* encourage greater coordination and communication to avoid duplication
* build chamber membership by reaching out to all businesses
* create a business directory
* establish a forum for communication
Opportunity area three focused on connecting education to business and employment. Some businesses already give students opportunities to work for them to learn new skills. However, is there ways to increase job opportunity awareness for students in the high school or other residents in the community. One of the suggestions was to have businesses partner with the High School to develop after hours training opportunities. Our high school currently has a program for students to intern for one hour of class time to learn skills at a business. Other recommendations include:
* work with the University of Idaho extension center to create internships through service or other learning opportunities
* have workforce training funds which help train for a variety of jobs
* explore creation of a community funded entrepreneurial and educational meeting place
Opportunity area four is about supporting the expansion of existing businesses and entrepreneurs who want to start new businesses. The visiting teams felt that existing businesses should be supported and the creation of new business should be encouraged. Partnering with American Falls to identify things the City administration and community in general can do to create a positive, entrepreneruial business environment In Aberdeen is one suggestion. Others include:
* develop a business retention and expansion program
* complete an inventory of commercial and industrial properties within Aberdeen
* establish a new business mentoring program
We, the residents of Aberdeen and the city administration need to work together to bring about change in Aberdeen. Many Eagle Scout projects could come from the suggestions but service needs to be a community affair. Do you have a skill that others may not have? Would you be willing to share it with another community member?
We have so many people in Aberdeen that give of their time and talents. Thank you for your service.
Thanks for reading!
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domain: sociology