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Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 47:63-73, 1986
The Implications and Limitations of Genetic Models of Alcoholism and Other Addictions
Morristown, New Jersey
The kind of clear-cut model of the genetic sources of alcoholism perceived by the public and presented in popular tracts does not accurately reflect the state of knowledge in this area. No persuasive genetic mechanism has been proposed to account for accumulated data about alcoholic behavior, social differences in alcoholism rates or the unfolding of the disease. Biological findings about the offspring of alcoholics have been inconsistent and grounds exist to challenge the notion of an enhanced genetic liability for alcoholism that has been accepted wisdom for the last decade. Genuine attempts to forge data and theory into genetic models have been limited to men alcoholics and to a minority of severely afflicted alcoholics with other special characteristics. However, several investigators dispute the idea of a special type of inherited alcoholism affecting only such groups. Even for these populations, balanced genetic models leave room for the substantial impact of environmental, social and individual factors (including personal values and intentions) so that drinking to excess can only be predicted within a complex, multivariate framework. The denial of this complexity in some quarters obscures what has been discovered through genetically oriented research and has dangerous consequences for prevention and treatment policies. (J. Stud. Alcohol 47: 63-73, 1986)
A tremendous amount of attention and research has recently been concentrated on the inheritance of alcoholism and on the possibility of accounting genetically for drunken behavior. The major impetus for this research was the adoption studies conducted in Scandinavia in the 1970s which found reliable genetic (but not adoptive) transmission of alcoholism. This contemporary research focuses on the offspring of alcoholics and on the biochemical or neurological abnormalities they inherit that may lead to pathological drinking. Or, alternatively, investigations may focus on a gestalt of personality traits (centering on impulsiveness and antisocial activity) that can culminate in alcoholism or other psychopathology. In the words of one popular article on the topic, "A decade ago such a theory [of inherited antisocial personality and alcoholism] would have been dismissed out of hand" (Holden, 1985, p. 38). Today such a viewpoint has gained broad acceptance. Other popular works have created more ambitious deterministic models of alcoholism based on biological concepts models which have had a major impact on the thinking of both the public and clinical workers in the field. This article surveys the state of our--knowledge in this area, including-- along with biological investigations of alcoholics and their descendants-- social-scientific investigations which bear on biological determination of alcoholic behavior. The article also examines the epistemological underpinnings of genetic models and draws conclusions about their actual and potential ability to describe alcoholism. Particular attention is given to the hypothesis that alcoholism is a disease completely determined by biological predisposition (Milam and Ketcham, 1983) and to the implications of this assumption for prevention and treatment.
Early Genetic Theories of Alcoholism and the Behavioral Challenge to Naive Geneticism
The modern conception of the alcoholic's inbred, biological susceptibility to alcoholism arose in the aftermath of the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 and was a central tenet of the contemporary alcoholism movement's version of alcoholism from the inception of Alcoholics Anonymous (A.A.) in 1935. Beauchamp (1980) has made clear that this was a very different version of alcoholism from that presented by the 19th-century temperance movement. In that earlier era, alcoholism was viewed as a danger inherent in the consumption of alcohol--one that could befall any habitual imbiber. This view--which in itself was a matter of hot dispute among different ethnic, religious and social groups and carried a good deal of moral baggage (Gusfield, 1963)--was finally discarded when national Prohibition failed and with it the idea that the United States could reasonably hope to prevent all its citizens from drinking.
The modern definition of alcoholism, as embodied by A.A. (1939), instead claimed that the alcoholic was a person who from birth was destined to be unable to control his or her drinking. The mechanism posited for this perpetual inability was an inbred 'allergy' to alcohol, one which dictated that from a first single drink the alcoholic was set on an inexorable path to intoxication and to an eventual diseased state. It is important to note that the cultural and epidemiological milieu of alcohol consumption in the United States made possible--in fact demanded--such a view of alcoholism in the 20th century. That is, the evident truth that many people could drink regularly without becoming drunkards pointed toward an individually based source for alcoholism. However, what is "evident truth" in one time and place is incomprehensible to those of another era. Alcohol was believed by many in the 19th century to be inexorably addictive (an idea which has had a resurgence recently), just as narcotics are generally viewed to be today (Peele, 1985a). Yet, in the 19th century, opiate use was commonplace and widespread and habitual narcotics users were deemed to have something akin to a bad habit (Berridge and Edwards, 1981; Isbell, 1958).
The central mechanism proposed to account for alcoholism since the beginning of the 19th century was the drinker's "loss of control," an idea which itself marked a departure from colonial American conceptions of drinking and drunkenness (Levine, 1978). With the transfer of the crucial mechanism from the substance to the consumer, A.A. presented the view-- however unsystematically--that the compulsion to drink was biologically preprogrammed and thus inevitably characterized drinking by alcoholics. This null hypothesis (although hardly presented by A.A. as such) was readily investigated empirically and prompted a number of laboratory studies of the "priming effect," i.e., the result of giving an alcoholic a dose of the drug. These studies found no basis for believing that alcoholics lost control of their drinking whenever they tasted alcohol (Marlatt et al., 1973; Merry, 1966; Paredes et al., 1973).
Laboratory studies of the drinking behavior of alcoholics did far more than disprove the simplistic notion of a biologically based loss of control. The work of Mello and Mendelson (1972), Nathan and O'Brien (1971), and the Baltimore City Hospital group (Bigelow et al., 1974; Cohen et al., 1971) showed that alcoholic behavior could not be described in terms of an internal compulsion to drink, but rather that even alcoholics--while drinking--remained sensitive to environmental and cognitive inputs, realized the impact of reward and punishment, were aware of the presence of others around them and of their behavior, and drank to achieve a specific level of intoxication. For example, Mello and Mendelson (1972) found that alcoholics worked to accumulate enough experimental credits to be able to drink 2 or 3 days straight, even when they were already undergoing withdrawal from previous intoxication. Alcoholics observed by Bigelow et al. (1974) drank less when the experimenters forced them to leave a social area to consume their drinks in a isolated compartment. Many aspects of this laboratory portrait of the social, environmental and intentional elements in alcoholic imbibing correspond to the picture of problem drinking that was provided by the national surveys conducted by Cahalan and his co-workers (Cahalan, 1970; Cahalan and Room, 1974; Clark and Cahalan, 1976).
Contemporary Genetic Research: Inherited Differences in Familial Alcoholism Rates, Reactions to Alcohol and Other Biological Traits
Recent research on genetic mechanisms in alcoholism presupposes that the genetic transmission of alcoholism has been firmly established. Support for this idea has been provided by research which found greater concordance rates in alcoholism for identical versus fraternal twins and on the greater influence of the biologic versus the adoptive family in the development of alcoholism among adoptees (Goodwin, 1979). For example, Goodwin et al. (1973) found that male adoptees with alcoholic parents were four times more likely to become alcoholics than those without, although there was no such relationship with alcohol misuse in adoptive parents. Bohman (1978) and Cadoret and Gath (1978) also found this significantly enhanced liability for alcoholism among adopted male offspring of alcoholics. Similarly, Schuckit et al. (1972) discovered that half-siblings with at least one alcoholic-biologic parent were far more likely to develop alcoholism than those without such a parent, no matter by whom they were raised.
In the absence of an indication that the inability to control drinking is inherited, researchers have begun exploring other biochemical differences that may account for alcoholism. Speculations about metabolic differences have a long history, and the metabolic process that has attracted perhaps the greatest interest recently has been the accumulation of acetaldehyde following drinking (Lieber, 1976; Milam and Ketcham, 1983). Schuckit and Rayses (1979) found that young men with familial histories of alcoholism showed levels of acetaldehyde after drinking that were double the levels of those without such histories. Other metabolic processes that have traditionally been of interest have been the more rapid onset and peak experience of physiological reactions to alcohol, as in the visible flush typical of the drinking in Oriental populations. Working from the opposite direction, Schuckit (1980, 1984b) has found the offspring of alcoholics to be less sensitive to their blood alcohol levels (BALs). This type of finding may indicate that those with a pedigree for alcoholism are not as aware of the onset of intoxication when they drink or that they have a greater tolerance for alcohol.
Since cognitive and neurological impairment have frequently been found in alcoholics, several research teams have investigated the possibility that such abnormalities precede problem drinking and can be inherited. Adolescent sons of alcoholics performed more poorly than those without alcoholic parents in perceptual-motor, memory and language-processing tasks (Tarter et al., 1984), whereas adults with alcoholic relatives did worse than those with no family alcoholism history in abstract problem solving, perceptual-motor tasks and, to a lesser extent, verbal and learning-memory tests (Schaeffer et al., 1984). The discrepancies in the latter study held for those with familial alcoholism whether or not they themselves were alcoholics. Begleiter and his co-workers (1984) found that brain-wave abnormalities that were similar to those measured in alcoholics appeared in young boys with alcoholic fathers who themselves had never been exposed to alcohol. Gabrielli et al. (1982) had found that a similar group of children showed greater fast (beta) wave activity than a group of controls.
Several teams of investigators have now also proposed that there is an important subclass of inherited alcoholism that has at its roots an antisocial personality type (ASP) (Hesselbrock et al., 1984). There is a history of findings of ASP and related traits of aggression and unsocialized power needs in alcoholics (Cox et al., 1983; Peele, 1985a). Hesselbrock and his co-workers (1984) have found that ASP may be more important to the development and progression of alcoholism than is a "positive pedigree for alcoholism." Cloninger et al. (1981, 1985) have identified a male-limited type of alcoholism with a strong hereditary component linked with impulsiveness and sensation-seeking. Adopted-out children with this variety of alcoholism had biological fathers with records of criminality as well as of alcoholism. Tarter et al. (1985) have presented the broadest argument for a severe type of alcoholism based on an inherited temperament--one characterized by extreme emotional volatility.
Difficulties Confronting Genetic Models of Alcoholism
Although hopes are high for genetic models of alcoholism, recent discoveries have not provided uniform support for any genetic proposition. Results, in particular, of two major Danish prospective studies (Knop at al., 1984; Pollock et al., 1984) and Schuckit's (1984a) ongoing comparisons of matched pairs of subjects with and without alcoholic relatives--along with results from other independent investigations-have generally not been consistent. Differences in BALs and in rate of elimination of alcohol from the blood following drinking have now been determined by all the research teams almost certainly not to characterize the offspring of alcoholics. Moreover, Schuckit and Rayses' (1979) finding of elevated acetaldehyde in these subjects has not been replicated by other groups, leading to speculation that this finding is an artifact of a difficult measurement process (Knop et al., 1981). Pollock et al. (1984) have presented only partial support for a lessened sensitivity to the effects of alcohol on alcoholic offspring, whereas Lipscomb and Nathan (1980) found that a family history of alcoholism did not affect subjects' ability to estimate blood alcohol accurately. Furthermore, brain wave abnormalities discovered by Pollock et al. (1984) in children of alcoholics do not conform to those identified by either Begleiter et al. (1984) or Gabrielli et al. (1982). It is typical of research in this area that distinctive electroencephalogram patterns have been found in each investigation of descendants of alcoholics but that no two sets of results have coincided. Lastly, Schuckit (1984a) has not discovered a special subtype of alcoholism and has not found that men from alcoholic families have antisocial personalities, while Tarter et al. (1984) found such children to be less impulsive than a group of controls.
Genetic theories make little sense out of the enormous differences in alcoholism rates between social groups--like the Irish and the Jews--at opposite ends of the continuum in incidence of alcoholism (Glassner and Berg, 1980; Greeley et al., 1980). Vaillant (1983) found such ethnic distinctions to be more important than inherited tendencies toward alcoholism for determining clinical outcomes like a return to controlled drinking. In addition, the incidence of alcoholism is influenced by social class (Vaillant, 1983) and by gender--so much so in the latter case that theories of inherited alcoholism have been limited solely to men (Öjesjö, 1984; Pollock et al., 1984).
These sociocultural-gender differences have provoked a good deal of theorizing, some of it quite imaginative. Milam and Ketcham (1983) suggest that it is the duration of exposure to alcohol that determines a cultural group's alcoholism rate, since evolutionary selection will eliminate those susceptible to alcoholism. However. while metabolic differences and variations in sensitivity to alcohol have been found among ethnic and cultural groups (Ewing et al ., 1974; Reed et al ., 1976), these group differences have not been found to predict alcohol misuse (Mendelson and Mello, 1979). The most striking case of divergent cultural patterns of drinking in the face of prominent racial reactions to alcohol is the pattern established by the Chinese and Japanese Americans on the one hand, and the Eskimo and American Indian groups on the other. Drinking in these groups is marked by a distinctive facial reddening and accelerated heart beat, blood pressure and other circulatory system measures, as well as by acetaldehyde and other alcohol metabolism abnormalities. However, the Chinese and Japanese Americans have the lowest alcoholism rates of all American cultural groups and the Eskimos and American Indians have the highest such rates (Stewart, 1964).
Vaillant (1983) suggested a modified cross-generational selection process to explain the large difference in the appearance of alcohol dependence between his college and his core-city sample: the lower incidence of dependence in the college group could be due to the economic and social failures of fathers of alcoholics that made it less likely their children would enter college. However, in explaining his extremely strong finding of ethnic differences in alcoholism, Vaillant relied on standard interpretations of how different cultures view alcohol and socialize its use. What makes Vaillant's reference to genetic determinism for his social-class results more surprising is his overall recommendation that: "At the present time, a conservative view of the role of genetic factors in alcoholism seems appropriate" (p. 70)
Vaillant (1983) was led to such conservatism by a number of his data. Although he did find that subjects with alcoholic relatives had three to four times the alcoholism rates of those without traces of familial alcoholism, this result appeared in the absence of the statistical controls needed to separate genetic and environmental causality. When Vaillant examined differences between those with alcoholic relatives who did not live with them and those with no alcoholic relatives as a kind of environmental control, the ratio of the incidence of alcoholism was reduced to 2 : 1. There could also be additional environmental factors besides this one of immediate modeling effects of drinking that could reduce this ratio even further. Indeed, the Vaillant study disputes the alcoholism concordance rates that have been found in genetically similar and environmentally dissimilar populations which recent genetic models presuppose.
Other data fail to support biological inheritance of alcoholism. Gurling et al. (1981), when comparing MZ and DZ twins, found that the nonidentical pairs showed a higher pairwise concordance rate for alcohol dependence. This British group has also presented a comprehensive critique of the twin and adoption studies (Murray et al., 1983). Regarding Goodwin and his colleagues' (1973) seminal discovery of an alcoholism inheritance among adoptees, Murray et al. noted that the investigators' definition of alcoholism was unique, including a low cutoff in the amount of consumption (daily drinking, with six or more drinks consumed 2 or 3 times a month) combined with reported loss of control. The definitions in Goodwin et al.'s study are crucial since control adoptees (those without biological-alcoholic relatives) were more often problem drinkers than were index adoptees (those with biological-alcoholic relatives)--a finding which was reversed for subjects identified as alcoholics. Murray et al. commented: "Could it be that Goodwin's findings are simply an artifact produced by the threshold for alcoholism accidentally dividing heavy drinkers in the index and control groups unevenly?" (p. 42).
Murray et al. (1983) point out that such definitional issues frequently raise questions in the genetic studies. For example, Schuckit et al.'s (l972) finding--that half-siblings with an alcoholic-biological parent who were reared by nonalcoholic parents showed a heightened risk of alcoholism--defined alcoholism as "drinking in a manner that interferes with one's life." This seems a better description of alcohol misuse than of alcoholism. In other words, this study identified genetic transmission of alcoholism in a category for which Goodwin et al. (1973) had rejected it. Consider also that Cadoret and Gath's (1978) finding of genetic determination in adoptees held only for a primary diagnosis of alcoholism, and that a larger group of subjects with a secondary diagnosis of alcoholism came entirely from among those without alcoholic-biological parents. These shifting definitional boundaries actually enhance the statistical likelihood of uncovering alcoholic inheritance in each study.
Vaillant addressed himself particularly to the notion, first put forward by Goodwin (1979), that inherited alcoholism marks a distinct and separate variety of the disease. This is, of course, a reworking of the A.A. (1939) version of alcoholism. Working against this view of alcoholism--and its updated models of inherited sex-linked differences in alcoholism etiology and of a special variety of alcoholism characterized by inherited ASP--are findings that the same socially based differences in alcoholism rates pertain as well for less severe gradations of alcohol misuse. That is, those same ethnic, social class and gender groups that have a high incidence of problem drinking (Cahalan and Room, 1974; Greeley et al., 1980) also display a high incidence of alcoholism (Armor et al., 1978; Vaillant, 1983). It simply strains scientific credulity to imagine that the same factors which act in a socially mediated way to determine alcohol misuse also operate through separate genetic paths to influence alcoholism. Moreover, epidemiological studies such as Vaillant's and the Cahalan group's have always found more severe forms of alcohol dependence to merge imperceptibly and gradually with lesser degrees of problem drinking, so that a distinct, pathological variety of alcoholism does not stand out along a population curve of those who have drinking problems (Clark, 1976; Clark and Cahalan, 1976). Collations of measures of neurophysiological impairment likewise describe a smooth distribution of data points (Miller and Saucedo, 1983).
Vaillant (1983) finally rejected the idea of a special form of familial alcoholism because his data did not show that those with alcoholic relatives began to have drinking problems earlier than did those without such relatives. Both of the Danish prospective studies (Knop et al., 1984; Pollock et al., 1984) have agreed that such progeny do not display differences in early drinking patterns from those of other young men who do not have alcoholic relatives. Vaillant did discover earlier problem drinking among one group--subjects who had personal and family histories of antisocial behavior. Rather than viewing this concurrence as a genetic heritage, however, Vaillant attributed it to family disturbances. Tarter et al. (1984), who likewise found such disturbances to characterize the backgrounds of children of alcoholics, noted:
The underlying mechanisms responsible for the impairments in the alcoholics' children, however, cannot be ascertained. whether the deficits are sequelae of the physical abuse received from the father, perinatal complications ... or expressions of a genetic vulnerability remains to be elucidated. The findings presented herein suggest the matter is not at all clear cut.... Since the historical variables are ... correlated with each other, it is prudent to conclude that the relatively poor test performance in the children of alcoholics is the result of a complex interaction of genetic, developmental, and familial factors (p. 220).
The subjects Vaillant (1983) studied who misused alcohol and who came from alcoholic families did not in his judgment express a different or more virulent form of alcoholism. They were as likely as those without such family histories to return to controlled drinking, a development not consistent with the suppositions that those who suffer from an inbred alcoholism show not only an earlier onset of problem drinking, but greater severity of alcohol misuse and a worse prognosis for controlling their alcoholism (Goodwin, 1984; Hesselbrock et al., 1984). Hesselbrock et al. noted that Cahalan and Room (1974) found antisocial acting out to coexist with early drinking problems; however, the young problem drinkers (1974) in Cahalan and Room's epidemiological surveys regularly modulated their use of alcohol as they matured. Similarly, the imprisoned alcoholics that Goodwin et al. (1971) studied showed an unusually high degree of controlled-drinking out-comes. Indeed, Sanchez-Craig et al. (1987) found that young socially integrated problem drinkers were more likely to achieve controlled-drinking goals in therapy when they had a history of family alcoholism.
Inheritance of Addictions Other than Alcoholism
Speculation about a genetic basis for addictions other than alcoholism, and particularly narcotic addiction, has been retarded by the popular belief that "heroin is addictive for almost 100 percent of its users" (Milam and Ketcham, 1983, p. 27). According to this view, there would be no point to ferreting out individual variations in susceptibility to addiction. Recently, however, there has been a growing clinical awareness that approximately the same percentage of people become addicted to a range of psychoactive substances, including alcohol, Valium, the narcotics and cocaine (McConnell, 1984; Peele, 1983). Moreover, there is a high carryover among addictions to different substances both for the same individuals and cross-generationally within families. As a result, somewhat belatedly, clinical and biomedical investigators have begun to explore genetic mechanisms for all addictions (Peele, 1985a).
The first prominent example of a genetic theory of addiction other than in the case of alcoholism arose from Dole and Nyswander's (1967) hypothesis that heroin addiction was a metabolic disease. For these researchers, incredibly high relapse rates for treated heroin addicts indicated a possible physiological basis for addiction which transcended the active presence of the drug in the user's system. What this permanent or semipermanent residue from chronic use might comprise was not clearly specified in the Dole-Nyswander formulation. Meanwhile, this disease theory was confused by evidence not only that addiction occurred for a minority of those exposed to narcotics, but that addicts--especially those not in treatment--often did outgrow their drug habits (Maddux and Desmond, 1981; Waldorf, 1983) and that quite a few were subsequently able to use narcotics in a nonaddictive fashion (Harding et al., 1980; Robins et al., 1974).
The idea that addiction was not an inevitable consequence of narcotics use--even for some who had been previously dependent on the drug--prompted theorizing about inbred biological differences that produced differential susceptibility to narcotic addiction. Several pharmacologists posited that some drug users suffered a deficiency in endogenous opioid peptides, or endorphins, which made them particularly responsive to external infusions of narcotics (Goldstein, 1976, Snyder 1977). Endorphin shortages as a potential causative factor in addiction also offered the possibility of accounting for other addictions and excessive behavior like alcoholism and overeating, that might affect endorphin levels (Weisz and Thompson, 1983). Indeed other pathological behaviors such as compulsive running were thought by some to be mediated by this same neurochemical system (Pargman and Baker, 1980).
However, strong reservations have been expressed about this line of reasoning. Weisz and Thompson (1983) noted no solid evidence 'to conclude that endogenous opioids mediate the addictive process of even one substance of abuse' (p. 314). Moreover, Harold Kalant, a leading psychopharmacological researcher, pointed out the unlikelihood of accounting pharmacologically for cross-tolerance between narcotics, which have specific receptor sites, and alcohol, which affects the nervous system via a more diffuse biological route (cited in 'Drug research is muddied . . . ,' 1982). Yet, as evidenced by their cross-tolerance effects, alcohol and narcotics are relatively similar pharmacologically compared with the range of activities and substances sometimes claimed to act through a common neurological mechanism (Peele, 1985b). Thus, Peele asserted: "The fact of multiple addictions to myriad substances and nonsubstance-related involvements is primary evidence against genetic and biological interpretations of addiction" (1985a, p.55).
Analyzing the Causative Chain in Modern Genetic Models of Alcoholism
The fundamental issue of brain-behavior relationships persists even within the most optimistic of the current models of genetic transmission of alcoholism. As Tarter et al. (1985) acknowledge, theirs is an indeterminate model in which the same inherited predisposition may be expressed in a variety of behaviors. Although Tarter et al. emphasize the pathology of these various expressions, they also note Thomas and Chess's (1984) valuable dictum: "No temperament confers an immunity to behavior disorder development, nor is it fated to create psychopathology" (p. 4). Given an extreme emotional lability, different people may still behave quite differently--including harnessing their emotional energies in entirely constructive ways. For example, would not some with this trait become artists and athletes? Or, in highly socialized families or groups, would some not simply learn to effectively suppress their impulses altogether?
Introducing mediating factors such as temperament and ASP into genetic models adds another degree of indeterminacy--that which comes from variations in the definition of phenomena on which fundamental agreement is often lacking. In addition, temperament and ASP call into play strong environmental influences; for example, Cadoret and Cain (1980), exploring the same gene-environment interaction used to investigate causality in alcoholism, discovered environmental factors to be as powerful as inherited ones in identifying ASP in adolescents. The antisocial acting-out Cahalan and Room (1974) found to coincide with alcohol problems in young men was a function of social class and of blue-collar cultures. Thus, not only is it difficult to pinpoint an inherited disposition that causes ASP, but also family and social input can create those behaviors central to the very definition of ASP. To separate this layer of environmental interaction from the additional layer presented by drinking behavior is a dauntingly complex task that can make us cautious about tracing an ultimate path to alcoholism.
Tarter et al. (1984) were faced with the duty of explaining why children of alcoholics were less impulsive than a control group from within their framework that alcoholism is an expression of an inherited temperament: 'There may be different outcomes in individuals possessing these disturbances, of which alcoholism and antisocial personality are two such conditions" (pp. 220-221). These adolescent subjects, however, did not display the hypothesized disturbance (i.e., heightened impulsiveness), so that the variety of forms this given temperament may take does not seem relevant to the results here. Since the subjects had parents who were alcoholics--which the authors maintain is one demonstration of this heritable temperament--it is not clear why this trait would not be apparent in these offspring. Cadoret et al, (1985) have now found that adult ASP and alcoholism are inherited independent of each other.
The Tarter et al. (1985) model may be more indeterminate than the authors recognize. The model offers an experiential description of the relationship between drug and alcohol use and the high-risk temperament it identifies. That is, while stressing the basis of their model in genetics and neurophysiology, Tarter et al. explain addictive substance use based on the mood-altering functions these substances have for those persons with hyperreactive temperaments. Apparently, those with this heightened sensitivity seek psychotropic effects to lower their reactivity to stimulation. Whatever the relationship of this hyperemotional nature to inheritance or environment, there is still a great deal of room in the model for the intercession of alternate values, behavioral options and past conditioning in how people respond to hyperemotionality. What do people from different backgrounds consider to be relaxing experiences? How do their different values affect their choice of one means over another for blocking external stimuli? Why do they accept mood modification of any sort instead of preferring to remain sober or to tolerate excitement, anguish or other emotional states?
What is, after all, the relationship between any of the genetic mechanisms thus far proposed for alcoholism and a person's compulsive imbibing of alcohol? Do those with cognitive deficiencies or abnormal brain waves find alcohol's effects especially rewarding? If this were the case, we would still need to know why this individual accepts such rewards in place of others (like family and job) with which alcoholism interferes. In other words, while genetic predisposition may influence the alcoholism equation, it does not obviate the need for a differential analysis of all the factors that are present in the individual's choice of behavior. This complexity may be best illustrated by exploring the implications of Schuckit's (1984a, 1984b) proposal that those at high risk to develop alcoholism may experience less of an effect from the alcohol they consume.
As Schuckit (1984b) makes clear, an inherited, diminished sensitivity to alcohol only constitutes a contributory step toward the development of alcoholism. For those less aware of how much they have drunk need still to seek specific intoxication effects or else to drink unknowingly at sufficient levels to lead to addictive symptomatology. Even if it takes a greater amount of alcohol to create the state of intoxication they seek what explains their desire for this state? Alternately such high-risk prospects for alcoholism may be unaware that they chronically achieve high BALs on which they eventually become dependent. This then is a second step--that of the development of alcohol dependence--in a putative model of alcoholism. However, a chronic exposure-chemical dependence version of alcoholism is by itself inadequate to explain addictive behavior (Peele, 1985a); this was revealed in the laboratory finding with rats by Tang et al. (1982) "that a history of ethanol overindulgence was not a sufficient condition for the maintenance of overdrinking" (p. 155).
Whatever the nature of the process of alcohol addiction, given that it cannot be explained solely by repeated high levels of alcohol consumption, the slow, gradual nature of the process adumbrated by the Schuckit proposal is borne out by the natural history of alcoholism. Vaillant's (1983) study, which covered 40 years of subjects' lives, offered "no credence to the common belief that some individuals become alcoholics after the first drink. The progression from alcohol use to misuse takes years" (p. 106). In the absence of a genetic compulsion to overimbibe, what maintains the persistence of motivation required to attain the alcoholic condition? The almost unconscious nature of the process implied by high-risk drinkers' lower awareness of the effects of alcohol could not withstand the years of negative consequences of alcohol misuse that Vaillant details.
Implications of Genetic Models for the Prevention and Treatment of Alcoholism and Drug Dependence
Popular writing and thinking about alcoholism have not assimilated the trend in genetic research and theory away from the search for an inherited mechanism that makes the alcoholic innately incapable of controlling his or her drinking. Rather, popular conceptions are marked by the assumption that any discovery of a genetic contribution to the development of alcoholism inevitably supports classic disease-type notions about the malady. For example, Milan and Ketcham (1983) and Pearson and Shaw (1983) both argue vehemently in favor of a total biological model of alcoholism, one that eliminates any contribution from individual volition, values or social setting (any more than takes place, according to Pearson and Shaw, with a disease like gout). As Milam and Ketcham repeatedly drive home, "the alcoholic's drinking is controlled by physiological factors which cannot be altered through psychological methods such as counseling threats, punishment, or reward. In other words, the alcoholic is powerless to control his reaction to alcohol" (p. 42).
Both of these popular works assume the fundamental biology of alcoholism to be the abnormal accumulation of acetaldehyde by alcoholics, based primarily on Schuckit and Rayses' (1979) finding of elevated acetaldehyde levels after drinking in offspring of alcoholics. Lost entirely among the definitive claims about the causative nature of this process is the excruciating difficulty Schuckit (1984a) described in assessing acetaldehyde levels at particular points after drinking. Such measurement difficulties have prevented the replication of this result by either of the Danish prospective studies and have prompted one team to question the meaning of findings of excessive acetaldehyde (Knop et al., 1981). Schuckit (1984a) has also recommended caution in interpreting the small absolute levels of acetaldehyde accumulations measured, levels which conceivably could have long-term effects but which do not point to an immediate determination of behavior. The indeterminacy inherent in this and other genetic formulations is lost in Milam and Ketcham's (1983) translation of them: "Yet, while additional predisposing factors to alcoholism will undoubtedly be discovered, abundant knowledge already exists to confirm that alcoholism is a hereditary, physiological disease and to account fully for its onset and progression" (p. 46).
Although Cloninger et al. (1985) attempt to delineate a specific subset of alcoholics who represent perhaps one-fourth of those diagnosed for alcoholism, popular versions of the inherited, biological nature of the disease inexorably tend to expand the application of this limited typing. Milam and Ketcham (1983) quote from Betty Ford's autobiography (Ford and Chase, 1979), for example, to make readers aware that alcoholism does not necessarily conform to presumed stereotypes:
The reason that I rejected the idea that I was an alcoholic was that my addiction wasn't dramatic.... I never drank for a hangover.... I hadn't been a solitary drinker ... and at Washington luncheons I'd never touched anything but an occasional glass of sherry. There had been no broken promises ... and no drunken driving.... I never wound up in jail (p. 307).
Although it may have been beneficial for Mrs. Ford to seek treatment under the rubric of alcoholism, this self-description does not qualify for the inherited subtype put forward by the most ambitious of research-based genetic theories.
Milam and Ketcham (1983) are adamant about the absolute prohibition of drinking by alcoholics. This, too, is an extension of standard practices in the alcoholism field that have traditionally been associated with the disease viewpoint in the United States (Peele, 1984). Yet, genetic models do not necessarily lead to such an ironclad and irreversible prohibition. If, for example, alcoholism could be demonstrated to result from the failure of the body to break down acetaldehyde, then a chemical means for assisting this process--a suggestion less farfetched than others raised in the light of biological research--could presumably permit a resumption of normal drinking. Pearson and Shaw (1983), whose roots are not in the alcoholism movement but rather stem from an equally strong American tradition of biochemical engineering and food faddism, suggest that vitamin therapy can offset acetaldehyde damage and thus mitigate drinking problems in alcoholics. Tarter et al. (1985) discuss Ritalin therapy and other methods that have been utilized with hyperactive children as therapeutic modalities for moderating alcoholic behavior.
It is even possible that behavioral models which emphasize the resilience of habits, built up over years of repeated patterns and reinforced by familiar cues, present a more formidable basis for disallowing controlled drinking than do existing genetic models! It may be only the historical association of genetic ideas about alcoholism with abstinence through A.A. dogma that has created an environment in which controlled drinking has been the exclusive domain of the behavioral sciences. Similarly, genetic discoveries have been built into recommendations that high-risk children--based on pedigree or futuristic biological measurement--should not drink. The indeterminate and gradualistic view of the development of alcoholism that arises from most genetic models does not advance such a position. Tarter et al. (1985) recommend that children with temperaments rendering them susceptible to alcoholism be taught impulse-control techniques, while Vaillant (1983) advises "individuals with many alcoholic relatives should be alerted to recognize the early signs and symptoms of alcoholism and to be doubly careful to learn safe drinking habits" (p. 106).
The conclusions we draw from research on genetic contributions to alcoholism are crucial because of the acceleration of research in this area and the clinical decisions which are being based on this work. Moreover, other behaviors--especially drug misuse--are being grouped with alcoholism in the same framework. Thus, the National Foundation for Prevention of Chemical Dependency Disease announced its mission statement:
To sponsor scientific research and development of a simple biochemical test that can be administered to our young children to determine any predisposition for chemical dependency disease; [and] to promote greater awareness, understanding and acceptance of the disease by the general public so prevention or treatment can be commenced at the age youngsters are most vulnerable. (Unpublished document, Omaha, Nebraska, 1 March 1984.)
This perspective contrasts with that from epidemiological studies showing young problem drinkers typically outgrow signs of alcohol dependence (Cahalan and Room, 1974), often in only a few years (Roizen et al., 1978). College students who display marked signs of alcohol dependence only rarely show the same problems 20 years later (Fillmore, 1975).
Meanwhile, in another development, Timmen Cermak, one of the founders of the newly formed National Association for Children of Alcoholics, stated in an interview that "children of alcoholics require and deserve treatment in and of themselves, not as mere adjuncts of alcoholics," and that they can be just as legitimately diagnosed as can alcoholics, even in the absence of actual drinking problems (Korcok, 1983, p. 19). This broad diagnostic net is being utilized in combination with a far more aggressive thrust in treatment services (Weisner and Room, 1984). For example Milam and Ketcham (1983), while in other places reinforcing traditional contentions about the disease of alcoholism with contemporary biological research, take issue with A.A.'s reliance on the alcoholic to "come to grips with his problem and then get himself into treatment" in favor of "forc(ing) the alcoholic into treatment by threatening an even less attractive alternative" (p. 133). Such an approach entails confronting the individual's resistance to seeing the true nature of his or her drinking problem.
How all of this may be interpreted by treatment personnel is illustrated in two articles (Mason, 1985; Petropolous, 1985) in a recent issue of Update, published by the Alcoholism Council of Greater New York. One article takes the vulgarization of genetic discoveries, as outlined in Milam and Ketcham's (1983) book, somewhat further:
Someone like the derelict . . ., intent only on getting sufficient booze from the bottle poised upside-down on his lips to obliterate ... all of his realities ... [is] the victim of metabolism, a metabolism the derelict was born with, a metabolic disorder that causes excessive drinking.... The derelict, unfortunately, has superb tolerance. He cannot help but get hooked as the enzyme back-up in his liver, along with other biochemical disturbances, make his discomfort without more 'hair of the dog' so intense. He will got to any length to drink... which turns into more acetaldehyde production ... more withdrawal... no amount is ever enough. Tolerance to alcohol is not learned. It is built into the system (Mason, 1985, p. 4).
The other article describes how the son of an alcoholic had to be forced into treatment based on a rather vague symptomatology and his need to face up to his clinical condition:
Jason, a sixteen-year old boy with serious motivational problems, was brought in by his parents because of failing grades. His alcoholic father was sober one year, the approximate length of time his son had begun experiencing school problems, including cutting classes and failing grades. The boy was aloof and closed off to his feelings. The counselor suspected some drug involvement because of his behavior. It was clear that the boy needed immediate help. He was referred to an alcoholism clinic offering specific help for young children of alcoholics, as well as to Alateen. He balked at the idea, but with pressure from his parents he accepted an intake appointment at the clinic. He will need a lot of help to recognize and accept his feelings.... (Petropolous, 1985, p. 8).
Is there anyone listening to this boy's plea that the standard diagnostic categories for which he has been fitted are not appropriate? Is the denial of his self-perception and personal choice justified by what we know about the etiology of alcoholism and chemical dependence and by firm conclusions about the genetic and other legacies that offspring of alcoholics carry?
Those who investigate the genetic transmission of alcoholism offer a different cast to their models of the predisposition to become alcoholics than do the models quoted in the previous section. Schuckit (1984b), for example, announces "that it is unlikely that there is a single cause for alcoholism that is both necessary and sufficient to produce the disorder. At best, biologic factors explain only a part of the variance...." (p. 883). Vaillant, in an interview published in Time ("New insights into alcoholism," 1983) following publication of his book, The Natural History of Alcoholism (1983), put the matter even more succinctly. He indicated that finding a biological marker for alcoholism "would be as unlikely as finding one for basketball playing" and likened the role of heredity in alcoholism to that in "coronary heart disease, which is not due to twisted genes or to a specific disease. There is a genetic contribution, and the rest of it is due to maladaptive life-style" (p. 64).
Vaillant's quote is entirely consistent with his and other data in the field, all of which support an incremental or complex, interactive view of the influence of inheritance on alcoholism. No findings from genetically-oriented research have disputed the significance of behavioral, psychodynamic, existential and social-group factors in all kinds of drinking problems, and results of laboratory and field research have repeatedly demonstrated the essential role of these factors in explaining the drinking of the alcoholic individual. To overextend genetic thinking so as to deny these personal and social meanings in drinking does a disservice to the social sciences, to our society and to alcoholics and others with drinking problems. Such an exclusionary approach to genetic formulations defies ample evidence already available to us and will not be sustained by future discoveries.
I thank Jack Horn, Arthur Alterman, Ralph Tarter and Robin Murray for invaluable information they provided and Archie Brodsky for his help in preparing the manuscript.
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Things I liked:The gun once dialed in is extremely accurate and has great weight! Easy to shoot and amazing overall feel. Things I would have changed:This gun is amazing but has a louder pop when fired than other break barrels I have used. It is a little loud to shoot in a backyard depending where you live. What others should know:If you are contemplating buying a breakbarrel rifle, there is no choice but this gun. Hands down it beats out all my other rifles including my Gamo guns for consistant accuracy and quality!


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Recipe by Janet
"A healthier take on the traditional fruit square. Zero trans fats, so you can add your own by serving with ice cream!"
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1 (14 ounce) can
chickpeas (garbanzo beans), drained and rinsed
1 1/2 cups
I loved the idea of using garbanzo beans in these bars! I ended up not having as many berries as I thought I had, so used apples and pears to have enough fruit. The flavor is delicious! Thanks for the recipe!
Original post of 5 stars: I tried these for the first time today and was pleased with the results! Because I don't own a food processor, I used my KitchenAid mixer to make the bottom layer and it worked out just fine. I used my 7x11 baking dish, so the bottom needed 30 minutes to bake instead of 20. I will possibly try baking it in a bigger dish next time. The only change I made to the bottom layer was to add just a shake of salt instead of the whole 1/4 t. I made the blueberry mixture just as it said to. I also made the top just as suggested, although I'm going to add cinnamon next time. I baked them for about 25 minutes and couldn't wait until they were cool to take a bite! These would definitely be good with some ice cream or Cool Whip, especially when warm! I was hesitant to bake with garbanzo beans, but now I won't be anymore. Thanks for sharing your healthy recipe, Janet! Edit with change to 2 stars: Turns out these blueberry squares were good only for the first day. After that, they turned very soggy and inedible. I ended up throwing away over half of the recipe.
For being a vegan dessert, this recipe was nearly as good as the buttery fruit bars. Only real change I made was using Mazola corn oil, mostly, as I only had about 2 Tblsp left of olive oil. I like that this had a lot of fiber with the beans, rolled oats, and all of the blueberries and it used oil instead of butter or shortening. Although, I could slightly taste the garbanzo beans. They do have a distinct taste. Also, the crust starts to get soggy by the 2nd day in the fridge. So, consider that with 24 bars, even if they are on the small size. Also, with the fruit, a large pack of blueberries, or whole sales club size, is really needed to get 3 full cups unless lucky enough to have a blueberry bush with abundant berries available. I used a 12 1/2 x 8 1/2 x 2-inch disposable pan sprayed with PAM. The bars cut out very nicely, but the topping is a little lose. Freshly made it was rather tasty with a little whipped topping or vanilla ice cream.
The taste for a vegan dessert was great! A couple of adjustments I'd make next time: I'd use a 9x13 pan, and I'd add water or vegan spread like Earth Balance or something. I used fresh raspberries and it was yummy!
Really great dessert without too much guilt! I added 1/2 tsp. cinnamon & 1/4 tsp. nutmeg to both the crust and the topping. Gave it the added flavor other reviewers indicated it needed. I agree there was too much topping, especially flour. Plan to cut back on that next time and maybe add a little more oil to help it congeal better.
Tasted good, but I think next time I'll add cinnamon to the topping and maybe some add some butter to the topping since it didn't really act as a crumble to me. My daughter thought there was figs in the bar, but I think that was the garbanzo beans she was tasting in the crust.
Delicious recipe!! But I will cut back on the topping the next time. I did add some cinnamon to the topping. I will be interested to try coconut oil next time instead of olive oil. Highly recommended recipe and I am not vegan. My husband loved them too.
Rated this recipe high due to the positive health factor, yet still a dessert! Taste needs increased a bit. The only change I did to this recipe was add some cinnamon. Next time, will add some lemon zest and more cinnamon, nutmeg, etc. But overall, I enjoyed it.
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
Serving Size: 1/24 of a recipe
Servings Per Recipe: 24
Amount Per Serving
Calories from Fat: 47
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Summary These are the parts needed to convert a Mendel Prusa to a wax 3-D printer. For Free Access to Academic Paper see: Open-source Wax RepRap 3-D Printer for Rapid Prototyping Paper-Based Microfluidics. For BOM and use Print Settings Printer Brand: RepRap Printer: Prusa Rafts: No Supports: No Notes: Full BOM and instructions here: http://www.appropedia.org/Open-source_Wax_RepRap_3-D_Printer_for_Rapid_Prototyping_Paper-Based_Microfluidics Example of what you can do with it: https://www.youmagine.com/designs/clover-leaf-wax-printing-demonstration. Developed in collaboration with N. C. Anzalone (SCAD), and C. L. Heldt (Application).


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LONDON, May 15, 2017 /PRNewswire/ -- Crop farming in China will be one of the main topics of this newsletter which will help you stay ahead of the game in this fast-changing market with real-time reporting on the entire agriculture industry chain, from seed markets to the downstream food and feed markets..
Here is the Editor's Note for you to know about the March issue specifically:
· China's agriculture includes four industries, namely crop farming, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery. Of these, crop farming plays an important role, and it is the basis of the whole agriculture.
· In China, the total output value and compound annual growth rate of crop farming accounts for over 50% of that of agriculture respectively.
· In 2004-2013, the compound annual growth rate of China's agriculture reached 27.71%.
· The control and prevent of pests and diseases as well as the application of fertilizers mostly affect the development of crop farming.
· As a result of the laboratory studies and actual application studies, Crop Farming China E-News will publish scientific research and academic dynamics related to pests & diseases control and prevention or fertilizer application.
Headlines relevant to this issue:
· In Jan. 2017, China imported 6,433 tons of pesticide formulations, down 7.05% YoY (year on year); import value hit USD55.64 million, up 4.24% YoY.
· The export volume and value of pesticide formulations was 1 36,426 tons and USD368.6 million, up 32.74% and 21.42% YoY respectively.
· As of 2 March, 201 7, wheat stripe rust has occurred in 8 provinces, 65 cities and 290 counties involving Hubei, Henan, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Shaanxi and Gansu provinces, with an occurrence area of 0.17 million ha (2.55 million mu), representing a YoY increase of 2.5 times, 1.3 times more than that of two weeks before.
· This year witnessed the largest occurrence area and widest occurrence range of the disease among the recent years, which also indicates prominent tendency to spread northward and eastward, posing enormous threats to the main production areas of wheat.
News from AgroPages:
· In Jan. 2017, Beijing Kingbo developed physcion 0.1 % AS, the first plant virus resisting agent for agricultural UAVs and marketed it to overseas markets. Now, the company is applying for related patent for the product.
· Stockton, specializing in the development and marketing of botanical based pesticides, has signed a long-term non-exclusive distribution agreement of Timorex Gold biofungicide with Chongqing Shurong in the field of professional crop protection uses in
edible crops in China.
· According to the report presented by Tim Hassinger, president and CEO of Dow AgroSciences, at the 2017 Global Agriculture & Chemicals Conference held by the Bank of America Merrill Lynch during 1-2 March, 2017, Dow AgroSciences is expected to gain USD2 billion sales growth from new products by 2020. Some USD1.4 billion will generate from the company's four new crop protection products, and USD600 million will be contributed by its seeds pipeline.
Here are more Headlines:
· On 24 Feb., 2017, the 6th Farmers' Favorite Pesticide Brands and the 5th Chinese Users' Favorite Agricultural Machinery Brands in 2016 were held at the Beijing Convention Center. Many products of the well-known enterprises won the award.
· Bayer and Monsanto are pushing for the selling of their assets of USD2.5 billion while seeking a regulatory clearance through a merger of USD66 billion.
· During 1-2 March, 2017, The monthly operation analysis meeting of Mindleader as well as the task schedule signature ceremony
was held in Beijing.
· Shanghai released the List of Highly Recommended Pesticides in 2017, among which 11 foreign-funded pesticide companies' products were listed. They are DuPont, Syngenta AG, Dow AgroSciences LLC, Sipcam SPA, BASF, Bayer CropScience AG, FMC Corporation, BioWorks, Inc., Hokko Chemical Industry, Co., Ltd., Nissan Chemical Industries, Ltd. and Sumitomo Chemical Co., Ltd.
· According to Mu Canxian, president of Mindleader, the price of pesticide technical should rebound in 2017 after the downturn in 2015 and 2016. At present, except for individual pesticide technical prices are hyped up, most of them return to a normal level.
· Han Changfu, minister of the MOA said that in 2016 China first realized zero growth of pesticide usage, rural land transfer must protect the rights and interests of farmers, and China's grain output fell for the first time last year was the result of government's active adjustment.
· The Guangxi Plant Protection Station claimed that in 2016, Guangxi had achieved good results in implementing the Action on Zero Growth of Pesticide Usage Amount. The results indicate that total usage amount in the region is reduced by 1,062.58 tons when
compared to last year, an decrease of 7.17%. In addition, low-toxicity and less-persistent pesticides usage amount accounts for 86.33% of all pesticides consumption.
· On 11 March, 2017, Hunan Province released the work points of plant protection and quarantine in 2017, which put forward that the development goals of "three increases and two decreases" would be strived to achieve.
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domain: news


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In the latest installment of Atkins's Quinn Colson series, the titular sheriff begins investigating the mysterious death of a teenager named Brandon—who had been a close friend of his wife—that occurred 20 years ago. Colson takes this on while also trying to shut down the criminal syndicate that's had a stranglehold on Tibbehah for years, trafficking drugs, stolen goods, and young women through the MidSouth.
At first glance, it almost seems like Atkins may have tried to mix too many storylines this time around—several of which weren’t yet touched on—but he somehow manages to thread them all together in a way that not only makes sense but adds a sense of urgency to the plot. Without a single dull page to be found and zero 'fluff,' Atkins’ latest moves at a steady clip, touching on a number of timely issues ... Through it all, Atkins continues to develop his series protagonist, along with his growing family, and never fails to capture the Mississippi setting in a way that only he and fellow bestselling author Gregg Iles seem to be able to pull off. Bottom line: If Ace Atkins isn’t already on your summer reading list, put him there . . . The Shameless is some of his best work yet, and a must-read for fans of C.J. Box, Gregg Iles, and Craig Johnson.
While a bit more of a slow boil than the works preceding it, the narrative’s more deliberate pacing is balanced by his frequent flashes of prose brilliance and the final few chapters of the book, where the dominoes that had been painstakingly set up are explosively knocked down to great effect ... You won’t be able to read the last quarter or so of The Shameless fast enough. There is a bit of irony here that is worth the price of admission all by itself, as well as a cast of characters you will not soon forget. Some of them even make it to the end of the book. Knowing that they are out there somewhere will keep you waiting impatiently to see what happens next. The only certainty is that, with Atkins at the helm, you will not be disappointed.
Atkins peppers the narrative with allusions to President Donald Trump, but he also sticks to Colson saga basics ... There is a sudden plot twist that some may view as a flaw in the narrative structure. But Atkins tends to smooth this out as further events unfold, and the surprise element is a feature of the novel. Country music, blues and a variety of popular songs are invoked in many scenes; one of the songs is the Garth Brooks’ cover of 'Shameless.' But the book’s title, for the most part, refers to those who, without apology, twist truth or commit crimes to serve themselves. That’s a tough foe, even for Quinn Colson.

domain: library


We are changing the way consumer issues are viewed and tackled in Scotland…
Supporting our ambition to build a Fairer Scotland, we are embarking on an ambitious journey to change the way consumer issues are viewed and tackled in Scotland. During 2018, we consulted on the creation of Consumer Scotland, which will be an independent public body set up to represent the interests of Scottish consumers. Consumer Scotland will examine the causes of consumer harm, particularly in complex markets such as energy, and will champion better outcomes for all consumers – especially those who are in most need.
Through Consumer Scotland, we will ensure that consumer voices are better heard and integrated into regulatory and public policy and decision-making. As part of Consumer Scotland’s development, we will legislate to introduce a statutory consumer duty on Scottish public authorities to place consumer interests at the heart of policy and regulatory decision-making. Crucially, this includes ensuring that consumer outcomes are understood and addressed in the energy transition.
In the context of a climate emergency, requiring accelerated action across society domestically and globally, we cannot underestimate the important role that Scotland’s consumers play in making a carbon-neutral Scotland a reality. We know how important it is that change happens with consumers, not to them, especially in a market that struggles with persistent mistrust and consumer harm. We must help to build consumer trust now if we are to encourage consumers to make some of the bigger changes that will be required in future – from increasing uptake of electric vehicles to improving the energy efficiency of our buildings.
We are committed to overcoming consumer mistrust and harm in the energy market…
The energy retail market is changing rapidly and looks very different to how it did even a year ago following the introduction of a default tariff price cap and increasing numbers of energy supply company failures, triggering intervention by Ofgem as the regulator. Yet despite public concern leading to a market investigation by the Competition and Markets Authority in 2014, the market continues to fail many Scottish households: from the impacts of ever increasing energy prices, through to the persistent number of fuel poor consumers in society and persistently low switching rates. This is particularly true in Northern Scotland, where 59 per cent of all customers are on their incumbent electricity supplier; this compares to just 27 per cent for the UK as a whole. While there may be a variety of factors underpinning the differential, some of which may be positive in their nature such as customer loyalty, it may also reflect a perceived or actual lack of confidence in mechanisms for switching.
This is why we are taking action now. We are committed to establishing a public energy company to help rebuild consumer trust in the energy market. Prior to the establishment of a public energy company and setting up Consumer Scotland, we have a duty to act quickly within our powers to protect consumers from harm.
We are already making a positive difference for consumers:
- We have established the Just Transition Commission to advise Ministers on how we can make the transition to a carbon-neutral economy in a way that is fair for all.
- As part of the Scottish Government’s participation in the Open Government Partnership, we are addressing citizens’ concerns over their ability to understand and influence the decision-making processes that affect them.
- We have published a Vision for Scotland’s Electricity and Gas Networks to ensure consumers are central to regulatory interventions in the retail market and on wider network issues.
- Through ShareLab Scotland, we are supporting a demonstration project that aims to test an innovative new platform to allow consumers and communities to use energy more flexibly.
- Energy efficiency has been a long term priority for us – by the end of 2021, we will have allocated over £1 billion pounds since 2009 on tackling fuel poverty and improving energy efficiency with the aim of warmer and more efficient buildings by 2040.
- In March 2019, we published the Quality Assurance Short Life Working Group Recommendations Report which put consumers at the heart of Energy Efficient Scotland, ensuring robust protections focused on high standards of quality and customer care.
- The Low Carbon Infrastructure Transition Programme launched a £60 million Low Carbon Innovation Fund in January 2018 offering support for projects in three areas – integrated energy systems, low carbon heat and ultra-low emission vehicle infrastructure.
- In November 2018, we launched the Financial Health Check for low income families and older people, backed by funding of £3.3 million over two years. It is delivered by Citizens Advice Network in Scotland and offers free advice on money matters including home energy.
- We will publish a Local Energy System Policy Statement in 2019. The statement will be informed by this action plan and will place energy consumers at its centre.
Despite these positive steps, we will continue to advocate to the UK Government and Ofgem on much-needed reforms to the energy market…
Energy supply and consumer protection are reserved matters under the Scotland Act 1998. This prevents the Scottish Government from taking all the direct action that we would like to improve outcomes for Scottish consumers. However, this policy reservation does not stop us setting out our expectations in order to influence change.
Scotland’s mix of devolved and reserved policy areas mean that our policy landscape is different from elsewhere in the UK. To date, consumer interventions put in place by the UK Government remain focused on understanding issues from a UK-wide perspective, rather than tackling national and regional variations.
This does not work in Scotland’s consumer interests because Scotland’s distinct economic, social and geographic circumstances present unique challenges in ensuring the energy market works well for all Scottish consumers.
This is why we continue to call on UK Government and Ofgem for much-needed reforms to the energy market.
This action plan will ensure that Scotland uses its existing powers to give consumers a say about the decisions that shape our future energy system, while protecting those that can’t.
This action plan outlines a vision to unite Scottish Government and partners around consumer outcomes and actions designed to help consumers access energy at a fair price with good service. In doing so, it sets out a package of short, medium and long term actions – backed by £500,000 of Scottish Government funding.
The actions aim to increase consumer understanding and confidence, and develop and test innovative approaches to protecting and empowering consumers. Crucially, it establishes a new way of designing policy with and for Scottish consumers.
We have to stop ignoring people who don’t always have the loudest voice, we have to stop avoiding people who are harder to engage, or more expensive and more difficult to help then others. We can do things better, because there are already good examples out there that we can learn from”
Dr Joanne Wade OBE, UKERC
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domain: chemistry


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Romantic involvement between Japanese & Westerners dates back to the 16th century. The romances of the early-day couples sparked the imagination of the West, inspiring works of literature & art, among which the best known has been Puccinis Madame Butterfly, with the heroine as a passive, self-sacrificing, tragic figure. This image has endured & still influences contemporary thinking despite changing reality. This book provides a rare & realistic look at the Japanese woman of today, by focusing on topics like generational differences, dating habits & sexual mores, women in the workplace, family life, & culture life.


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Rick Yune is a versatile entertainer who is best known for his breathtaking performances in the film industry. Apart from portraying characters on screen, he also earns extra money from film production and screenwriting. Long before he found his way into the film industry, Yune worked as a model for mega-brands like Ralph Lauren and Versace. Outside the industry, the multi-syllable style is a martial artist who practices many forms of the fighting style. His rise to prominence is due to his business relationships with the best directors in the industry and his tough roles in blockbusters such as Die Another Day (2002), Snow Falling on Cedars (1999), and The Fast and the Furious (2001). Read on to learn more about the multi-talented actor, his fortune, career progression, and personal life.
Rick Yune Biography
Rick Yune is the son of Korean parents – Taeho Yune (father) and Wonhui Park (mother). He was originally born Richard Yun on August 21, 1971, in Washington D.C. However, the actor changed the spelling of his last name from “Yun” to “Yune” for the purposes of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG) after he began his acting career. Rick has a younger brother named Karl Yune, who has been making movies since 2004. Also born in Washington D.C., Karl became popular after he appeared in the memoirs of a geisha, the American superhero movie Arrow, and the sci-fi movie Real Steel.
The former completed his basic education at St. John’s College High School and Our Lady of Good Counsel High School (Silver Spring, Maryland). He also attended the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, where he received a degree in Finance in 1994.
Although Rick Yune made his debut as a model, he only became famous and well-known when he shifted his interest to acting. Before he came into contact with the limelight, he worked as a stock trading intern on Wall Street in mid-1992. During his internship, he was discovered by a model agent. Later, Rick was hired to appear in a polo commercial for Ralph Lauren and Versace, making him the first Asian and American to work with these high-profile fashion brands.
Movies and TV Shows
Although he worked for top fashion companies, the actor could not come close to mainstream success. However, things turned around in 1999 when he got a role in the movie Snow Falling on Cedars. Directed by renowned Australian screenwriter and director Scott Hicks, Rick played the role of a Japanese-American war hero named Kazuo Miyamoto, who was accused of murdering a prominent fisherman in a closely-knit community.
The Korean-American actor has also appeared on screen with Hollywood’s A-actor Vin Diesel in one of the highest-grossing films of all time – The Fast and Furious. He played the role of Johnny Tran, an unscrupulous member of an organized criminal gang, who was later shot by Brian O’Conner. Rick Yune proved that he is not afraid to take on a role in the industry by playing the James Bond villain named Zao in the James Bond movie “Die Another Day” in 2002.
Since his breakout year, the multi-talented actor has had a progressive filmography. As someone who improves in every project he participates in, Yune still makes films in both leading and supporting roles. His resume boasts other professional references including Alias, Boston Legal, CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, The Fifth Commandment, The Man with the Iron Fists (a martial arts film starring actress Lucy Liu), Olympus Has Fallen, Marco Polo, and many others. He recently resumed his role as Yes in Prison Break and is already working on the American cyberpunk action movie Alita: Battle Angel (2019), in which he plays the fictional character, Master Clive Lee.
In addition to his acting activities, Rick Yune also played the role of a voice actor in the video game Scarface: The World Is Yours. He appeared in music videos such as “Someone” by SWV and “Call U Sexy” by the music band VS. For his gorgeous looks he was named one of the “Sexiest Men Alive” by People Magazine in 2002.
Rick Yune Net Worth
In his varied career, which has been as progressive as it has been rewarding, Rick Yune has earned millions of dollars for his productivity, talent, and creativity in the entertainment industry. The American actor of Korean origin is currently worth $3 million.
Does He Have a Wife or Girlfriend?
At the moment there is little or no information about Yune’s love life and how it actually looks like. As a private person, he has never expressed a desire to marry a woman or have a girlfriend. Although many of his fans believe that he is married, he has decided to keep information about his wife and family away from the curious public and the media. Apparently, Rick Yune has joined a number of Hollywood actors who enjoy finding a balance between their personal and professional lives.

domain: entertainment


H2X was excited to present a Hydrogen powered Golf Cart at the 50th anniversary of the Sarawak Economic Development Corporation (SEDC). The Golf Cart was a part of the collaboration with H2X and SEDC Energy to produce Fuel Cell Electric Vehicles (FCEV) in the Sarawak region.
The Premier of Sarawak, Abang Johari Openg, praised both parties for their efforts in his opening speech. This milestone represents the first in a range of commercial FCEV products planned to support the region in establishing a hydrogen-driven economy. The Sarawak region aims to be a significant hydrogen producer supported by Bintulu’s green hydrogen gas production plant. Hydrogen Gas stations are already operational across Sarawak, delivering infrastructure for FCEV vehicles.
H2X CEO Brendan Norman was pleased to “congratulate the SEDC Energy team for 50 years of incredible success in being a principal driving force in the Hydrogen program in the region and Malaysia”.
If you would like to know more about H2X and our products, please don’t hesitate to Contact Us.
H2X is an Australian-based, global automotive and power unit company focused on absolute sustainability. The company is focused on harnessing the most efficient and effective technologies, with the onus on capturing free and renewable energy sources. A specialization in hydrogen is the basis of H2X’s growth; however, with a strong platform as a maker of electrically powered professional hydrogen vehicles, the company has a versatile approach to finding the right vehicle for the right task. H2X Global has operations in Australia, Malaysia, India, and Europe.


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Reducing Environmental Impacts of Cement and Concrete
Concrete is typically made up of 41% crushed rock, 26% sand, 16% water, 11% portland cement, and 6% entrained air. When combined, the cement and water form a slurry that flows between the aggregate and cures through a “hydration” process into a solid, rock-like mass. Portland cement, the key ingredient, was patented in 1824 by British bricklayer Joseph Aspdin and now accounts for about 95% of the cement market. It is made from calcium carbonate (primarily from locally quarried limestone or chalk
Portland cement - Wikipedia
Due to the high temperatures inside cement kilns, combined with the oxidising (oxygen-rich) atmosphere and long residence times, cement kilns are used as a processing option for various types of waste streams; indeed, they efficiently destroy many hazardous organic compounds. The waste streams also often contain combustible materials which allow the substitution of part of the fossil fuel normally
Concrete: the most destructive material on Earth | Cities
Feb 25, · Taking in all stages of production, concrete is said to be responsible for 4-8% of the world’s CO2. Among materials, only coal, oil and gas are a greater source of greenhouse gases. Half of
Automation solutions for the Cement Industry
Competence for the processes in the Cement Industry 6 The Cement Industry typically produces Portland cement – sometimes also masonry cement. Portland cement is a fine, typically gray powder comprised of calcium (from lime), silicates, aluminates (argillaceous), and ferrites, with addition of sulfates. Cement plants can operate continuously
CEMENTING PRACTICES Guidelines for cementing deepwater
During TrT, fluid (gas, oil, or water) can migrate up through the setting cement slurry, forming channels that destroy cement sheath integrity. Fluid migration is possible during TrT because the cement column begins to support itself and stops exerting hydrostatic pressure on the fluid source, but does not have enough compressive strength to
Effect of Petroleum Products On Concrete| Concrete
Q: Does exposure to petroleum-based lubricating oils and transmission fluids cause concrete floors to disintegrate? A.: Pure mineral oils such as gasoline, fuel oils, lubricating oils, and petroleum distillates reportedly don't attack mature concrete (Refs. 1 and 2). However, a book published in 1950 (Ref. 3) says that lubricating oils are often improved by adding fatty oils (animal and
How to Bond Sandstone | Hunker
Spread your cement mixture on the area to which the stone will be bonded. Mix the appropriate amount of mortar by combining one part Portland cement and three parts sand. Lime is not recommended in cement mixtures when working with sandstone. Spread the concrete evenly over the surface with a
destroy for cement production - JVC Gelderland
The suitability of the cement production process to destroy wastes and utilize byproducts from other industrial processes are highlighted and analysed. Cement kiln Wikipedia. The rotary kiln systems of the cement industry destroy these trace components virtually completely  Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH)
PPT – Ventriglias destroy Portland Cement Zambia PowerPoint
The Portland Cement Zambia has witnessed one of the most horrific situation in recent times when Ventriglia family looted it and left the factory abandoned. – A free PowerPoint PPT presentation (displayed as a Flash slide show) on PowerShow.com - id: 80ed61-NWVjN
Vulcanized Shoe Construction vs. Cold Cement Process - How
Cold cement construction allows the use of modern lightweight plastic, foam, and mesh materials due to the lower temperatures required for bonding. Every modern high-performance athletic shoe for running, basketball, etc is made by the cold cement process. This is how Nike makes shoes.
The Effects of the Monsoon on Cement and Concrete — XFACTORY
Oct 31, · The monsoon season is considered as a boon in our country. It is one of the most important seasons for the backbone of our economy i.e. Farmers. The monsoon rains, however, can be a tough game for
Cement and CO2 Emissions - Rammed Earth
First the limestone which is burned to make cement is more than twice the density of water and has to be heated to 1,450 degrees C, which uses a lot of fossil fuel, about.75 tonnes per tonne of cement. Second to the energy load to heat the limestone, the stone itself is composed of calcium and carbon.
Cement Market in the U.S. 2020-2025: Market Size and
Jun 15, · Cement Market in the U.S. -2025: Market Size and Volume, Domestic Production, Exports and Imports, Price Dynamics and Industry Turnover PRESS RELEASE GlobeNewswire Jun. 15,
What happens if sugar is put in concrete? - Quora
As unlikely as this seems, sugar is actually a well known “retardant” of concrete and is often used to help adjust the setting times, especially in emergencies.
Vested quarter out to destroy cement sector-401871
A group of vested interests are engaged in a deep-rooted conspiracy to block the country’s socioeconomic development and SDG implementation by destroying the cement sector, a crucial material used for construction of all physical infrastructures.
PDF) An Overview of Cement production: How “green” and
The suitability of the cement production process to destroy wastes and utilize byproducts from other industrial processes, are highlighted and analysed. Alternative methods and equipment to