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ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL amazônicos antigos tiveram um papel signiﬁcante no estabelecimento dessa paisagem amazônica emblemática. Key Words: Amazonia, non-timber forest products, plant genetics, landscape domestication, historical ecology, historical linguistics, Amazonian archeology. Introduction cent areas in Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Brazil nut (Bertholletia excelsa Humb. & and the Guianas. The Brazilian state of Pará containsBonpl.) is a signature Amazonian species and an the largest populations (Müller et al. 1980). Brazilimportant resource for local populations. Brazil nut trees are found in groves (Fig. 1) of 50–100nut’s nutritious, oil-rich seeds are eaten fresh, individuals known as castanhais (Portuguese),roasted, or pressed to produce a milk-like extract. manchales or castañales (Spanish), with grovesThe colossal trees reach up to 60 m in height and separated by considerable distances of compatible16 m in circumference (Pires 1984; Villachica et al. habitat where the species is completely absent (Peres1996). The Brazil nut family, Lecythidaceae, and Baider 1997). This patchy distribution ledincludes the oldest known tree in the American Adolpho Ducke (1946) to suggest that Brazil nuttropics, a specimen of Cariniana micrantha Ducke groves might be plantations left by ancientdated to 1,400 years old (Chambers et al. 1998). Amazonian peoples. This “anthropogenic hypoth-Brazil nut trees ~150 cm in diameter have been esis” has been echoed by numerous authors sincedated to 270 years (Chambers et al. 1998), while (Balée 1989; Müller et al. 1980; Posey 1985;the largest individuals (~500 cm in diameter) may Tupiassú and Oliveira 1967) without empiricalbe over 1,000 years old (Pires 1984; cited in Peres test or systematic review. Here we review theand Baider 1997). literature and present new results from the authors’ Carbonized Brazil nuts were identiﬁed at Pedra studies of Brazil nut ecology and genetics, manage-Pintada, an upper Paleolithic cave site in the ment practices by local people, and linguisticcentral Brazilian Amazon that was occupied some analysis of indigenous terms for the species.11,000 years ago by ancient hunter-gatherers Based on these ﬁndings we suggest that the Brazil(Roosevelt et al. 1996). Although archeologists nut was spread or facilitated throughout much ofhave found a diversity of oily seeds, especially its current distribution by ancient indigenouspalm nuts, in Paleolithic sites throughout lowland populations.South America (e. g., Morcote Ríos et al. 2006),Pedra Pintada is the only one where Brazil nutconsumption is clearly documented. Botany, Taxonomy, and Ecology Brazil nuts were introduced to Europe in the late Bertholletia is a monotypic genus of Lecythida-18th century by Dutch traders, with trade increas- ceae, a pantropical family of small to very largeing greatly in the late 19th century (Mori and trees. Lecythidaceae in the Americas are foundPrance 1990a). Today, Brazil nut is Amazonia’s from Mexico to Paraguay and southern Brazil,most important non-timber forest product. It is with diversity and abundance centered on Ama-also the only globally-traded seed crop collected zonia. The family includes about 200 speciesfrom natural forests (Clay 1997). Historically, divided among ten genera; however, recentBrazil has been the leading producer, but Bolivia genetic studies demonstrate that major taxonomichas now taken the lead, with 2004 exports valued revisions are needed in at least four of them (Moriat $50 million, compared with $15 million for et al. 2007). Bertholletia excelsa was named inBrazil and $10 million for Peru (Wander et al. 1807 by Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé de2008). From 2002–2006 annual harvests in Bonpland in honor of the chemist L. C.Brazil have varied from 24,895 to 30,555 metric Berthollet; the species epithet refers to its loftytons (IBGE–Instituto Brasileiro de Geograﬁa e stature. A second species, Bertholletia nobilis,Estatística 2004, 2007). Overall, the industry described by John Miers in 1874, was lateremploys some 200,000 people, mostly forest- rejected as synonymous with B. excelsa. Morpho-based extractivists (Peres et al. 1997). logical features place Bertholletia closest to the Brazil nut grows in well-drained terra ﬁrme genus Lecythis, with afﬁnities to L. lurida (Miers)forests throughout the Brazilian Amazon and adja- S. A. Mori (Mori and Prance 1990a:135), but
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOLagouti scatter-hoarding would presumably lead to germinate within the fruit cases. Peres and Baiderthe establishment of a new grove. (1997:599), citing de Souza (1984), claim that Several published studies as well as our own seeds left inside unopened Bertholletia pyxidiaﬁeld observations indicate that human disturb- rarely if ever germinate, succumbing to fungus.ance and intervention greatly facilitate Brazil nut Perhaps the drier climate or high levels of humanregeneration, and may be crucial for the establish- disturbance in Alter do Chão facilitate germina-ment of new groves. Indeed, the weakness of tion in these circumstances. Notably, Alter doPeres and Baider’s (1997) argument is that, while Chão is within the proverbial stone’s throw of thescatter-hoarding agoutis are ubiquitous in Ama- Pedra Pintada site where Roosevelt et al. (1996)zonia, Brazil nut saplings are exceedingly rare in discovered the earliest evidence of Brazil nutprimary forest habitats (Pires 1984), requiring consumption in ancient Amazonia.signiﬁcant canopy gaps to develop (Myers et al. Associations between Brazil nut groves and1996). Peres et al. (2003) have argued that anthropogenic dark earths have been mentionedcommercial over-harvest may be responsible for in the literature (Balée 1989; Conklin 2001), anda “demographic bottleneck,” though this inter- we found similar associations in our ﬁeld expedi-pretation has been criticized in the light of tions. In the Amanã Sustainable Developmentsigniﬁcant human facilitation of Brazil nut Reserve of Brazil, the community of Boa Esper-recruitment (see Stokstad 2003). Agoutis appear ança harvests Brazil nuts from a large andto disperse Brazil nuts preferentially into garden productive grove nearby known as “Castanhalfallows, where densities of seedlings and saplings are Urumutum.” The community is located within amuch higher (two and four times, respectively) than patch of anthropogenic dark earths where overin undisturbed forest (Cotta et al. 2008). Human 200 pre-Columbian funerary urns were discov-predation of agoutis—an abundant game species ered, indicating a signiﬁcant ancient occupationoften hunted by indigenous peoples in their (Shepard 2001). Guix (2005) found high den-gardens (e. g., Ohl-Schacherer et al. 2007)— sities of useful, large-seeded plants includingwould only tend to magnify the agouti’s impor- Brazil nut in soils rich with archeological remainstance as a seed dispersal agent, freeing more along the Rio Negro River. Similar observationsabandoned scatter hoards for germination. have been made in recent archeological and In the basin-wide survey of Brazil nut pop- botanical surveys in the Rio Trombetas (Magalhãesulations published by Peres et al. (2003), by far 2009). Guix (2005) suggests that humans maythe highest densities of saplings and trees overall have replaced extinct Pleistocene megafauna spe-were registered by Shepard (2002) in a small, ﬁre- cies in dispersing a number of economically useful,impacted grove near Alter do Chão, Pará, with 50 large-seeded tree species that might have otherwiseindividuals/ha, mostly in the size class of 10– gone extinct or suffered range reductions in the60 cm diameter. This was a clear outlier in the sudden climatic and ecological changes thatdataset, where most groves had 10–100 times occurred approximately 10,000 years ago (Pipernolower densities of Bertholletia, and the majority of and Pearsall 1998). Brazil nut trees have also beenindividuals were larger than 100 cm in diameter. found in association with geoglyphs—square orWhat made the Alter do Chão site unique was its circular man-made trenches dated to betweensituation in a drier, central Amazonian climate 1,000 and 2,500 years ago (Pärssinen et al. 2009;zone with high susceptibility to ﬁre. Local Ranzi et al. 2007)—that have become visible ininformants reported that the region suffered a newly deforested areas in Acre. Similar formations,major ﬁre in the 1980s, which cleared away also rich in Brazil nut trees, were observed insigniﬁcant areas of forest understory but also Riberalta, Bolivia, near the junction of the Benicompletely exterminated the local agouti popula- and Madre de Dios rivers (H. Ramirez, pers. obs.).tion. This was the only region surveyed where Field observations made during a year-longmulti-trunked Brazil nut individuals were found: survey of Bertholletia populations throughout thenearly 50% of the trunks surveyed at the site (45 Brazilian Amazon by Shepard (2002) revealedof 93 trunks) were fused in groups of 2–5 speciﬁc ways in which local populations haveindividuals (see Shepard 2002). This was puzzling promoted Brazil nut stands through managementuntil multiple seedlings were observed emerging and direct plantation. For example, Ponta dafrom single, unopened seed cases. Without Castanha is a managed Brazil nut grove on Teféagoutis to open and disperse the seeds, the seeds lake near the Mamirauá Sustainable Development
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUT Fig. 5. Distribution of the Brazil nut (Bertholletia excelsa). Data synthesized from Mori and Prance (1990a:-137), a spatial analysis of RADAM-Brasil (1973–1981) inventory data conducted by Desmoulière (n.d. -a, b), andauthors’ pers. obs. Comparing the geographical distributions of in Bertholletia compared with other tropical treesspecies within the sapucaia group (Fig. 6) with (Buckley et al. 1988; Kanashiro et al. 1997).that of Brazil nut (Fig. 5), a strikingly different Though Buckley et al. (1988) originally attrib-pattern emerges. The sapucaias are distributed uted this result to special ecological characteristicsamong well-deﬁned and geographically distinctive of the species, Kanashiro et al. (1997) noted thepopulations, as might be expected of a lineage hypothesized interventions of indigenous peoplewith a long history of dispersal and geographical as a more likely explanation (see also Mori andisolation between populations. Brazil nut, by Prance 1990a). Both studies, which used nuclearcontrast, demonstrates an extensive geographic DNA markers, found far greater levels of geneticrange—equal to or exceeding that of the two diversity within Brazil nut groves than betweenAmazonian sapucaias, L. zabucajo and L. pisonis them, a result that is uncommon for wild woodyssp. pisonis—and yet shows no internal taxonomic plant species (see Buckley et al. 1988) butdifferentiation as might be expected of an ancient common among cultivated species such as Euca-evolutionary lineage. Given the cumbersome lyptus globulus Labill. and Camellia sinensis (L.)dispersal mechanism of Bertholletia, compared Kuntze (Kanashiro et al. 1997). Curiously,with the dehiscent and more easily dispersed Kanashiro et al. (1997) found the highest levelsseeds of the sapucaias, one would expect Berthol- of within-grove phenotype diversity for the centralletia to show more rather than less geographical Amazon Santarém population (adjacent to Alter doisolation between populations, unless of course Chão and Pedra Pintada) and the lowest diversitythe Brazil nut’s evolutionary history has been for populations from Acre in the western Amazon.more recent, and its dispersal process more rapid. Though the authors do not comment on this fact, Reinforcing this conclusion, two prior studies the data might suggest a central Amazonian centerfound exceptionally low levels of genetic diversity for Brazil nut genetic diversity.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL Fig. 6. Distribution of Lecythis spp. in the “sapucaia” or pisonis group. Data adapted from Mori and Prance(1981:72). A Brazilian research group led by Rogerio cant geographical structuring, with 93% of theGribel and Maristerra Lemes used contemporary genetic variation found within populations, rein-chloroplast gene (cpDNA) sequencing and micro- forcing the prior ﬁndings of Buckley et al. (1988)satellite markers to study genetic diversity of the and Kanashiro et al. (1997) using differentBrazil nut (Gribel et al. 2007; Shepard 2002). techniques. If Brazil nut distribution dependedThe chloroplast genome, analogous to the mito- mostly on short-distance seed dispersal by agoutis,chondria genome in animals, is transmitted along with rare, long-distance dispersal events of singlematernal lines and thus relevant to studying seed seeds to form new groves, the process would havedispersal. The results of this study revealed no taken a very long time, and a geographicallyvariation for six non-coding cpDNA markers coherent pattern of genetic variability should haveampliﬁed and sequenced for eight widely sepa- emerged, as is the case for other Lecythidaceae.rated (up to 2,800 km apart) Brazil nut popula- Instead, low genetic variability at a large geo-tions (Gribel et al. 2007). This result contrasts graphical scale suggests a recent and rapidwith cpDNA sequence variability documented at irradiation of the species from a geographicallylocal scales (populations separated by as little as limited population origin.30 km) for other Lecythidaceae, including Lecy- Hans Carlos Müller, who has spent decadesthis zabucajo (Hamilton et al. 2003). Micro- gathering Bertholletia throughout Amazonia forsatellites are highly variable regions of DNA agronomic experimentation (see Müller 1981;used to study genetic diversity within popula- Müller et al. 1980), suggests the phenotypictions, analogous to paternity testing in humans. variation he has observed may be the result ofUsing eight microsatellite markers, Gribel et al. human selection (H. C. Müller, pers. comm.).(2007) identiﬁed 21 haplotypes for 116 individ- For example, the Brazil nut variety known asuals from the eight widespread populations. An abufari produces extremely large seeds (aboutanalysis of molecular variance revealed no signiﬁ- 7 cm in length) arranged like the individual slices
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTof a grapefruit. He describes other varieties that innovations (Balée 2000; Balée and Mooreproduce exceptionally large or numerous seeds, 1991; Comrie 2002; Urban 1992).that have exceptionally low tree crowns, or that Henri Ramirez has collected a large database ofpresent variable fruiting and maturation dates, vocabulary words in numerous South Americancharacteristics which are reproduced in offspring, languages, including botanical and zoologicalruling out mere ecological variation. Such phe- terms (see also Ramirez 2001). Results for thenotypic variables (fruit size, low crown, etc.) are Brazil nut, published and analyzed here for thetypical of traits selected for by humans in ﬁrst time (Appendix), suggest an intriguingincipient domestication of managed species pattern (Figs. 7 and 8). Of the three major(Clement 1990). language families within Brazil nut’s range— Arawak, Carib, and Tupi—only Arawak and Carib have terms for Brazil nut that reconstruct Linguistics and Cultural History to the respective proto-languages. Tupi, on the Historical linguistics has been used to shed other hand, shows variable terms for Brazil nutlight on the dispersal of ancient peoples and their across different subfamilies that do not appear tocrops, languages, and genes (Bellwood 2001; reconstruct. The suggested proto-Arawak term forBellwood and Renfrew 2002; Brown 2006; Brazil nut is *maiña or *maina, while theComrie 2002). Though caution is needed in suggested proto-Carib word is *tutka or *tutukainterpreting such data (Campbell 2002; Moore (the asterisk denotes hypothetical proto-vocabu-and Storto 2002; Roosevelt 1992), proto-language lary terms deduced from modern forms). Whenreconstruction and the study of loan words can speciﬁc vocabulary items (plants, animals, tools,provide evidence about the timing and direc- etc.) reconstruct to the proto-language (barringtion of agricultural, technological, and cultural recent loan words, which can be detected through Fig. 7. Indigenous terms for Brazil nut in the Amazon, showing approximate geographical location of eachgroup, color-coded for language family.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL Fig. 8. Preliminary historical/geographical analysis of indigenous terminology for Brazil nut.careful study), it is presumed that these items 2005). Regardless, the relatively close linguisticwere present in the cultural and environmental proximity among existing Carib languages sug-milieu at the time the proto-language was spoken gests a relatively recent common ancestor, with(Facundes 2002; Moore and Storto 2002). perhaps only half the time depth of the Arawak or Contradicting earlier hypotheses, which were Tupi language families, estimated to have begunbased on fragmentary or ﬂawed evidence (Noble internal diversiﬁcation more than 3,000 years ago1965; Schmidt 1917), more recent archeologists (Payne 1991; Rodrigues 1999). Wherever proto-and linguists propose that Arawak peoples origi- Carib speakers found themselves some 1,500 tonated in the northern portion of the Amazon 2,000 years ago, Brazil nut appears to have been abasin, though opinions are divided as to the salient element of their environment.precise center of origin, whether in central The Arawak and Carib cases contrast with that(Lathrap 1970; Ramirez 2001:26) or northwest- of the Tupi family, for which a proto-word forern Amazonia (Heckenberger 2002:99; Oliver Brazil nut does not appear to reconstruct.1989). Arawak speakers began a vigorous expan- Variable proto-words for Brazil nut reconstructsion approximately 3,000 years ago and came to for some of the Tupi subfamilies (Tupi-Guarani,occupy a vast region from the savannas of Tupari) and perhaps other intermediate group-southern Brazil, to the Caribbean, to the Andean ings (see Appendix). This speculative linguisticfoothills of Peru and Bolivia (Hill and Santos- evidence suggests that the earliest proto-TupiGranero 2002; Payne 1991). Carib languages speakers might not have known the Brazil nut,were long thought to have emerged in the but came to know it (either through migration orsouthern Amazon (Rodrigues 1985; Steinen interethnic contact) after certain subfamilies had1894). However, a more recent internal classi- diverged. Both linguistic and archeological dataﬁcation by Meira (2006:200) suggests a northern provide strong support that the Tupi languageorigin in the Guianas (see also Heckenberger family originated in the southern Amazon, likely in2005; Lathrap 1970; Meira and Franchetto the upper Tapajos and Madeira rivers in what is
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTnow the Brazilian state of Rondonia (Heckenberger Madeira, the Takana-speaking Esse-Eja refer toet al. 1998; Métraux 1928; Rodrigues 1964). This Brazil nut as xiwiwi, more similar to the Muraregion currently contains large and important and Matanawi words than the cluster of termspopulations of Brazil nut; thus the absence of a (moke, moje, muihe) used by their Takanaclear proto-word is striking and anomalous. neighbors. The Mura and Matanawi terms (tihii,Indeed, Eurico Muller, the preeminent arche- txipii) bear at least superﬁcial resemblance toologist of Rondonia’s prehistory (see Miller nearby Carib forms such as tetkï, and even to the1992), remarked on the curious absence of Brazil word for peanut, dihi, among the Leko in thenut remains (though charred palm nuts are upper Madeira (see discussion below about pea-common) from 4,000-year old sites he has nut/Brazil nut associations). The Iquito term sahiiexcavated in regions where Brazil nut groves are (Peruvian Amazon), Katawixi sákodia (centrala dominant element of the current landscape Amazon), and Asurini sa (Tupi-Guarani of(E. Muller, pers. comm.). Tocantins) also show a superﬁcial similarity. Diverse language groups near the limits of the Similarity among vocabulary items can alsocurrent distribution of the Brazil nut refer to it emerge by chance, and thus more systematicusing loan words from neighboring languages. investigation would be required to test theseFor example, the Arawak-speaking Lokono in the speculations.Guianas call the Brazil nut tutuka, clearly a loan A stronger case for chains of linguistic borrow-word from neighboring Carib speakers. Likewise ing can be made for a cluster of unrelatedthe Tupi-speaking Tembé in Pará (eastern language families located in the Purús basin andAmazon) call it teko-ingwer, the ﬁrst element of Madeira headwaters in the southwest Amazon.which may be a loan from Carib (an alternative Terms in the Arawá (not be confused with thename for Brazil nut in Tembé, zapukaza’i refers Arawak) language family such as mowe and moi’dito Lecythis pisonis, an example of naming by are strikingly similar to the Tupian Arara termanalogy; see below). The word for Brazil nut in mowi, and also resemble nearby Arawak termsTikuna, ñoo, appears to be a loan word from the such as Kaixana maihu and Marawá manazi.reconstructed Tupi-Guarani ña, associated with Further south in the Madeira headwaters betweenthe late western expansion of Tupi speakers Bolivia and Perú, the reconstructed proto-Takanaalong the main Amazon channel (Rodrigues term *moike is similar both to these modern1999). Other indigenous groups along the Arawá terms (mowe, moi’di) and to *maïkï asfringes of its distribution refer to the Brazil nut reconstructed for the proto-Piro-Apurinã subgroupwith regional vernacular terms: the Yekuana of Arawak (see Fig. 8, Appendix). The Harakmbut(Carib) term, wuﬁa, is a loan word from the word morikke is a clear loan word from the proto-regional Venezuelan term, jubia, while multiple Takana *moike.groups in southern and eastern Brazil have terms The Harakmbut presents a particularly inter-derived from the Portuguese castanha or the esting case, since Brazil nut is virtually absentregional term tocari, probably of Carib origin from their current territory on the Manu and(see Appendix, Figs. 7 and 8). upper Madre de Dios rivers in Peru (upper In the Tupi-Guarani subfamily of the Tupi Madeira tributaries). A few isolated individualsfamily, the reconstructed proto-term for Brazil of Brazil nut are currently found in the forestnut, *(i)ña, is close enough to the proto-Arawak interior several kilometers from the Pakitsa guard*maiña to warrant further scrutiny. The term post of Manu National Park (G. Shepard, pers.minata in Kamayurá (within Tupi-Guarani) is obs.), far from the commercially viable Brazil nutespecially similar to the Arawakan form. Maneéh groves on the lower Madre de Dios that havein Maku (northwest Amazon) and méhe in been considered the southernmost distributionTaruma (Guiana region) are more clear-cut cases limit (Mori and Prance 1990a). These isolatedof Arawak loan words to unrelated languages. Brazil nut trees in Manu are not likely to have In some cases, regional loan word patterns arrived at Pakitsa by natural dispersion, and weresuggest longer chains of interethnic contact or instead probably brought by indigenous peoplemigration. For example, along the Madeira River, such as the Harakmbut-speaking Toyeri whothe Mura word for Brazil nut, tihii, is similar to occupied Manu before being decimated by rubberthe word among the unrelated but neighboring tappers beginning in the 1890s (Shepard et al.Matanawi, txipii. In the headwaters of the 2010). The Harakmbut word for Brazil nut, and
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOLthe Brazil nut trees themselves, appear to have reminiscent of the word for peanut, wai-se,been acquired either through downstream trading among the neighboring Arawak-speaking Pareci.with the Takana, or as a result of an earlier The peanut, curiously, was probably ﬁrst domes-upstream migration. In the latter regard, Adelaar ticated nearby in the dry south Amazon border(2000) suggests tentative linguistic connections region (see Piperno and Pearsall 1998).between Harakmbut and the Katukina language Among the more northerly Tupi groupsfamily of Brazil. This example suggests a link (Tupi-Guarani subgroup), the word for Brazilbetween processes of linguistic borrowing and nut in some languages is closely related to theactual plant dispersal. general word for “seed,” even showing systematic A number of unrelated, geographically sepa- sound correspondence between for example ñarated languages in the southern and western (“Brazil nut”) and—a’ïña (“seed”) in Wayampi-Amazon appear to have named the Brazil nut Kawahip-Apiaká, and sa (“Brazil nut”) and—through analogy to some other edible nut (see a’ïsa (“seed”) in Asurini. Likewise the Chapa-Appendix), particularly the peanut (Arachis hypo- curan (Rondônia/Bolivia) terms tokwe, tokä, tike,gea L.). Novel plants or animals are often named teke are very close to the general terms for “seed”by analogy with more familiar local species (tokwin, toki).(Berlin 1992; Witkowski and Brown 1983). Linguistic borrowings depend upon complexThe Portuguese and Spanish words for Brazil factors involved in sociolinguistic contact (Campbellnut represent precisely such a case, where the 2002; Comrie 2002; Dixon 1999), and interpre-terms castanha and castaña referred originally to tation of such data presents numerous challenges.the chestnut (Castanea spp.), and later came to We speculate, based on analysis of loan words andrefer to the Brazil nut through analogy. The semantic extension (“nut”/“peanut”), that someMatsigenka (Arawak) live in the Andean foothills of the language groups around the fringes of theoutside the Brazil nut distribution, and came to Brazil nut distribution, and along certain key riverknow it only in recent decades through trade; they routes (e. g., upper Madeira, western Amazon),refer to Brazil nut either as inke, literally “peanut,” encountered the Brazil nut relatively recentlyor else use the Spanish term castaña. In a similar through migration, trade, or contact. The Tupifashion, the linguistically unrelated Sharanahua case is particularly important, since they are(Panoan) and Kokama (Tupi), who live near the presumed to have originated in the uppersouthern and western limits (respectively) of Madeira/Tapajos region, which currently containsBrazil nut distribution, refer to it as “large vast, commercially productive Brazil nut groves.peanut” (see Appendix). These groups, like the Our preliminary linguistic analysis suggests thatMatsigenka, appear to have encountered the some four millennia ago, when the Tupi languageBrazil nut relatively recently. Among the Panoan family emerged, the Brazil nut may not have beenlanguages there seems to be thorough interchan- present in their environment.geability between terms: while the Sharanahua Recent archeological studies (Arroyo-Kalincall the Brazil nut “large peanut” (tama wan), the 2008; Neves et al. 2003) have demonstrated thatChacobo call the peanut a “ground Brazil-nut” the large patches of anthropogenic dark earths, or(mai tapa). terra preta do índio, found mostly in the Brazilian Among multiple subgroups of southern Tupi Amazon, resulted from the intensiﬁcation oflanguages, the word for Brazil nut is suspiciously agriculture and the emergence of sedentary life-similar to the word for peanut: in Makurap, arao styles, especially during the ﬁrst millennium C.E.(where arawï is “peanut”); in Mondé, mam Arawak peoples have been implicated in the(where mam kap is “peanut”); Karitiana, mijo spread of sedentary agriculture in the Amazon(where mĩ’ĩ is “peanut”); and Munduruku, wenïj/ (Schmidt 1917), the generation of these darkwenã (where wenã-bïn ñe is “peanut”). The iso- earth soils (Arroyo-Kalin 2008), and the forma-lated languages Kanoe and Rikbaktsa (Rondônia) tion of large-scale interethnic trade networks (Hillshow a similar semantic overlap between Brazil nut and Santos-Granero 2002). Sedentary lifestylesand peanut (see Appendix). Likewise in the two and dark earths are especially associated with theNambikwara dialects (southern Amazon), Brazil cultivation of bitter manioc, which requires labor-nut is wana’ and wanakka, respectively, while intensive processing that generates large amountspeanut is waiki and waikki. In the related of charcoal during the cooking and toasting ofSabanê language, kwaiki for Brazil nut is various kinds of manioc ﬂour and other byprod-
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTucts; bitter manioc cultivation predominates in some already published and some presented herethe eastern half of Amazonia, the Orinoco basin, for the ﬁrst time, lends credence to some degreeand the Guianas (Arroyo-Kalin 2008). Sweet of human involvement in the dispersal of themanioc (“yuca”), by contrast, requires no special Brazil nut to its current range. A review of theprocessing other than simple cooking, and is geographic distribution of B. excelsa, and compar-predominant in the western Amazon where semi- ison with that of several Lecythis species withnomadic shifting cultivation is the norm, and similar, more easily dispersed seeds, suggest awhere both the Brazil nut and anthropogenic number of anomalies that are consistent with adark earths are mostly absent. The intensive relatively recent colonization of Bertholletiaagriculture practices required to create large throughout Amazonia. The dispersal ecology ofpatches of anthropogenic dark earths provide the Brazil nut renders it highly responsive to andexactly the combination of anthropic factors that perhaps largely dependent on anthropogenicwould have facilitated the establishment of Brazil disturbance for the establishment and expansionnut stands. Brazil nut groves are often associated of groves, at least given post-Pleistocene ecologicalwith anthropogenic dark earths, and Arawak conditions. Field observations and a review oflanguages appear to represent an important hub ethnographic examples suggest how speciﬁc cul-of loan words for Brazil nut to other language tural practices might have facilitated the expan-families. Indeed, the distribution of Brazil nut sion of Brazil nut populations from ancientshows striking similarities with the distribution of through recent times. Phenotypes observed inknown dark earth sites in the Amazon basin certain Brazil nut populations suggest a degree of(see Kern et al. 2004:54). selection and incipient domestication. Past Several authors have noted the conspicuous genetic studies suggesting low degrees of inter-absence of the Brazil nut in the Juruá basin (Mori population genetic diversity were conﬁrmed andand Prance 1990a; Fig. 5). While soil conditions made more emphatic by our own more recentmay be a factor, the Juruá is also a region of studies of chloroplast DNA, suggesting a recentcultural disjunction between more geographically and rapid dissemination from a restricted pop-circumscribed Arawá and Panoans, surrounded to ulation of origin.the north and south by suggested routes of Arawak Historical linguistic analysis of indigenousand multiple Tupi expansions along the Madeira terms for the Brazil nut reinforces our inter-and Amazon proper (Aikhenvald 1999; Hornborg pretation of previously published genetic2005; see also Heckenberger 2002:105). Thus the (Kanashiro et al. 1997) and archeologicallimits of the Brazil nut distribution may represent at (Roosevelt et al. 1996) data, suggesting a northern/least in part the limits of various cultural-linguistic central Amazonian origin for Bertholletia, with“diasporas” (Heckenberger 2002) associated with a more recent spread of Brazil nut distributionthe intensiﬁcation of agriculture, especially begin- (and cultivation?) to the south and west. Such anning in the ﬁrst millennium C.E. (Arroyo-Kalin expansion would have been particularly facili-2008; Neves and Petersen 2006). Speculative tated by the emergence of intensive bitterdating of language families (see Appendix) manioc cultivation and networks of interethnicsupports a similar time frame (1,500–2,000 years trade associated with the Arawak diaspora of theago) for the acquisition of loan words or analogy ﬁrst millennium C.E. (see Heckenberger 2002).terms (“peanut,” “seed”) for Brazil nut in several The often-noted association between Brazil nutAmazonian language families in the southern groves and anthropogenic dark earths—themselvesand western Amazon (Tupi, Pano, Takana, a result of intensive pre-Colombian sedentaryNambikwara, etc.). agriculture—lends support to such an interpreta- tion. Our arguments contribute to a body of relatively recent discoveries challenging the long- standing view of pre-Colombian Amazonian Conclusion peoples as small, low-impact nomadic popula- There is so far no “smoking gun” that proves tions, revealing instead the signiﬁcant legacy ofBrazil nut groves are the forest plantations of ancient indigenous peoples in shaping modernancient indigenous peoples, as Ducke (1946) Amazonian landscapes (Balée and Erickson 2006;once hypothesized. However, a preponderance Heckenberger et al. 2008; McCann et al. 2001;of evidence from independent lines of research, Roosevelt 1980).
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL Acknowledgments to Carlos Peres for sharing data, observations, and The authors wish to acknowledge Rogerio Gribel photographs during various drafts. We thank Scottand Maristerra Lemes for support and research Mori and two anonymous reviewers for their carefulcollaboration in the early phases of this study. We reading of the manuscript and many helpful com-also acknowledge Eduardo Góes Neves and the ments and revisions. We acknowledge Denny MooreMuseum of Archeology and Ethnology at University for urging caution in our linguistic interpretations.of São Paulo for support during a later phase of the Finally, we thank Joshua Birtchall for helpful com-research. We thank Manuel Arroyo-Kalin for many ments on the ﬁnal draft of some ﬁgures. Differentuseful suggestions on a draft of the paper. We also phases of the research were supported by Brazil’sthank Sylvain Desmoulière for kindly sharing Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientíﬁco eunpublished geographical analyses of RADAM- Tecnológico (CNPq) and Fundação de Amparo aBrasil inventory data on the Brazil nut. Thanks also Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP). AppendixRegional, vernacular, and indigenous terms for Brazil nut (Bertholletia excelsa), researched andorganized by H. Ramirez. All vernacular terms were collected in the ﬁeld except where bibliographicalsources are noted.REGIONAL AND VERNACULAR TERMS:& noix du Brésil (French) < *Latin nuc(e) “fruit of a european tree (Juglans regia), or any similar kind of fruit with an almond” < *Indo-European knu(t).& Brasil nut (English) < *Germanic knut “hard seed” < *Indo-European knu(t). NOTE: The German and English words for the peanut (Arachis hypogaea) have been formed from the same linguistic root: pea + nut in English and erd + nuβ nut of earth in German.& castanha (Portuguese), castaña (Spanish) < *Latin (nux) castanea “nut of the chestnut tree (Castanea vesca) or any similar kind of fruit < *Greek kástanon < Asiatic language (cf. English chestnut < *Old English chesten nut < *Old French chastaigne “chestnut”).& almendra (Spanish, cf. Portuguese amêndoa, French amande, English almond) < *Latin amygdala “almond” < *Greek amygdále “ amygdalis”.& to(ro)cari (Brazil of XVIIIth century) < probable Carib loan, with the non-Carib sufﬁx -ri.& touca (French Guiana) < probable Carib loan: tutuka in Kari’ña.& yuviá, jubia (Venezuelan Spanish) < loanword from an unknown indigenous language.Symbols, abbreviations, and orthography:N.P. Brazil nut not present in locality† extinct language[<...] etymological meaning or loan word—/— synonyms(— yrs.) approximative time depth for the proto-language*— hypothetical reconstructed proto-formÏ high central vowelÄ mid central vowely high round front vowel (like u in French)ñ palatal nasalj palatal semivowel (like y in English)x voiceless palatal fricativetx voiceless palatal affricate’ glottal stopã, ẽ,... nasalized vowel
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTINDIGENOUS TERMS:NOTE: Terms are organized by linguistic families. Roman numbers (I, II, III, etc.) indicate thesubfamilies, while letters (Ia, Ib, Ic, etc.) show further subgroupings. New internal classiﬁcations havebeen suggested here by H. Ramirez for Arawá, Arawak, Chapacura, Carib, and Pano families. Whereongoing lexico-statistical study permits, suggestions for language family time depth are provided inparentheses. Supplemental terms for “peanut,” “nut,” etc. are provided where relevant.Aikana jiry (wikere / wita peanut)Arawá (2,000 yrs.) I) PAUMARI moi’di (mowa ﬂower) II) ZOROWAHA namï-wasazu (namï high?, wasazu inajá [Attalea sp.]) III) YARAWARA-DENI IIIa) YARAWARA mowe (mowe ﬂower) (cf. Arara-Aripuanã [Tupi] mowi) IIIb) DENI wato Arawak (Aruak, Maipure) (4,500 yrs.) *maiña/*maina I) KAIXANA maíhu / maikï (sïmi / sumi seed) II) †BAHUANA miñi’i III) WAPISHANA minaï IV) MAWAYANA mija V) †MARAWÁ manazi (usi seed) (data from Tastevin 1920) VI) PIRO-APURINÃ (2,000 yrs.) *maï(-)kï (cf. proto-Takana *moike, Harakmbut morikke, Paumari [Arawá] moi’di) VIa) PIRO mïxi / janajsi (-xi seed) VIb) INAMPARI mïhï (-hï seed) VIc) APURINÃ makï / make / mitjatakuru (-kï seed) VII) LOKONO tútuka (< Carib) VIII) PARECI tokali-se / tokware-se (< Carib) (wai-se peanut) IX) CAMPA/MATSIGENKA inke (= peanut), kastaña (<Sp.)Cahuapana xiwako’, monopi, tanpa’pi nuts spp.Carib (2,500 yrs.) *tut(u)-ka (cf. Mura-Piraha tíihí) I) GUIANA Ia) † PALMELLAS tutuko (data from Fonseca 1880–1881) Ib) WAIWAI tïtko HIXKARYANA tutko KAXUYANA tutko Ic) TRIÓ tuhka / tuuka † OYARICOULÉ tura-tura Id) APALAI tutuko WAYANA tutukä / tutuko WAIMIRI-ATROARI tetkï KARI’ÑA tutuka
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2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTCotta, J. N., K. A. Kainer, L. H. O. Wadt, and Guix, J. C. 2005. Evidence of old anthropic C. L. Staudhammer. 2008. Shifting cultiva- effects in forests at the conﬂuence of the tion effects on Brazil nut (Bertholletia excelsa) Caurés and Negro Rivers–NW Amazonia: The regeneration. Forest Ecology and Management role of Indians and Caboclos. Grupo de 256(1–2):28–35. Estudos Ecologicos, São Paulo.de Souza, M. L. 1984. Estudos de processos Hamilton, M. B., J. M. Braverman, and D. F. tecnológicos para obtenção de produtos da Soria-Hernanz. 2003. Patterns and relative Castanha-do-Brasil (Bertholletia excelsa, H. B. rates of nucleotide and insertion/deletion K.). Ph.D. thesis, Dept. Tecnologia de evolution at six chloroplast intergenic regions Alimentos, Universidade Federal do Ceará, in new world species of the Lecythidaceae. Fortaleza. Molecular Biology and Evolution 20(10):1710–Desmoulière, S. J. M. n.d. -a. Castanha da 1721. Amazônia: Inventario padronizado. Unpub- Heckenberger, M. J. 2002. Rethinking the lished GIS product (map) summarizing special Arawakan diaspora: Hierarchy, regionality data on Bertholletia from RADAM-Brasil and the Amazonian Formative. Pages 99–122 (1973–1981) botanical inventories. GIS Labo- in J. D. Hill and F. Santos-Granero, eds., ratory, Instituto Nacional de Pesquisa da Comparative Arawakan histories: Rethinking Amazônia (INPA), Manaus. language family and culture area in Amazonia.———. n.d. -b. Castanha da Amazônia: No University of Illinois Press, Urbana. texto descritivo da parcela. Unpublished GIS ———. 2005. The ecology of power: Person, product (map) summarizing special data on place, and culture in Southern Amazon, AD Bertholletia from RADAM-Brasil (1973–1981) 1250–2000. New York: Routeledge. botanical inventories. GIS Laboratory, Insti- ———, E. G. Neves, and J. B. Petersen. 1998. tuto Nacional de Pesquisa da Amazônia De onde surgem os modelos? As origens e (INPA), Manaus. expansões Tupi na Amazônia Central. RevistaDixon, R. M. W. 1999. Introduction. Pages 1– de Antropologia 41(1):69–96. 22 in R. M. W. Dixon and A. Y. Aikhenvald, ———, J. C. Russell, C. Fausto, J. R. Toney, M. eds., The Amazonian languages. Cambridge J. Schmidt, E. Pereira, B. Franchetto, and A. University Press, Cambridge. Kuikuro. 2008. Pre-Columbian urbanism,Ducke, A. 1946. Plantas de cultura précolombi- anthropogenic landscapes, and the future of ana na Amazônia brasileira. Boletin Técnico the Amazon. Science 29(321):1214–1217. do Instituto Agronomico do Norte 8:2–24. Hill, J. D. and F. Santos-Granero. 2002. Com-Facundes, S. D. S. 2002. Historical linguistics parative Arawakan histories: Rethinking lan- and its contribution to improving the knowl- guage family and culture area in Amazonia. edge of Arawak. Pages 74–96 in J. D. Hill and University of Illinois Press, Urbana. F. Santos-Granero, eds., Comparative Arawa- Hornborg, A. 2005. Ethnogenesis, regional inte- kan histories: Rethinking language family and gration and ecology in prehistoric Amazonia: culture area in Amazonia. University of Illinois Toward a system perspective. Current Anthro- Press, Urbana. pology 46(4):589–620.Fonseca, J. S. da. 1880–81. Viagem ao redor do IBGE—Instituto Brasileiro de Geograﬁa e Esta- Brasil, 1875–1878 (2 vols. ). Oﬁcina tipográf- tística. 2004. Produção da extração vegetal e ica de Pinheiro, Faria & Companhia, Rio de da silvicultura–2003. Instituto Brasileiro de Janeiro. Geograﬁa e Estatística, Rio de Janeiro.Greenhall, A. M. 1965. Sapucaia nut dispersal by ———. 2007. Produção da extração vegetal e da greater spear-nosed bats in Trinidad. Carib- silvicultura–2006. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto bean Journal of Science 6:167–171. Brasileiro de Geograﬁa e Estatística.Gribel, R., M. R. Lemes, L. G. Bernardes, A. E. Janzen, D. H. and P. S. Martin. 1982. Neo- Pinto, and G. H., Jr. Shepard. 2007. Page 281 tropical anachronisms: The fruits the gom- Phylogeography of Brazil-nut tree (Bertholletia photheres ate. Science 215:19–27. excelsa, Lecythidaceae): Evidence of human Kanashiro, M., S. A. Harris, and A. Simons. inﬂuence on the species distribution. Associa- 1997. RAPD diversity in Brazil nut (Bertholle- tion for Tropical Biology and Conservation, tia excelsa Humb. & Bonpl.: Lecythidaceae). Morelia. Silvae Genetica 46(4):219–223.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOLKern, D., G. D’aquino, T. Rodrigues, F. Frazao, (Bertholletia excelsa Humb. & Bonpl.: Lecy- W. Sombroek, T. Myers, and E. Neves. 2004. thidaceae). Advances in Economic Botany Distribution of Amazonian dark earths in the 8:130–150. Brazilian Amazon. Pages 51–75 in J. Leh- ———. 1990b. Lecythidaceae—Part II. The mann, D. Kern, B. Glaser, and W. Wodos, zygomorphic-ﬂowered New World genera eds., Amazonian dark earths. Kluwer Aca- (Couroupita, Corythophora, Bertholletia, Coura- demic Publishers, Dordrecht. tari, Eschweilera, & Lecythis). Flora NeotropicaLathrap, D. W. 1970. The Upper Amazon. 21(2):1–376. Praeger, New York. Müller, C. H. 1981. Castanha-do-Brasil: EstudosMagalhães, M. P. 2009. Evolução antropomorfa agronômicos. EMBRAPA/Centro de Pesquisa da Amazônia. Revista de História da Arte e Agropecuária do Trópico Úmido, Belém, Pará. Arqueologia 12:4–38. ———, I. A. Rodrigues, A. A. Müller, and N. R.McCann, J. M., W. I. Woods, and D. W. Meyer. M. Müller. 1980. Castanha-do-Brasil: Resul- 2001. Organic matter and anthrosols in tados de pesquisas. Belém, Pará: EMBRAPA/ Amazonia: Interpreting the Amerindian leg- Centro de Pesquisa Agropecuária do Trópico acy. in R. M. Rees, B. C. Ball, C. D. Úmido. Campbell, and C. A. Watson, eds., Sustain- Myers, G. P., A. C. Newton, and M. Melgarejo. able management of soil organic matter, pp 1996. The inﬂuence of canopy gap size on 180–189. CAB International, Wallingford. natural regeneration of Brazil nut (BertholletiaMeira, S. 2006. Cariban languages. Pages 199– excelsa) in Bolivia. Forest Ecology and Man- 204 in K. Brown, ed., Encyclopedia of agement 127(1–3):119–128. language and linguistics, 2nd edition. Elsevier, Neves, E. G. and J. B. Petersen. 2006. The political Oxford. economy of pre-Columbian Amerindians: Land-——— and B. Franchetto. 2005. The Southern scape transformations in central Amazonia. Pages Cariban languages and the Cariban family. 279–310 in W. Balée and C. Erickson, eds., Time International Journal of American Linguistics and complexity in the Neotropical lowlands: 71(2):127–192. Explorations in historical Eecology. ColumbiaMétraux, A. 1928. La civilisation matérielle des University Press, New York. tribus Tupi-Guarani. Librairie Orientaliste, Paris. ———, ———, R. N. Bartone, and C. A. daMiller, E. (ed.). 1992. Arqueologia dos empreen- Silva. 2003. Historical and socio-cultural dimentos da Eletronorte: Resultados prelimi- origins of Amazonian dark earths. In Amazo- nares. Brasilia: Eletronorte. nian dark earths: Origins, properties, manage-Moore, D. and L. Storto. 2002. As línguas ment, ed. J. Lehmann, D. Kern, G. Glaser, indígenas e a pré-história. Pages 73–92 in S. and W. I. Woods, 29–50. Dordrecht: Kluwer D. J. Pena, ed., Homo Brasilis. FUNPEC Academic Publishers. Editora, São Paulo. Nimuendajú, C. 1925. As tribus do alto Madeira.Morcote Ríos, G., S. Mora Camargo, and C. E. Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Franky Calvo. 2006. Pueblos y paisajes anti- Paris 17:166–172. guos de la Selva Amazónica. Universidad Noble, G. K. 1965. Proto-Arawakan and its Nacional deColombia/Instituto de Ciencias descendants. International Journal of Ameri- Naturales, São Paulo. can Linguistics 31(3):1–129.Mori, S. A. (lead author) et al.; D. Swarthout Ohl-Schacherer, J., G. H., Jr. Shepard, H. (topic editor). 2007. Brazil nut family (Lecy- Kaplan, C. A. Peres, T. Levi, and D. W. Yu. thidaceae) in the New World. In Encyclopedia 2007. The sustainability of subsistence hunt- of Earth, ed. C. J. Cleveland and D. Swarth- ing by Matsigenka native communities in out. Environmental Information Coalition, Manu National Park, Peru. Conservation National Council for Science and the Environ- Biology 21(5):1174–1185. ment, Washington, D.C. Oliver, J. R. 1989. The archaeological, linguistic——— and G. T. Prance. 1981. The “sapucaia” and ethnohistorical evidence for the expansion group of Lecythis (Lecythidaceae). Brittonia 33 of Arawakan into northwest Venezuela and (1):70–80. northeastern Colombia. Ph.D. thesis, Dept. of——— and ———. 1990a. Taxonomy, ecology Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana- and economic botany of the Brazil nut Champaign.
2011] SHEPARD & RAMIREZ: HUMAN DISPERSAL OF THE BRAZIL NUTPärssinen, M., D. Schaan, and A. Ranzi. 2009. Rodrigues, A. D. 1964. A classiﬁcação do tronco Pre-Columbian geometric earthworks in the lingüístico tupí. Revista de Antropologia 12 upper Purús: A complex society in western (1–2):99–104. Amazonia. Antiquity 83(322):1084–1095. ———. 1985. Evidence for Tupi-Cariban rela-Payne, D. L. 1991. A classiﬁcation of Maipuran tionship. In South American languages: Retro- (Arawakan) languages based on shared lexical spect and prospect, ed. H. Klein and L. Stark, retentions. Pages 355–499 in D. C. Derbyshire 371–404. Austin: University of Texas Press. and G. K. Pullum, eds., Handbook of Amazo- ———. 1999. Tupí. In The Amazonian lan- nian languages. Mouton de Gruyter, The Hague. guages, ed. H. Klein and L. Stark, 107–124.Peres, C. A. and C. Baider. 1997. Seed dispersal, Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. spatial distribution and population structure of Roosevelt, A. C. 1980. Parmana: Prehistoric maize Brazilnut trees (Bertholettia excelsa) in south- and manioc subsistence along the Amazon and eastern Amazonia. Journal of Tropical Ecology Orinoco. Academic Press, New York. 13:595–616. ———. 1992. Arqueologia Amazônica. In His-———, L. C. Schiesari, and C. L. Dias-Leme. tória dos Índios no Brasil, ed. M. M. Carneiro 1997. Vertebrate predation of Brazil-nuts, an da Cunha, 53–86. São Paulo: Companhia das agouti-dispersed Amazonian seed crop (Ber- Letras. tholletia excelsa, Lecythidaceae): A test of the ———, M. Lima da Costa, C. Lopes Machado, escape hypothesis. Journal of Tropical Ecology M. Michab, N. Mercier, H. Valladas, J. 13:69–79. Feathers, W. Barnett, M. Imazio da Silveira,———, C. Baider, P. A. Zuidema, L. H. O. A. Henderson, J. Sliva, B. Chernoff, D. S. Wadt, K. A. Kainer, D. A. P. Gomes-Silva, R. Reese, J. A. Homan, N. Toth, and K. Schick. P. Salomão, L. L. Simões, E. R. N. Franciosi, 1996. Paleoindian cave dwellers in the Ama- F. Cornejo Valverde, R. Gribel, G. H. zon: The peopling of the Americas. Science Shepard Jr., M. Kanashiro, P. Coventry, D. 272:373–384. W. Yu, A. R. Watkinson, and R. P. Freckle- Schmidt, M. 1917. Die Aruaken: Ein beitrag zum ton. 2003. Demographic threats to the sus- problem der kulturverbreitung. Universität tainability of Brazil nut exploitation. Science Leipzig, Leipzig. 302:2112–2114. Shepard, G. H. Jr. 2001. Relatório preliminarPiperno, D. and D. M. Pearsall. 1998. The sobre sítio arqueológico e cemitério indígena origins of agriculture in the lowland Neo- na Reserva Amanã. Report submitted to 1ª tropics. Academic Press, San Diego. Superintendência Regional do IPHAN (MemoPires, J. M. 1984. The Amazonian forest. Pages nº 0308/2001). Instituto de Patrimônio His- 581–602 in H. Sioli, ed., The Amazon: tórico e Artístico Nacional (IPHAN), Brasilia, Limnology and landscape ecology of a mighty DF, Brazil. tropical river and its basin. Dr. W. Junk ———. 2002. Estudos sobre a biologia reprodu- Publishers, Boston. tiva de plantas Amazônicas e suas aplicações noPosey, D. A. 1985. Indigenous management of uso, manejo e conservação dos recursos natur- tropical forest ecosystems: The case of the ais. Manaus, AM, Brazil: Conselho Nacional Kayapo Indians of the Brazilian Amazon. de Pesquisa (CNPq). Agroforestry Systems 3:139–158. ———, K. Rummenhoeller, J. Ohl, and D. W.RADAM-Brasil. (1973–1981). Levantamento de Yu. 2010. Trouble in paradise: Indigenous recursos naturais: Geologia, geomorfologia, populations, anthropological policies, and bio- solos, vegetação, uso potencial da terra (22 diversity conservation in Manu National Park, volumes). Rio de Janeiro: Ministério de Minas Peru. Journal of Sustainable Forestry 29:252– e Energia, Departamento Nacional de Produção 301. Mineral. Steinen, K. von den. 1894. Unter den natur-Ramirez, H. 2001. Línguas Arawak da Amazônia völkem Zentral-Brasiliens. Berlin. setentrional: Comparação e descrição. Univer- Stokstad, E. 2003. Too much crunching on sidade do Amazonas, Manaus. rainforest nuts? Science 302:2049.Ranzi, A., R. Feres, and F. Brown. 2007. Internet Tastevin, C. 1909/1920. Vocabulaires Katawishi. software programs aid in search for Amazonian Unpublished vocabulary. Archives of Professor geoglyphs. Eos 88(21):226–229. Paul Rivet, Musée de l’Homme, Paris.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL———. 1920. Dialecte Marawa. Unpublished Villachica, H., J. E. Urano de Carvalho, C. H. vocabulary. Archives of Professor Paul Rivet, Müller, S. C. Diaz, and M. Almanza. 1996. Musée de l’Homme, Paris. Frutales y hortalizas promisórios de la Amazonía.Trivedi, M. R., F. H. Cornejo, and A. R. Watkinson. Tratado de Cooperación Amazónica/Food and 2004. Seed predation on Brazil nuts (Bertholletia Agriculture Organization (FAO), Lima, Peru. excelsa) by macaws (Psittacidae) in Madre de Wander, A. E., R. Gazzola, C. H. M. Coelho, J. Dios, Peru. Biotropica 36(1):118–122. Gazzola, and G. da Silva e Souza. 2008. BrazilTupiassú, A. and N. V. C. Oliveira. 1967. A nut almonds: Nutritional and market aspects. castanha do Pará. Instituto de Desenvolvimento Tropentag 2008. Stuttgart-Hohenheim, Ger- Econômico-Social do Pará, Belém, Pará. many: Competition for Resources in a ChangingUrban, G. 1992. A história da cultura Brasileira World: New Drive for Rural Development. segundo as linguas nativas. Pages 87–102 in Witkowski, S. L. and C. H. Brown. 1983. M. M. Carneiro da Cunha, ed., Índios no Marking-reversals and cultural importance. Brasil. Companhia das Letras, São Paulo. Language 59(3):569–582.


text:
Matt Reeves has planned some exciting storylines for his Batman trilogy with Robert Pattinson. In fact, the filmmaker is not interested in taking the usual route and wants to explore different storylines that weren't explored before. As per a report in We Got This Covered, the trilogy will also include Batman's budding romance with Catwoman and eventually their marriage in coming sequels. Yes, we can see the superhero fans jumping with joy and why shouldn't they? After all, Batman's romance is rarely highlighted in any of the character's previous outings.
As per the report, Pattinson's Batman and Zoe Kravitz's Catwoman will fall in love in the first movie and the sequels will include them getting married and even have a baby eventually. This storyline is pretty familiar with the comic book nerds but if Reeves will stick to the original version and show their rooftop wedding or make some changes with his own addition is yet to be decided. Robert Pattinson's 'The Batman' Director, Matt Reeves Picks His Favourite Batman Movie of All Time.
This would probably be the first time when a Batman movie will focus on the cape crusader's romantic side. Earlier Michael Keaton's Batman Returns showed his romance with Michelle Pfeiffer's Catwoman but her character had a tragic ending in the film's climax. Later Christian Bale's Bruce Wayne was assumed to be in a steady relationship with Anne Hathaway's Selina Kyle towards the end of Nolan's trilogy but it was more like a beautiful ending than a major plot. ‘The Batman’ Director Matt Reeves Teases Fans With the First Glimpse of Robert Pattinson’s Batmobile (View Pics).
It's refreshing to hear Reeves' ideas and his vision for DC's fan-favourite character. Now, let's hope this report doesn't turn out to be a mere rumour.
(The above story first appeared on LatestLY on Apr 13, 2020 10:23 AM IST. For more news and updates on politics, world, sports, entertainment and lifestyle, log on to our website latestly.com).

domain: entertainment


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text:
“Plate of sushi” was one of the illustrations I did in the university when studying to become an illustrator.
It´s cute. It´s colourful and above all, I loved painting it.
In art school, we were given different topics to illustrate and the goal was to work on all these different projects so one could eventually find their own niche. This time the theme was “sushi”.
I watch lots of illustrators on YouTube from different parts of the world and I have time to time come across “self-learned artists” who tear down art schools and universities in their videos.
I loved my time in the university and maybe the difference between myself and those people was that I took it very seriously. I am originally from Finland and I moved to the UK just for the uni (and my university was surprisingly popular among Finnish students). There were times that were really tough. For example, I had to move houses often, because of reasons that I didn´t have much control over and that caused lots of stress, then there were political threats like Brexit (which is not a topic for this article. I will say it created a crazy amount of mental stress).
At the university, I felt at home. I felt that I was exactly in the place where I wanted to be because ever since I was a child, I wanted to be an illustrator. I also wanted to be an animator and an archaeologist but more than anything else I wanted to be an illustrator.
People ask me this all the time, why didn´t you study to be an illustrator in Finland? if I had the opportunity maybe I had, but I wanted to study illustration full time. I wanted to know how to turn it into a career and unfortunately still today Finland doesn´t have art schools where you can do that.
Yes, sometimes the feedback that I got from uni teachers felt harsh, but the more days and months and years passed by and the better I became, that constructive criticism turned into praises.
No, no one can ever tell me that art schools are bad, but I also say it´s not good for everyone. You need to know what you want.
I think the best thing that I learned in my time studying one of my true passion was that you should never be afraid to experiment.
Illustration and creating art, in general, is supposed to be a fun and fulfilling process. There was a time when I use to dislike sketching and going straight to my paints and watercolours. Now I could not be without it.
Another one of my favourite techniques that have stuck with me after leaving the university is to make mind maps that will help me to get inspired.
What would a mind map for “sushi” look like? The first words that come to my mind are “Japan” “Kawaii” and “fish”. What comes into mind from the word “Japan”? I think of cherry blossom trees, the rising sun and the mountain Fuji.
There we already have six different ideas that we could use in a set of sushi illustrations.
If you feel like Sushi, prints and stickers are available in my store.
I want to become better at talking about my art so I am writing short-form stories of how I became an illustrator and stories behind my artworks.
Pronounced as Nee-na.
Artist, illustrator, writer, watercolorist and a folklorist. Gryffinclaw. Comes from Finland. Likes cats, tea and period dramas.
Love fandoms AOGG and Little Women (prefers books over the films). Louisa May Alcott researcher.
Please keep the comment section civil, respectful and connected to the topic at hand. Thank you. Spammy/passive-agressive comments will be blocked and reported.
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domain: hobby


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text:
The Philippine SSS, or Social Security System, is a is a state-run, social insurance program provided to workers in various industries, including freelance writing such as travel writing. Given the Philippines’ low cost of living and desirable living conditions, many traveling bloggers who live internationally choose this as a place to live, and thus have to deal with the SSS. This applies not only to those living and working in this situation in the Philippines, but also to what is called an OFW, or Overseas Filipino Worker.
So, what really is the SSS? The Social Security System provides benefits of all kinds to those in these independent worker codes, and pay out based on a “schedule”. SSS members can make ‘salary’ or ‘calamity’ loans off the benefits being provided, which are calculated based on their salary credit – which basically means that their income gives them a certain amount of clout from which they can claim benefits following disaster, loss, theft, death of a loved one, or similar circumstances. There is also an existing SSS for regularly employed people in the Philippines that includes an employer contribution, but those situations are a little different and the contribution tables are set up differently. It’s not all “given”, however, as employees of all classifications are also required to contribute into their personal SSS – which has its own contribution table.
While this schedule may change year to year based on various life and domestic situations, the changes are typically minimal at best. We have documented some of these changes for 2019 and 2020, and listed the newest SSS Contribution Table for your use, should you be one of these traveling bloggers either in the Philippines, or a Filipino blogger traveling outside the country.
The SSS contribution tables below are comprehensive for most situations in the Philippines. This table is updated to reflect the most recent SSS Contribution Table change that went into effect April 1, 2019. It is possible, but not guaranteed, that this could change again in April 2020.
2020 SSS Contribution Table for Employed Individuals
Source of Due Date Graphic – SSS Website
- The compensation range is always calculated before taxes
- The mandatory retirement age being 65, you can contribute until that age, but not beyond.
- For the sake of accounting, you may not contribute more than what is stated on the schedule.
- Employed members who do not meet deadlines can and will face financial penalties.
- Self employed and voluntary members may make contributions monthly or quarterly. There are no other options. The deadlines for quarterly filing are at the end of the 3rd, 6th, 9th, and 12th months.
What types of benefits are eligible for self-employed bloggers and digital entrepreneurs in the Philippines?
- Sickness – Per diem relief if the benefit receiver misses work and compensation because of illness.
- Disability – If maimed or disabled, disability benefits can be paid.
- Death – Eligible compensation may be annualized or given in a lump sum.
- Retirement – Upon the age of 65, benefits are eligible to start being paid and contributions cease. This can be in installments, or lump sum.
- Funeral Grant – Compensation is eligible to those members who experience funeral expenses for a loved one or dependent.
- Maternity – Eligible women include those who had both successful and unsuccessful births.
How can you pay your SSS Contribution dues?
For those in the self-employed classification, you can visit any SSS branch and process payment over-the-counter. You can also issue these payments through the post office or your bank. Payment can be processed through Over-the-counter. The best way for this is to visit any SSS branches near your place. Payments can also be processed on accredited banks, Post office, participating bayad centers and SM business centers
Also, online transactions are now available through Bancnet and UnionBank. You can access both at the e-payment portal on the primary SSS website.
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domain: finance


text:
Answered By: Wendy Diamond Last Updated: Jun 28, 2018 Views: 79
Main Collection books, Reference, and bound Periodicals are shelved according to the Library of Congress (LC) call number system. Main Collection books are located on the third floor of the library. Each group of stacks is marked with a sign indicating the call number range for that section. Reference, Periodicals, and Theses also use LC call numbers, but Government Documents and Juvenile books use different systems.
Books are shelved in order according to the Library of Congress Classification call number system. The call number is composed of both letters and numbers. The first letter(s) and number(s) refers to the subject content of the work. The second combination of letters and numbers usually refers to the author or a detailed subject.
In the catalog, call numbers are listed on one line B1 A25. The second part is read as a decimal so B1 A25 comes before B1 A8. On the book spine, read the numbers from top to bottom. Some call numbers may display decimals in the third line while other may not, but this does not effect shelving; sometimes there is a year of publication in the call number. For example:
*A25 comes before A8. From the third line onward, read the numbers decimally.

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text:
Tuscany International Drilling Files for Bankruptcy
Feb 2 (Reuters) – Tuscany International Drilling Inc filed for chapter 11 bankruptcy protection late on Sunday, a court filing showed, as liquidity constraints pressed the Canadian contract driller to cut its debt load and explore strategic alternatives.
The oil driller said that revenue and rig utilization have fallen over the last year due to stiff competition in the oilfield services market, leading to cash shortages.
Tuscany said that a "lack of viable financing options and rapidly dwindling liquidity" pushed it to decide in favor of a chapter 11 process.
The company estimated liabilities and assets of $100 million to $500 million, according to the filing. As per an amended credit agreement with its lenders, the company said it will have about $237 million of outstanding debt.
Tuscany received a debtor-in-possession (DIP) financing of $35 million that will help carry out operations during the restructuring process, according to the filing.
The oilfield services company said it is contemplating a bidding and marketing process to seek strategic alternatives, subject to court approval.
Tuscany expects to complete the restructuring during the second quarter of 2014.
The case is in re: Tuscany International Holdings (USA) Ltd, Case No. 14-10193, U.S. Bankruptcy Court, District of Delaware.
WHAT DO YOU THINK?
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Jodi Reineck loved playing dress-up as child. And like most little girls, she dreamed of being a beauty queen.
It wasn’t until she was 38 years old that her dream came true — when she and her co-workers dressed up as beauty pageant contestants for Halloween.
“I wish every day was Halloween,” said Ms. Reineck, now 39, of Genoa. “You get to be whoever you want to be.”
In recent years, adults have reveled in the opportunity to celebrate Halloween. From adult Halloween parties to outlandish costumes, adults have wholeheartedly embraced the fun.
“It’s a reason to get dressed up and have fun,” said Colbi Cousino, 35, of Deerfield, Mich., who will dress up as Little Red Riding Hood. “I don’t act like that all year long.”
This year Halloween spending is projected to be about $6.86 billion, according to a survey conducted by BIGResearch on behalf of the National Retail Federation trade group. Based on the survey, it is expected Americans will spend $1 billion on costumes this year.
“It’s that night where anything goes,” said Stephanie Beadell, spokesman for Halloweencostumes.com, an online costume retailer.
“You can act on your fantasies and be whoever or whatever you want to be.”
Blockbuster movies and headlinemaking celebrit ies provide much inspiration for Halloween costumes each year.
No doubt there will be plenty of Lady Gaga-inspired “little monsters” this year, and Charlie Sheen lookalikes, drinking “tiger blood” and quoting the comedian’s famous phrase, “winning.”
Pirates are the source of traditional Halloween costumes, but they have become more popular in the wake of Walt Disney’s Pirates of the Caribbean movies. The costumes, for both men and women, have been flying off the shelves at area stores, retailers say.
Angry Birds will be everywhere this Halloween, as costumes based on the wingless characters in the Angry Birds video game have been a hit with adults and children.
“Angry Birds is definitely a big hit because it was such a hit game,” Ms. Beadell said. “It’s selling out across the board. It’s like the Tickle Me Elmo of Halloween.”
When it comes to women’s costumes, the obvious choice is to go sexy — a short dress or skirt, paired with fishnet stockings or knee socks.
“The sexy ones are the ones that sell the best,” Ms. Beadell said. “Women can put on this persona and have fun for the night.”
Corsets and sexy maid and nurse costumes are among the biggest sellers. And for the guys, comic book heroes are king.
“Captain America is a big one for the guys,” Ms. Beadell said. “The movie came out this year and the costume is rugged-looking so it appeals to a lot of guys.”
Star Wars and Harry Potter-themed costumes are also popular with men.
Mary and Larry Parks, of Ida, Mich. opted to go out as a couple for Halloween and in real life.
“I’m Katy Perry and he’s Russell Brand,” said Mrs. Parks, who is in her 50s.
Her costume featured a purple wig, striped knee socks, and and a red, white, and blue dress with a heart-shaped cutout in the back. Mr. Parks, 62, was on the hunt for long black, wavy locks.
“It’s fun. You can act outside of your normal self for the day,” Mrs. Parks said. “You’re never too old to dress up.”
Contact RoNeisha Mullen at: firstname.lastname@example.org or 419-724-6133.
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text:
After years of heartbreak and disappointment, Troy Davis is finally getting a chance to have evidence heard in his case after being denied a fair trial since he was arrested almost two decades ago.
It should never have taken the American justice system this long to act.
Troy Davis was unjustly convicted and sentenced to die in 1991 for the murder of Mark Allen MacPhail, an off-duty policeman who was shot while working a second job as a security guard at a Burger King in Savannah, Ga.
There was no physical evidence linking Davis to the crime and seven of the nine witnesses recanted or contradicted their testimony, citing police coercion. One witness, a 16-year-old, said police threatened to hold him as an accessory to murder, warning that he would "go to jail for a long time and I would be lucky if I ever got out because a police officer got killed.”
Of the two eyewitnesses who stuck to their stories, Sylvester "Redd” Coles was himself considered a suspect in the killing. The other initially told police he could not identify the shooter.
Brenda Forrest, one of the jurors, summed it up: "If I knew then what I know now, Troy Davis would not be on death row. The verdict would be not guilty.”
Yet the courts stubbornly refused to hear Davis’ claims of innocence. After numerous legal rounds, the U.S. Supreme Court on Aug. 17, in a 3-2 decision, finally took the extraordinary step of ordering the U.S. District Court in Georgia to consider and rule on Davis’ claim of innocence—a directive the high court hasn't issued in almost 50 years. But it's not justice yet. The standard of proof in the evidentiary hearing turns our criminal justice system on its head. Davis will be expected to prove his innocence rather than for the state to prove his guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. We hope that this unfair burden of proof does not once again deny Davis the fair hearing all Americans deserve.
Hundreds of thousands of people have rallied to Davis’ cause—former President Jimmy Carter, actor Danny Glover, former FBI director William Sessions and conservative Congressman Bob Barr, to name a few. And there were the people all over the world galvanized by organizations like the NAACP and Amnesty International who signed petitions and raised the visibility of the injustice of Troy Davis. Our Georgia branch tirelessly fought in the trenches, knocking on doors, holding marches, preaching in Georgia's churches to bring the travesty to the light.
Earlier this year, I met Troy. I left the meeting convinced of his innocence. During my visit, I couldn't help but notice the faces of several of the guards who for noticeable moments dropped their stony countenance, clearly moved by Davis’ plight. Later, as I was leaving, I encountered a woman in the prison parking lot who told me that a neighbor, a former Georgia prison guard, quit rather than be forced to march Davis to the death chamber.
This victory is a testimony to the best of our country: Davis’ individual perseverance and humble courage through an excruciating ordeal, the selfless dedication of his sister who despite having breast cancer waged a relentless struggle to save her brother and the grassroots activism and the voices of hundreds of thousands of people who lifted up his cause. Finally it was the Supreme Court where enough justices decided to step back from the brink of insanity and say no to executing a man who is probably innocent despite Justice Scalia and Thomas's insistence to the contrary. It's almost as if there was a realization that the very soul of America is at stake when we have a criminal justice system where innocence is irrelevant even when a man's life is at stake. It was also an implicit rebuke to the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 that has deleteriously cut back on the rights of death row inmates to challenge their execution despite new evidence of innocence.
More than 3,300 people continue to wither on our nation's death rows, men and women who are almost universally poor, disproportionately African-American and frequently innocent.
Since the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated capital punishment in 1973, 135 people in 26 states have been released from death row based on claims of innocence. And there simply is no way to discern how many of the more than 1,100 inmates executed since 1977 were not guilty of the crimes they were accused of committing.
The Death Penalty Information Center lists several reasons for the appallingly large number of innocents on death row—eyewitness error, government misconduct by both the police and prosecution and the eliciting of false confessions, often from suspects with mental disabilities, sometimes resulting from police torture.
It should come as no surprise to those familiar with the American justice system that a significant percentage of those languishing on death row are, like Troy, African-American—41.7 percent, according to the U.S. Department of Justice. Black folks make up less than 14 percent of the population.
It is a national disgrace. And it's a reminder of the cruel consequences of racism.
There is a victory to celebrate in the Troy Davis case. After years of anguish, he will have an opportunity to convince the courts of his innocence.
But other men and women who are equally innocent are being robbed of any chance. Many of them will be executed by the state in our names. Our nation must be better than that. Let's hope that the Supreme Court decision augurs a growing realization that we have to change.
Benjamin Todd Jealous is president and CEO of the NAACP.

domain: sociology


I have a 2002 XLT 46 Expedition. I was driving in cold weather on 1/2/09 and have 115K on the engine. I was at 65MPH and the oil gauge started moving from high to low quickly and then the engine shut down with engine light on. I have changed the battery, the cable wire and posts. The engine starts now, but again loses oil pressure after 10 mins. Is this a sending problem (electronic), oil pump go out (no oil spilling out). Any input would be appreciated. Thanks
oil pump on 2002 Ford Expedition
1 answer 2 comments
ANSWER by hemicuda,
January 26, 2009
There's a oil pressure sending unit located behind the oil filter cost is about 10 to 20 dollars
2 answersJune 22, 2009
1 answerJanuary 24, 2011
1 answerFebruary 16, 2011
2 answersSeptember 07, 2010
This week's top 10
Recent Ford Expedition Questions
- What do y'all think my problem is?
- Why does my positive terminal spark real bad after I change the starter?
- miss fire cylinder 3 & 4
- I recently bought my expedition and right away it started idling and driving so rough its not possible to drive I changed two cop's it fixed it for a couple days then right back to running the same again.
- What could be wrong with my expedition???


text:
Dani Pedrosa Leads After First Day Of MotoGP Testing
It may feel like every other motorsports series is already
underway, but there's still several weeks to go before MotoGP kicks
off its official season. Teams are working around the clock to get
ready for the opening round, however, and the prep continued in
Sepang as riders started three days of testing on the Malaysian
Dani Pedrosa clocked the fastest time on the slippery track, expertly handing the new regulation tires and gear on the slick surfaces to finish two-tenths of a second ahead of the next competitor. Despite turning in the top time, Pedrosa was all business after testing was complete.
"The track wasn't 100 percent after the rainfall from the past few days, but we were able to ride well," Pedrosa said. "In the afternoon it rained again, and we used this to perform some laps in the wet. Tomorrow we will continue the work that we have scheduled."
His teammate Marc Marquez also ended the day with an impressive time, finishing less than four-tenths of a second behind Pedrosa in third place. He was narrowly beaten by defending champion Jorge Lorenzo, who crossed the finish line in between the two Honda riders.
Testing will continue this week at Sepang before moving to Austin, Texas, from March 12 to 14.

domain: news


مجهر القوة الذريه Atomic Force Microscopy
The atomic force microscope (AFM) is one kind of scanning probe microscopes (SPM). SPMs are designed to measure local properties, such as height, friction, magnetism, with a probe. To acquire an
image, the SPM raster-scans the probe over a small area of the sample, measuring the local property simultaneously.
?How does AFM work
AFMs operate by measuring force between a probe and the sample. Normally, the probe is a sharp tip, which is a 3-6 um tall pyramid with 15-40nm end radius (Figure 1). Though the lateral resolution of AFM is low (~30nm) due to the convolution, the vertical resolution can be up to 0.1nm.
*1.*(a) A new AFM tip; inset: The end of the new tip. (b) A used AFM tip.
To acquire the image resolution, AFMs can generally measure the vertical and lateral deflections of the cantilever by using the optical lever. The optical lever operates by reflecting a laser beam off the cantilever. The reflected laser beam strikes a position-sensitive photo-detector consisting of four-segment photo-detector. The differences between the segments of photo-detector of signals indicate the position of the laser spot on the detector and thus the angular deflections of the cantilever (Figure 2).
Figure 2.*AFM is working with an optical lever.
Parts of the Atomic Force Microscope
Atomic Force Microscopes have several techniques for measuring force interactions such as van der Waals, thermal, electrical and magnetic force interactions for these interactions done by the AFM, it has the following parts that assist in controlling its functions.
Modified tips which are used to detect the sample surface and undergo deflections
Software adjustments used to image the samples.
Feedback loop control – they control the force interactions and the tip positions using a laser deflector. the laser reflects from the back of the cantilever and the tip and while the tip interacts with the surface of the sample, the laser’s position on the photodetector is used in the feedback loop for tracking the surface of the sample and measurement.
Deflection – The Atomic Force Microscope is constructed with a laser beam deflection system. The laser is reflected from the back of the AFM lever to the sensitive detector. They are made from silicon compounds with a tip radius of about 10nm.
Force measurement – the AFM works and depends highly on the force interactions, they contribute to the image produced. The forces are measured by calculation of the deflection lever when the stiffness of the cantilever is known. This calculation is defined by Hooke’s law, defined as follows:
F= -kz, where F is the force, k is the stiffness of the lever and z is the distance the lever is bent.
Applications of the Atomic Force Microscope
This type of microscopy has been used in various disciplines in natural science such as solid-state physics, semiconductor studies, molecular engineering, polymer chemistry, surface chemistry, molecular biology, cell biology, medicine, and physics.
Some of these applications include
Identifying atoms from samples
Evaluating force interactions between atoms
Studying the physical changing properties of atoms
Studying the structural and mechanical properties of protein complexes and assembly, such as microtubules.
used to differentiate cancer cells and normal cells.
Evaluating and differentiating neighboring cells and their shape and cell wall rigidity.
Advantages of the Atomic Force Microscope
Easy to prepare samples for observation
It can be used in vacuums, air, and liquids.
Measurement of sample sizes is accurate
It has a 3D imaging
It can be used to study living and nonliving elements
It can be used to quantify the roughness of surfaces
It is used in dynamic environments.
Disadvantages of the Atomic Force Microscope
It can only scan a single nanosized image at a time of about 150x150nm.
They have a low scanning time which might cause thermal drift on the sample.
The tip and the sample can be damaged during detection.
It has a limited magnification and vertical range
لتصنيع النانو الموجة للتطبيقات الطبية الحيوية الجزء الثاني