Joseph Winter, who has been in the country for four years, says he will attempt to find a judge willing to place a stay on the order until the case can be taken before the Zimbabwean High Court.
The BBC believes he has a valid permit to work and stay in the country
Mr Winter has been told he would have to leave Zimbabwe and re-apply for his work permit, even though it was renewed only three weeks ago.
He said the authorities had told him to leave due to a change to the accreditation rules for foreign journalists, and denied allegations made by a Zimbabwean minister that his permit had been obtained fraudulently.
Zimbabwean Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, told the BBC that Joseph Winter was being deported because his work permit had been renewed by an unauthorised official.
He added: "We have cancelled that forgery and that has the consequence of cancelling Mr Joseph Winter's temporary employment permit... now he is required to leave."
Joseph Winter denies this is the case and says he followed exactly the same procedures for renewing his permit as he had previously.
The BBC is fighting the expulsion order.
"The BBC believes he has a valid permit to work and stay in the country and therefore has made representations to the relevant ministries," said a BBC spokesman.
Mercedes Sayagues, of the South African Mail and Guardian, has also been ordered out. An Uruguayan citizen, she has been in Zimbabwe for nine years.
The expulsion orders come as President Robert Mugabe increases pressure on media outlets, the judiciary and opposition leaders.
The paper, which regularly outsells its state-run rival, had drawn the ire of the government for its frequently critical stance.
On Friday, the leader of the main opposition party, Morgan Tsvangirai, was formally charged with inciting violence during a speech he made last year.
Two supreme court judges have also been pressed to resign within the past two weeks following the departure of the chief justice, who was told his safety could no longer be guaranteed.
From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 17 February
Mugabe poll rival is charged with inciting violence
Harare - Zimbabwe's opposition leader faced the prospect of abandoning his challenge to President Robert Mugabe and spending up to 14 years in jail after he was charged with incitement to violence yesterday. A ferocious crackdown has been launched against all opponents of Mr Mugabe, real or imagined, and the appearance of Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the MDC, in a Harare magistrate's court marked the most serious escalation of this campaign. In a five minute hearing, Mr Tsvangirai was charged under the notorious Law and Order (Maintenance) Act, which was passed by the British colonial government to jail black nationalists, including Mr Mugabe, and gives the authorities sweeping powers to act against any dissidents.
The action arose from a speech by Mr Tsvangirai at an MDC rally last September. Before an audience of 25,000 in Harare, he said: "We say to Robert Mugabe, if you don't want to go peacefully, we will remove you violently. This country cannot afford Mugabe for one day longer." These remarks dismayed many of Mr Tsvangirai's closest supporters and increased concerns about his erratic judgment. They handed the government an excuse to arrest him at any time.
If convicted, Mr Tsvangirai could face a five year ban on holding public office. This would prevent him from running against Mr Mugabe in the presidential election due early next year. Mr Tsvangirai was granted bail and his High Court trial was set for April 30. Gibson Sibanda, deputy leader of the MDC, was charged with the same offence last week after he allegedly urged a crowd of supporters to attack members of the ruling Zanu-PF party. Both of the MDC's leading figures could soon be banned from holding office, a move that would call into question the very future of the party.
But Mr Tsvangirai's supporters argue that he has no case to answer. David Coltart, justice spokesman for the MDC, said: "In the context of his wider speech, he has a very sound defence in law. This was not a threat of violence but a warning from history that governments who hold power through violence and illegal means are often overthrown violently in the end. Those who live by the sword, die by the sword." Mr Coltart said that Zanu-PF supporters, including Mr Mugabe himself, have made a stream of inflammatory statements and no action has been taken against them. At an official function last March, the President said: "Those who cause disunity among our people must watch out because death will befall them." The opposition says that the charges against Mr Tsvangirai do not arise from any real concerns over his behaviour, but are part of Mr Mugabe's ruthless effort to stamp out his opponents and hold power at whatever cost.
From The Star (SA), 17 February
Zim threatens to take away critics' passports
Harare - The Zimbabwean government said on Friday it would withdraw passports from critics and political opponents undermining its image abroad and campaigning for international sanctions against President Robert Mugabe. In a statement carried by Zimbabwe state media, Information Minister Jonathan Moyo said the move was in response to the revival of an international campaign by government opponents to end its rule by any means, including economic sanctions.
"The government can no longer allow anyone to enjoy holding the passport of a nation which they wish to destroy," he said. "Anyone who is lobbying for sanctions will lose their passports ... It is quite clear that these people do not deserve the privilege of using the Zimbabwean passport." "What they are doing is biting the hand that feeds them and that is why the passport should be withdrawn. A passport is a privilege and not a right," he added.
The opposition denounced the threat as an assault on political rights and part of an "evil programme" to muzzle rivals ahead of crucial presidential elections next year. Moyo did not say when the government would implement the step, but he said it was not unusual because US citizens risked losing their passports if they travelled to countries such as Cuba, Iraq and Libya. Moyo accused the main opposition MDC of supporting a new international campaign against Mugabe's Zanu-PF government, which has been in power since the former Rhodesia gained independence from Britain in 1980.
Earlier this week the South African media reported that two MDC executives had called on the South African government to cut fuel and electricity supplies to Zimbabwe to force Mugabe to restore the rule of law. Mugabe's militant supporters, led by self-styled war veterans, have occupied hundreds of white-owned farms in the past year and have renewed a violent campaign against the opposition similar to one they ran ahead of parliamentary elections last June. Political analysts say the fresh campaign - accompanied by a government assault on the judiciary and the private media - is linked to presidential elections due early next year. Zanu-PF is fighting for survival in the face of a deep economic crisis blamed on gross mismanagement, and analysts say Mugabe realises his party might just lose power without a programme to soften up the opposition.
MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube said his party was not advocating economic sanctions against Zimbabwe, but wanted foreign governments with influence on Mugabe to persuade him to uphold the rule of law. "Nobody is talking about sanctions. The threat to withdraw passports is part of an evil programme to undermine political rights and gag us ahead of the elections," he said. Zanu-PF narrowly won last June's parliamentary elections after a five-month violent campaign that left at least 31 people dead, including five white farmers.
From The Independent (UK), 17 February
Mr Mugabe's Zimbabwe is going from bad to worse
During the worst days of South Africa's violent upheavals in the early 1990s, the foreign correspondents based in Johannesburg regarded it as a treat to be dispatched to Zimbabwe. "Would you mind popping up to Harare?" was one of the more welcome questions. Nicer by far than "Would you try and charter into Kinshasa, there's been a coup?" or "Better make your way to Natal, there's been a big massacre." Good old "Zim", with its 1950s shops and air of seductive lassitude. We went there to record features, for there was no news. A feature on the drought or the slowly emerging Aids crisis, or stories about poaching in the beautiful hinterland of the Zambezi river.
The press were generally welcomed. Those who'd been around earlier in Zimbabwe's history will remember a very different country. In the years immediately after independence when Mr Mugabe was feeling threatened, journalists who poked their noses into his army's dirty deeds were made very unwelcome. But by the time I first visited Zimbabwe in the late 1980s the country had settled into what appeared to be a long snooze.
Only once did I get a hint of menace. My wife and I were driving with a Zimbabwean friend close to the border with Mozambique when a military convoy came screaming up the road behind us. The lead driver blared at his horn and we swerved out of the way. With bad luck we became stuck in the middle of the convoy for several miles. I say bad luck because the soldiers were among the most hostile I'd encountered in Africa. And believe me that is saying a lot. I have seen the worst of African soldiery, from Mobutu's presidential guard to President Moi's riot squad. It wasn't that these Zimbabwean forces said anything beyond a few angry shouts to get out of their way, rather it was the unremitting hostility of their gaze.
For mile after mile along the winding road to Mozambique they glared at us. I thanked God when they swerved away on to a dirt road a few miles from the border. Later I was told that these were some of the same troops who'd slaughtered their way through Matabeleland earlier in the decade - remnants of the notorious North-Korean-trained Fifth Brigade. But it was a brief glimpse into a largely hidden darkness. The country snoozed on and most of us were too preoccupied with events in South Africa to pay Zimbabwe much attention. There was a feeling among visiting reporters that Zimbabwe had ceased to be a story when Ian Smith exited and Robert Mugabe took over.
But while we were looking elsewhere, Mr Mugabe was busy amassing immense power and destroying his country's economy. It was an old story of post-colonial Africa, but because the roads were still freshly tarred, because Zimbabwe did not seem to be corrupt and decaying like neighbouring Zambia, the world decided that Mr Mugabe was a better class of African leader. If the press was preoccupied with South Africa, the international left gave Mr Mugabe more than the benefit of the doubt. Ever anxious to believe in an African leader who might live up to their expectations, the aid community and many European governments pumped aid into Zimbabwe.
But Robert Mugabe had other ideas. He paid lip service to democracy as long as the opposition didn't become strong enough to present a threat to his power and the wealth of the clique that surrounded him. But economic decline - the inevitable consequence of his rule - spurred popular discontent and gradually the opposition changed character and size. Instead of being led by disgruntled opponents of Mr Mugabe's from the days of the liberation struggle, it looked to the example of South Africa and neighbouring Zambia, both of whom used the trade union movement as an instrument of mass mobilisation. The MDC is a far from perfect organisation, but it represents the only credible alternative to Mr Mugabe.
Those who observed his ruthlessness in Matabeleland might have predicted that he would use all the power of the state and his private militia (for that is what the veteran's movement has become) to try to crush the opposition. The crisis has escalated dramatically. The harassment of journalists has been stepped up and the most popular daily newspaper was bombed. More dangerous still, Mr Mugabe has been attempting to destroy the independence of Zimbabwe's judiciary. The country's supreme court has consistently frustrated his desires to create a de facto one-party state. Bravely, the judges have stood up against the daily tyranny of life in Mugabe's Zimbabwe. But he has forced out the Chief Justice, and will not stop until the other dissenting judges are made to resign. It is about more than preserving his power and patronage. Mr Mugabe has apparently convinced himself that he is fighting the liberation struggle all over again. He cannot abide the thought that Ian Smith might yet have the last laugh. Thus the relentless characterisation of the MDC as a cover for the old Rhodesian Front.
I cannot begin to say how dangerous this is becoming. Consider the elements already in place. A private militia that has already shed innocent blood and specialises in intimidation; a police force and military which are in effect the security force of the ruling party (there are dissenting officers in both structures, but they must be living in fear of their lives); the independent media under siege and the judiciary being neutralised. Zimbabwe is becoming a state of terror. An ethnic minority - the white community - is being singled out for persecution.
All of this is happening because Mr Mugabe wants to ensure that Zanu wins the presidential election next year. What is to be done? The British Government is in a bind because Mr Mbeki in South Africa believes it is an African problem which Africans must resolve. I believed this for a long time. But Mr Mbeki has handled Mugabe with kid gloves and has been made to look foolish as a result. Certainly the anti-white rhetoric in Zimbabwe may have an atavistic appeal for landless black South Africans, but President Mbeki cannot be so short-sighted as to imagine that Zimbabwe's descent into bloody chaos is good news for anyone in the region. There are those within Mr Mugabe's government who understand this and who are genuinely appalled at what is happening. But in a state of fear it would be suicidal for them to speak out.
What exists now is a situation where the leading African power refuses to impose meaningful pressure on its neighbour, where the former colonial power is unable to impose pressure, and where the rest of the international community looks on aghast with no clear idea of what to do. In spite of the failure of so many of its efforts in Africa, it is time for the UN to get involved. Can Kofi Annan afford yet another African disaster on his watch? He has already seen Somalia and Rwanda implode; it is time he pushed the Zimbabwe issue to the fore of international attention. There is a very real sense now of a crisis that is careering out of control. On his own, Mr Annan cannot stop it, but he can with British support begin to persuade the Security Council into action. Perhaps we will see him heading for Zimbabwe within the month. Whatever Mr Mugabe would think of that, I am sure the hard-pressed populace would be glad to see him.
The writer is a BBC Special Correspondent
From The Star (SA), 17 February
Kabila throws down the gauntlet
Lusaka - President Joseph Kabila flew home to the DRC on Friday after a regional peace summit at which he accepted the deployment of UN troops and a previously disputed mediator. Kabila, 29, became president in January after his father, Laurent Kabila, was assassinated by one of his own bodyguards. Thursday's summit in Lusaka was his first effort to hammer out terms for an end to the 30-month-old war in which Namibia, Zimbabwe and Angola back his government against rebels supported by Rwanda and Uganda.
Rwanda did not participate in the meeting and Uganda and Angola sent ministers in place of their presidents. But Kabila took the opportunity to signal some flexibility, reversing his father's ban on UN peacekeepers in the Congo and on former Botswana President Ketumile Masire as facilitator of an internal dialogue on the country's future. He also accepted the implementation of a 15km pullback by all forces from the frontlines they now occupy as a precursor to the deployment of 500 UN monitors and 2 500 UN troops to protect them. The deployment is now set to begin on February 26 with the arrival of 40 UN officers.
"The key concession was Kabila's agreement to the deployment of UN troops," South African Institute for Strategic Studies analyst Hanlie de Beer said. "It is important that he agreed to work with Masire, but he said they would still have to discuss modalities and he might yet say Masire is not the man," she said. De Beer said the issue now would be to co-ordinate the pullback from frontlines and create space for the UN force. Alfred Mubanda, a minister of state who led Uganda's delegation, commented: "We welcome the vigour towards a search for peace shown by the new leader." Diplomats said Kabila had shown himself an advocate of peace and had seized the initiative. "He is growing ever so confidently in his actions. He is putting his opponents in a quandary," one Western ambassador said.
Belligerents in the conflict signed an agreement in Lusaka in 1999 setting timetables for troop withdrawal, disarmament and the deployment of UN peacekeepers, but implementation was blocked largely by Laurent Kabila. Now Joseph Kabila has removed some obstacles, shifting the focus to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who has said his forces will remain in the Congo until the security of his country's borders against insurgents from Congo is guaranteed. Kagame boycotted the Lusaka summit, alleging that the chief mediator, Zambian President Frederick Chiluba, was biased in favour of the Kinshasa government.
"Kagame will not want to risk being seen as the new Laurent Kabila, the new obstacle to Congo peace," said Dr Alfred Nhema, head of the political science department at the University of Zimbabwe and a noted commentator on African politics. "I can see intensified lobbying by the United States and Ugandan governments to get him to agree on implementing the peace objectives. The atmosphere is very conducive at the moment and a lot of goodwill exists," he said by telephone from the Zimbabwean capital Harare. The shaky peace agreement also received a boost when the rebel Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), led by Jean-Pierre Bemba, ratified a disengagement plan approved by other groups and the African armies involved in the war. The rebel groups, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia attended Thursday's talks. Mediators Zambia, the Organisation of African Unity and the UN had observer status.
From The Star (SA), 17 February
DRC plans to muzzle guns of Rwanda's Hutus
Brussels - Countries involved in the war in the DRC reached agreement on disarming Rwandan Hutu militias in the DRC, the main Rwandan-backed rebel movement said on Friday. Kin Kiey Milumba, spokesperson in Brussels for the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), said the agreement was reached on the sidelines of a DRC summit in Lusaka on Thursday. Rwanda failed to attend the summit. "An agreement has been reached to disarm, within the framework of the Lusaka accord, the forces who carried out the genocide in Rwanda and are sought by international justice," Mulumba said. Rwanda has made the disarmament of several thousand Hutu militia and former soldiers who fled to the DRC after the 1994 genocide of up to 800 000 people a key condition for its own withdrawal from the neighbouring country. Mulumba was referring to the Lusaka accord of 1999, which has been signed by all the protagonists in the DRC, but has largely remained a dead letter until Thursday's bid to revive it.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame refused to attend Thursday's summit in the Lusaka on the grounds that Zambian President Frederick Chiluba's government failed to arrest Hutu militia forces who took temporary refuge in Zambia after heavy fighting in the southeastern DRC. Hutu militia are among the pro-Kinshasa forces who have been fighting the DRC rebels and troops from Rwanda and Uganda since the war broke out in the vast country in August 1998. The RCD claimed that Zambia had allowed about 6 000 fighters to go back to the DRC, including a hard core of Hutu extremists wanted by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which is trying key genocide suspects.
|Death sentence for war veteran|
2/17/01 8:30:58 AM (GMT +2)
GIVEMORE Muoni Katsande,
a war veteran and retired army major, was yesterday sentenced to death for the
murder last year of Tinashe Chakwenya, a Marondera policeman.
The murder occurred at
Chipesa Farm at the height of farm invasions by war veterans and Zanu PF
High Court judge Justice George Smith found Katsande, 41, guilty of shooting dead Chakwenya with a pistol.
“To combat the increase in acts of violence, the perpetrators must be brought before the courts and punished for their crimes. They must be shown that they are not above the law,” Smith said.
Chakwenya was investigating a stocktheft case at Ian Kay’s farm when he was shot dead on 4 April.
War veterans and Zanu PF supporters have been on the farm since February last year when the State-sponsored land invasions began.
“Having regard to the circumstances, Katsande must have intended to kill Chakwenya. There are no extenuating circumstances and you are accordingly sentenced to death. You shall be returned to prison until the sentence is carried out.”
In appealing for leniency, Katsande said: “I did not want to kill Chakwenya. It was unfortunate that the court failed to consider the circumstances that prevailed at the time the incident took place.”
The State, represented by Florence Ziyambi, told the court that Chakwenya met members of the Zanu PF youth league at Chipesa Farm and asked them for directions. When the group advanced towards him, Chakwenya produced his police identity card and showed it to them.
Wilbert Mapombere, representing Katsande, said opposition parties at that time were working with white commercial farmers to avenge an earlier assault on Kay by unidentified people. The State said Katsande shot Chakwenya dead without establishing whether he was working with the farmers or not.
Smith said Katsande had no reason to kill Chakwenya because there was no threat to his life and the group he led.
“Katsande intended to kill Chakwenya and he did so callously and in cold blood. There was no evidence of an attack by whites or any others. Chakwenya was not armed. He was a young policeman going about his business. The courts must protect police officers in order to allow them to perform their lawful duties,” Smith said.
He said as a trained former soldier, Katsande should have asked Chakwenya to surrender or to lie down.
Two war veterans who were on the farm, Luke Murwira and Wilfred Marimo, gave evidence against Katsande as State witnesses.
Smith said the two gave credible evidence and there was no reason to doubt the State’s case that Katsande knowingly and for no reason killed Chakwenya.
|Move to withdraw passports from citizens condemned|
2/17/01 8:32:08 AM (GMT +2)
LAWYERS and human rights activists yesterday roundly condemned the government’s intention to withdraw the passports of “unpatriotic” citizens campaigning against it abroad.
Jonathan Moyo, the Minister of State for Information and Publicity, announced the plan in an interview on State television on Thursday.
Yesterday, Munyaradzi Hwengere, the principal Press secretary in Moyo’s department, cited the United States as one country which placed restrictions on its citizens travelling to countries such as Cuba.
Sternford Moyo, the chairman of the Zimbabwe Law Society, speaking in his personal capacity, cited a 1990 High Court case, Chirwa versus the Registrar-General, where “it was held that the exercise of the constitutional freedom of movement required that a citizen be in possession of his passport and that, therefore, the State had no right or power to withhold a passport from a citizen”.
The government wanted to deport him, alleging that he was not a citizen. He proved he was born in Zimbabwe in 1949.
Moyo said the right to leave and re-enter Zimbabwe “cannot be exercised without a passport, hence the High Court decision”.
Douglas Mwonzora, the National Constitutional Assembly spokesman, said for any Zimbabwean, citizenship and a passport were not a privilege.
Munyaradzi Bidi, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) director, said: “The government does not take lightly to political opposition. This could be another trick to restrict the movement of their opponents.”
Andrew Nongogo, the executive director of Transparency International Zimbabwe, said: “Contrary to what the minister said about it being a privilege, it is as much a fundamental right to hold a Zimbabwean passport as it is to have an identity card.”
Tawanda Hondora, the president of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Lawyers’ Association, said:
“There is no basis in law for the withdrawal of a passport on the grounds of being ‘unpatriotic’. What may be patriotic to one person might not be to another. For example, the rule of law - calling for it may be unpatriotic to the government, but I might be more patriotic than someone killing people.”
Richard Lindsay, a spokesman for the British High Commission, said he could not say whether his government would grant travel documents to those affected.
For the Cuban government, Javier Vianondes, the embassy spokesman in Harare, said: “Anyone is free to go and say anything outside the country, but when they come back they will face the law.”
|Umguza council loses $2m as war veterans continue to seal offices|
2/17/01 8:24:48 AM (GMT +2)
Daily News Correspondent, Bulawayo
UMGUZA Rural District
Council, whose offices were sealed off by war veterans on Thursday last week,
lost over $2 million in revenue as of Thursday, the chairman, Leonard Mhlanga
He criticised the war
veterans’ actions and said he would boycott a meeting scheduled for next Monday
between Matabeleland North governor Obert Mpofu, council officials and war
veterans' representatives which seeks to solve the impasse.
“The war veterans know I am a senior Zanu PF official and should have had the courtesy to talk to me before closing the offices,” he said. “I am not attending their meeting because the governor has already taken a stance. I have told him that I am not attending and that the war veterans have told me that he sent them to invade the offices.”
Mhlanga said he wanted to know how the council would recover the revenue by holding meetings. “The war veterans should learn to listen to the party leaders and stop being errant,” he said.
About 40 war veterans swooped on the offices in Bulawayo and ordered all employees out before locking the doors.
The actions came hardly a month after Vice-President Joseph Msika lashed out at the ex-fighters, saying: “You have lost direction, bafana (boys).”
Mhlanga said the war veterans were behaving like a “rare breed of people in our society and their wings should be clipped before the collapse of local authorities”.
“We are losing money to the Bulawayo City Council because people are now paying their licence fees there. There is no clear date when they will reopen the offices and in the end, this will lead to the collapse of local authorities,” he said.
|Business is not government’s business|
2/17/01 8:09:06 AM (GMT +2)
reluctance to let go of its hold on the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe
(Noczim) is as contradictory as it is incomprehensible.
They are not protecting
anyone, least of all the ordinary people.
This week the Minister of Mines and Energy, Dr Sydney Sekeramayi, said the government was reluctant to relinquish its role in the oil industry to private players because this would expose ordinary consumers to the vagaries of the free market forces. Opening up oil procurement to the private sector would result in increases in the price of fuel to market related levels, but at least the petroleum products will be readily available.
The government’s rationale, premised on protection of the majority of ordinary Zimbabweans, is the root cause of the current crisis. It is suicidal to sell a product below the cost of procuring it. If Zimbabwe was an oil producing country it could afford to experiment with this socialist-type approach, but it is not. The government does not even have the financial resources to underwrite such a benevolent programme and, therefore, it cannot protect workers and ordinary people if the consequence of its decisions results in job losses because companies cannot find fuel for their production. The government cannot protect workers if the fuel shortages mean unreliable transport to ferry workers to work, or if much time is spent unproductively in fuel queues. There must be more to it than the list of excuses being proffered by the government. In fact, the government's tardy response suggests - rightly or wrongly - that they must be benefiting from this crisis which has brought nothing but misery to the majority of Zimbabweans.
The government cannot claim to protect the majority of the workers, if by so doing it is penalising them. If there was genuine concern for the welfare of the ordinary people and the impact of the current crisis on this large section of society, the government would have acted swiftly and sought a permanent solution a long time ago.
But nearly 18 months into the crisis all the minister could suggest was that they were studying alternatives. If this is the government's understanding of swift action, then the government has given a new meaning to the word “swift”. The reality of the situation is that the government is out of its depth on the issue of fuel procurement. It is time it got out and allowed other players who can assure the country of constant supplies, even though this might be at a premium.
But for once, one is inclined to agree with the government, when Dr Simba Makoni, the Minister of Finance and Economic Development, suggests the private sector is not playing its part in ensuring economic recovery. Most of the suggestions are coming from the government. Where is the private sector input? Why should specialists in business expect the government to provide leadership out of this crisis? It maybe risky for oil companies to seize the opportunity because of problems of foreign currency. But if they offer a mechanism - with the help of their international parent companies -that ensures regularity of supplies, the foreign currency they are worried about would be generated by businesses in the export sector and oil companies would have their foreign currency! The driving force should come from the private sector, because they are the ones who have the expertise in running businesses. The impression is that the private sector is so afraid of being on the wrong side of government that their inaction is contributing to the current crisis.
There are contradictions in government's position over Noczim. The power and public transport sectors highlight these inconsistencies. Before the monopoly of the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company in providing public transport was abolished, the same arguments that deregulation would harm the ordinary people were offered, but the reality of today's public transport proves the fallacy behind government's reluctance to open up the petroleum procurement sector. Nearly everyone relies on electricity, but that has not stopped the government from preventing the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) from instituting periodic increases for energy supplies to consumers. If the government can accept the need for Zesa to increase tariffs for electricity, why should it have qualms about fuel? The interests of the majority of Zimbabweans would be served better by opening up fuel procurement to other players.
The arrangement with Total Outre-Mer, signed this week, only demonstrates the government’s ambivalence about relinquishing its monopoly over fuel procurement. Essentially what the agreement has done is to buy the government relief by making available US$5,4 million (Z$297 million) to procure fuel. The government is not about to get out of the business of procuring oil. In fact, it remains a majority shareholder. It would be more desirable to have expensive fuel than to have no fuel at all.
Foreign Journalist Flees in
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) — A British Broadcasting Corp. correspondent threatened with deportation took refuge with his family at the home of a diplomat early Sunday after six men came to his house overnight and demanded he come out.
Joseph Winter said the men climbed over a wall surrounding his garden at 1:40 a.m. and started banging on doors and windows.
The men, who did not identify themselves, left only after diplomats, a lawyer and news photographers arrived. Winter, his wife and young daughter were then taken to a British diplomat's home for protection.
Zimbabwe has been rocked by violence in the last year as black squatters led by ruling party militants have occupied white-owned farms with President Robert Mugabe's consent.
Mugabe's supporters have threatened violence against those who oppose the movement, including judges. The instability has crippled the economy, scared away foreign investors and drawn scathing criticism from the international community.
On Saturday, Zimbabwean officials ordered Winter out of the country within 24 hours. Winter, who has a valid work permit, was allowed to stay until Tuesday after appealing to officials.
Winter said his neighbors told him uniformed police and plainclothes officers returned to his home later, broke in and left a guard.
Winter's lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa, on Sunday sought urgent hearings with High Court judges to ask them to intervene against Winter's deportation. She also filed a case on behalf of Mercedes Sayagues, a correspondent for South Africa's weekly Mail and Guardian newspaper, who on Saturday was told to leave the country within 24 hours.
Officials told Winter and Sayagues that they had to leave Zimbabwe because they were journalists. Both have worked in Harare for several years. The officials told Winter that several other foreign journalists would be ordered to leave later.
Winter said state lawyers had indicated they would consider extending his deadline until Friday.
He denied allegations made Saturday by information minister Jonathan Moyo that an extension of his residence permit to Feb. 7, 2002, was obtained using a forged letter of support from the former information ministry, now disbanded.
The Foreign Correspondents Association of Southern Africa has condemned the expulsion orders, and Basildon Peta, head of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, said the move indicated how determined the government is to silence media outside of its control.
``What the government has done is confirm that Zimbabwe is being run by a bunch of tyrants determined to destroy any free voice,'' he said.
Moyo had earlier announced plans for an accreditation process for all local and foreign journalists, but he has offered no details.
Three weeks ago, a series of bomb blasts damaged the printing presses of Zimbabwe's only independent daily newspaper, The Daily News. The paper continued publishing without interruption. No one has been arrested in the bombings.
|February 18 2001
Fighting to stay on the streets: The Daily News has managed to print since its presses were bombed last month, but faces new moves by Mugabe to repress opposition voices
|Mugabe blocks foreign aid
government has reacted to the Sunday Times campaign to help the independent
Daily News replace bombed-out presses by announcing legislation to ban foreign
investment in the media.
President Robert Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, said the aim was to
shut down any media organisation that "survives on foreign funding". The measure
would bar The Daily News from accepting foreign help to buy a new press.
Judith Todd, once a heroine of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle and now a
director of ANZ, which owns The Daily News, said: "They'll do anything now,
"But the campaign for the press mustn't stop. The day is going to come when
this nightmare is over, when we have to start all over again - and the press
will be needed then."
The Sunday Times appeal fund reached £18,000 last Friday, but it will cost at
least £1m to buy the press, and the paper's backers say they need substantial
donations from anyone concerned to defend the right to free speech in Zimbabwe.
The latest move against The Daily News was only part of a concerted onslaught
last week against those perceived as opponents of Mugabe.
Jonathan Moyo, the minister of information, announced the government would
withdraw passports from Zimbabweans it considered "unpatriotic", and that work
permits for foreign journalists would be frozen.
Mercedes Sayagues, the Harare correspondent of South Africa's Mail &
Guardian newspaper, had her permit revoked and was given 24 hours to leave the
country in which she has lived for nine years. "I'm just the first of many," she
Joseph Winter, a correspondent with the BBC's Africa service, who has worked
in Harare for four years, was also given 24 hours to leave yesterday.
Earlier, pressure had been exerted on supreme court judges, who have upheld
their independence, to resign. Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay was forced out after
a minister told him he "could not see his way clear" to protecting the judges
against threats of violence.
Most dramatic of all was the decision of the Zimbabwean authorities to charge
Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), with incitement to violence - a crime that carries a sentence of up to 20
The moves appeared to be part of a co-ordinated strategy aimed at destroying
the opposition's hopes in the coming presidential election.
In the space of three weeks - during which Mugabe has remained out of sight -
two MDC MPs, including Tsvangirai's deputy, have been charged with incitement,
the Daily News presses have been bombed, and the Commercial Farmers Union has
been presented with an ultimatum: either its "recalcitrant" leadership must
resign or white farmers must face more killings.
The charge against Tsvangirai relates to a speech he made before a party
rally last September. He warned that so great was the popular discontent caused
by the repression and economic misery the ruling Zanu-PF regime had inflicted on
the country that Mugabe might well be removed by force if he did not go
"It's quite clear that Morgan was warning about spontaneous popular
reactions, not calling on people to act in such a way," said David Coltart, the
MDC's legal spokesman.
"But the real question is: why charge Morgan now with something that happened
five months back?"
According to Coltart, Mugabe plans to have hand-picked loyalists from his
Zanu-PF party in the high court and supreme court by the time Tsvangirai's case
"Our election law says you can't be a presidential candidate if you have had
a jail sentence of six months or more," he said. "The reason they've waited
until now to proceed against Morgan is that they needed time to start forcing
the judges out."
This is the environment in which the embattled Daily News hangs on. Since the
bombing on January 28 its editorial team has managed to print a much-reduced
paper on two other presses. The paper was then informed that one of these, run
by Natprint - 51% owned by the government - would no longer be available.
"What we've managed since January 28 is a sort of daily miracle", said Geoff
Nyarota, the editor. "Staff morale remains sky-high but we couldn't bring out
the paper in much more difficult circumstances. We know that the government is
just waiting to attack us again. We expect things to get tougher."
Many trace the regime's current strategy to Mugabe's declaration to a Zanu-PF
congress on December 14 that the party "must continue to strike fear into the
heart of the white man, our real enemy". On that day a white farmer, Henry
Elsworth, was shot dead.
Mugabe, although treated in a British hospital for throat cancer three years
ago, is in apparent good health and is expected to hold his usual children's
party for the television cameras this Wednesday, his 77th birthday. Usually The
Herald publishes photos of the president and his young wife, Grace, surrounded
by children and smiling beneficently, but it is not expected that The Daily News
will be invited to the party.
The ferocity of attacks on opponents has prompted speculation that Mugabe may
call a snap election this year rather than wait until 2002. Observers say the
worsening economic situation suggests he might be well-advised not to wait.
Not only are petrol, diesel and paraffin queues longer than ever but Harare
residents have again been warned of power cuts. Maize production is down by at
least 30% and, by October, the country will need to import it. But there is no
foreign exchange to pay for it.
The economy is in free-fall, job losses mount from week to week, and already
many urban poor are close to starving in a country once regarded as the
breadbasket of Africa.
"Mugabe and Zanu-PF have their backs to the wall," Nyarota said. "They're
paranoid and they can feel things slipping away from them."
President Robert Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, said the aim was to shut down any media organisation that "survives on foreign funding". The measure would bar The Daily News from accepting foreign help to buy a new press.
Judith Todd, once a heroine of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle and now a director of ANZ, which owns The Daily News, said: "They'll do anything now, absolutely anything.
"But the campaign for the press mustn't stop. The day is going to come when this nightmare is over, when we have to start all over again - and the press will be needed then."
The Sunday Times appeal fund reached £18,000 last Friday, but it will cost at least £1m to buy the press, and the paper's backers say they need substantial donations from anyone concerned to defend the right to free speech in Zimbabwe.
The latest move against The Daily News was only part of a concerted onslaught last week against those perceived as opponents of Mugabe.
Jonathan Moyo, the minister of information, announced the government would withdraw passports from Zimbabweans it considered "unpatriotic", and that work permits for foreign journalists would be frozen.
Mercedes Sayagues, the Harare correspondent of South Africa's Mail & Guardian newspaper, had her permit revoked and was given 24 hours to leave the country in which she has lived for nine years. "I'm just the first of many," she said.
Joseph Winter, a correspondent with the BBC's Africa service, who has worked in Harare for four years, was also given 24 hours to leave yesterday.
Earlier, pressure had been exerted on supreme court judges, who have upheld their independence, to resign. Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay was forced out after a minister told him he "could not see his way clear" to protecting the judges against threats of violence.
Most dramatic of all was the decision of the Zimbabwean authorities to charge Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), with incitement to violence - a crime that carries a sentence of up to 20 years' imprisonment.
The moves appeared to be part of a co-ordinated strategy aimed at destroying the opposition's hopes in the coming presidential election.
In the space of three weeks - during which Mugabe has remained out of sight - two MDC MPs, including Tsvangirai's deputy, have been charged with incitement, the Daily News presses have been bombed, and the Commercial Farmers Union has been presented with an ultimatum: either its "recalcitrant" leadership must resign or white farmers must face more killings.
The charge against Tsvangirai relates to a speech he made before a party rally last September. He warned that so great was the popular discontent caused by the repression and economic misery the ruling Zanu-PF regime had inflicted on the country that Mugabe might well be removed by force if he did not go voluntarily.
"It's quite clear that Morgan was warning about spontaneous popular reactions, not calling on people to act in such a way," said David Coltart, the MDC's legal spokesman.
"But the real question is: why charge Morgan now with something that happened five months back?"
According to Coltart, Mugabe plans to have hand-picked loyalists from his Zanu-PF party in the high court and supreme court by the time Tsvangirai's case is decided.
"Our election law says you can't be a presidential candidate if you have had a jail sentence of six months or more," he said. "The reason they've waited until now to proceed against Morgan is that they needed time to start forcing the judges out."
This is the environment in which the embattled Daily News hangs on. Since the bombing on January 28 its editorial team has managed to print a much-reduced paper on two other presses. The paper was then informed that one of these, run by Natprint - 51% owned by the government - would no longer be available.
"What we've managed since January 28 is a sort of daily miracle", said Geoff Nyarota, the editor. "Staff morale remains sky-high but we couldn't bring out the paper in much more difficult circumstances. We know that the government is just waiting to attack us again. We expect things to get tougher."
Many trace the regime's current strategy to Mugabe's declaration to a Zanu-PF congress on December 14 that the party "must continue to strike fear into the heart of the white man, our real enemy". On that day a white farmer, Henry Elsworth, was shot dead.
Mugabe, although treated in a British hospital for throat cancer three years ago, is in apparent good health and is expected to hold his usual children's party for the television cameras this Wednesday, his 77th birthday. Usually The Herald publishes photos of the president and his young wife, Grace, surrounded by children and smiling beneficently, but it is not expected that The Daily News will be invited to the party.
The ferocity of attacks on opponents has prompted speculation that Mugabe may call a snap election this year rather than wait until 2002. Observers say the worsening economic situation suggests he might be well-advised not to wait.
Not only are petrol, diesel and paraffin queues longer than ever but Harare residents have again been warned of power cuts. Maize production is down by at least 30% and, by October, the country will need to import it. But there is no foreign exchange to pay for it.
The economy is in free-fall, job losses mount from week to week, and already many urban poor are close to starving in a country once regarded as the breadbasket of Africa.
"Mugabe and Zanu-PF have their backs to the wall," Nyarota said. "They're paranoid and they can feel things slipping away from them."
|Mugabe cult celebrates as Zimbabwe nears collapse|
By David Blair in Harare
MUGABE this week initiates a day of unrestrained celebrations to mark his 77th
birthday in the hopes that it will distract attention from Zimbabwe's deepening
The plan is for a carefully marshalled army of the President's youthful followers - called the 21st of February Movement - to descend on the deserted resort of Victoria Falls to celebrate Mr Mugabe's birthday. Aged between four and 14, they will all wear bright red scarves and chant undying loyalty to their "one authentic and consistent leader".
Modelled on the youth brigades who pledged obedience to Kim Il-sung, the late North Korean despot, the 21st of February Movement was formed in 1986 to commemorate Mr Mugabe's birthday. Each year, about 120 children vie for the coveted "Youth of the Year Award".
This year's Victoria Falls celebrations, marking the culmination of several days of festivities for his birthday, will serve the purpose of diverting attention from Zimbabwe's spiralling economic crisis. Power cuts last week plunged Harare into darkness, petrol stations across the country have run dry, and bread prices have risen, adding to the hardship of the poorest households.
The signs of collapse are everywhere. Streets in Harare are blocked by cars queuing to fill up at the few forecourts with supplies. Most factories are working a three-day week, buses are stranded, the distribution of food is breaking down and the pavements are filled with beggars and destitute children.
A desperate shortage of hard currency to buy imports has brought the economy to its knees. Noczim, the notoriously corrupt state oil company, has no cash to pay suppliers and is sinking under debts of £200 million. Unable to buy vital raw materials, industry is gradually shutting down. Showcase investment projects, such as the Mazda car assembly plant at Willowvale, have closed and at least 100,000 jobs were lost last year, bringing unemployment to 60 per cent.
The government has created the crisis by undermining agriculture, tourism and mining, the three pillars of Zimbabwe's economy. The invasion of white-owned farms by thousands of squatters, repeatedly encouraged by Mr Mugabe, cost tens of thousands of jobs.
The wave of accompanying violence and a brutal election campaign that claimed 37 lives caused the number of tourist arrivals to fall by 70 per cent. Without the hard currency to buy crucial equipment, mines were forced to cut production and three closed altogether.
By the end of last year, the budget deficit ran at 22 per cent of gross national product, inflation was 56 per cent and inward investment had plummeted by 89 per cent. Although Simba Makoni, the reforming finance minister, has made a genuine effort to address the crisis, a president who appears to have thrown common sense to the winds has continually sabotaged his efforts.
None of this, however, will feature when Mr Mugabe gives his annual birthday interview to state television. On Saturday he will fly to Victoria Falls to join the 21st of February Movement for the final celebration. Opponents have remarked on his choice of venue.
Victoria Falls has seen its livelihood wiped out by a 70 per cent fall in the number of tourists following Mr Mugabe's incessant attacks on whites. The resort is in Matabeleland North province, where Zanu-PF does not hold any parliamentary seats and mustered barely 30 per cent of the vote in the last election.
Mr Mugabe will address an adoring audience on the importance of education and self reliance. After traditional dances, which The Herald, the pro-government newspaper, reported "always send the crowd wild", a large birthday cake will appear and Mr Mugabe will present the Youth of the Year Trophy to the most dedicated member of his movement.
Mr Mugabe makes few concessions to informality. He dresses for these occasions, as for all others, in a double-breasted suit. He will also receive tributes from Zanu-PF functionaries before climbing into his helicopter and returning to Harare. The national rejoicing will be over for another year.


text:
A locally owned staple in Holland for over 86 years! Our food in homemade and we offer lower cost dining. The full American style menu is available for take out as well as large quantities in quarts, boxes of homemade baked goods, and whole pies for family ordering. We offer 12 locations in West Michigan.
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text:
In addition to its growing base of commercial jet engines, GE Aviation is developing a new engine for military fighter aircraft and recently achieved a milestone in its development.
The Evendale-based jet engine manufacturer, in partnership with the Dayton-area U.S. Air Force Research Laboratory, has came up with a “transformer” engine that can switch modes — from supersonic to cruising speeds — midair.
Current military planes are powered by fixed-cycle engines. But GE and the federal defense department have made an adaptive engine that can switch modes in flight between high fuel efficiency performance to maximum power. The engine program extends aircraft operating range by 30 percent, improves fuel consumption by 25 percent and increases thrust by more than 10 percent compared to the latest engine made for the joint strike fighter, according to GE.
The advances mean the military can save money and fuel, and reach further distances on the same tank of gas, said GE spokesman Matt Benvie.
GE Aviation completed in June a design review for the Adaptive Engine Technology Development with leaders from the U.S. Air Force, Navy, NASA and Lockheed Martin. The U.S. Department of Defense and the company have jointly invested about $1 billion in the engine’s development, and now that the design review has been completed, it means they can move on to the next phase of the engine’s development.
The public-private partnership has proven the research and the engine works, and designed an engine to fit into a next generation aircraft. Now GE is building and testing pieces of engines; for example, the fan, compressor, turbine and combustor can be tested separately, Benvie said. Eventually, the military engine could be ready to power the U.S. military’s combat jets by the mid-2020s.
“Since 2007, GE Aviation has successfully partnered with the Department of Defense to cost effectively design, manufacture and test this revolutionary combination of architectural, compression technology, cooling technology, and material technology advancements,” said Dan McCormick, general manager of GE Aviation’s Advanced Combat Engine program, in a written statement.
In addition to the adaptive technology, the military engine also makes use of the same advanced material technologies that GE Aviation is incorporating into its commercial engines, such as the LEAP, which makes its debut to the first airline customer next year.
LEAP, a product of GE joint venture CFM International, will be the first commercial jet engine to contain an additively manufactured part in a critical area as well as materials made from ceramic matrix composites, according to the company. High pressure turbine shrouds in the hot section of the engine will be made from ceramic matrix composites.
Then GE will spread 3-D or additive manufactured parts and ceramic composites to more parts of the engine after that for the GE9X, which will debut by 2020.
The Adaptive Engine will take advanced materials further and contain the industry’s first rotating parts made from ceramic matrix composites, according to GE.
The new technologies mean the engines will be lighter than traditional materials and able to withstand hotter temperatures, which will improve fuel efficiency.
GE Aviation is headquartered in Evendale in suburban Cincinnati. It and the joint venture with the engine maker CFM International, based in West Chester Twp., employ more than 9,000 people in Southwest Ohio.
The U.S. Air Force Research Laboratory is headquartered at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, which is Ohio’s largest single site employer.

domain: news


text:
Human infection with various genotypes of human papillomaviruses (HPV) is one of the most common sexually transmissible viral infections. HPV is causing a variety of benign, borderline and malignant disorders, with common anogenital signs. The therapy of cutaneous and mucosal infections with confirmed HPV involves local and/or systemic treatment, applied separately or in combination. HPV requires antiviral systemic treatment, but at present there isn’t an antiviral systemic medication approved against HPV infections. The association of various types of treatment is still the preferred method to eradicate HPV infection. This paper offers information about possible systemic treatments of HPV infection, based on the documentation from the PubMed database (1989-2018), including immunomodulatory drugs, antiviral medications, therapeutic HPV vaccines and biological therapy. More studies are still needed with similar models, with multiple biological samples and with follow-up for periods long enough to allow a comparison of the short-term/long-term effectiveness of various types of systemic treatment for HPV.
Infecţia umană cu diferite genotipuri ale virusului papiloma uman (HPV) este una dintre cele mai frecvente infecţii virale cu transmitere sexuală. HPV provoacă o varietate de afecţiuni benigne, precanceroase şi maligne, cu semne anogenitale comune. Terapia infecţiilor cutanate şi mucoase cu HPV confirmate implică tratament local şi/sau sistemic, aplicat separat sau în combinaţie. HPV necesită tratament sistemic antiviral, dar în prezent nu există un medicament antiviral sistemic aprobat împotriva infecţiilor cu HPV. Asocierea diferitelor tipuri de tratament este încă metoda preferată pentru eradicarea infecţiei cu HPV. Această lucrare oferă detalii despre posibilele tratamente sistemice ale infecţiei cu HPV, pe baza documentaţiei din baza de date PubMed (1989-2018), inclusiv medicamente imunomodulatoare, medicamente antivirale, vaccinuri HPV terapeutice şi terapie biologică. Sunt necesare mai multe studii cu modele similare, cu multiple probe biologice şi cu perioade de urmărire suficient de lungi pentru a permite o comparaţie a eficacităţii pe termen scurt/lung a diferitelor tipuri de tratament sistemic în infecţia dovedită cu HPV.
Genital infections with human papillomaviruses (HPV), among the most common sexually transmitted diseases (STD), generate alarming signals in human health, due to the prevalence and dissemination, as well as to various pathologies induced mostly at the level of the genital tract(1). The genomic analysis of the HPV viruses, ADNds viruses, describes ~210 HPV genotypes (IHPRC), over 40 genotypes, with high risk (hr) and low risk (lr), including 12 HPVshr/IARC which can infect mucous membranes and the skin, causing benign, borderline and malignant lesions(2). The virus has tropism for feminine genital tract. Among adults aged 18-59 years old (CDC: USA, 2013-2014), 45% of men and approximately 40% of women had genital HPV infection, and approximately 25% of men and 20% of women had genital infection with HPVshr. The prevalence of the oral infection with HPV in adults aged 18-69 years old (CDC: USA, 2011-2014) was approximately 7%, HPVshr being present in 4% of cases(3).
The infection with various genotypes of HPV causes skin warts, genital warts, papillomas (anogenital, oropharyngeal/laryngeal), hyperkeratosis, precursor lesions and various cancers (uterine and other genital cancers, orogenital, laryngeal/pharyngeal, non-melanoma skin cancer)(4).
At this moment, there is no routine effective therapy to treat lesions induced by HPV. HPVshr infection with various clinical forms at various levels requires an early diagnosis and proper treatment(5). The treatment improves symptoms, especially regarding evolutive flares, lowering the possibility of infection by HPV and possibly through other possible STD associated(6). It is recommended that all clinical and subclinical susceptible lesions at the level of epithelium and mucous membranes be tested for HPV(7). The possibility of identifying the genotype is useful, especially for infections with HPVshr, when the therapy must be prompt and targeted, and post-therapeutic follow-up must be done for long term in order to prevent the neoplastic transformation(8). Taking into account the fact that many lesions with confirmed HPV etiology have a self-limiting evolution, it is recommended that before starting the treatment the patient should be kept under observation for several weeks, expecting the spontaneous healing(9).
A multidisciplinary approach is required for optimal decision making, treatment planning, and post-treatment response assessment. The therapy of the infections produced by HPV is local and systemic. Topical treatment removes lesions, but the absence of infection is not guaranteed(10). Untreated, some injuries may regress spontaneously, others grow in size and number, and they may evolve as benign/malignant(11). The absence of a sterilizing therapy diminishes the effectiveness of evaluation and monitorization of the sexual partners, but their testing can identify ignored lesions(12).
The treatment of cutaneous and mucous infections involves topical and/or systemic treatment applied separately or combined(13). The local treatments include therapeutic chemical agents (cytotoxic agents: trichloroacetic acid 80-90%, podophyllin, podophyllotoxin, 5-fluorouracil, imiquimod 5% cream, retinoids, topical interferon, intralesional interferon) and/or physical therapeutic agents (ablative therapy: cryotherapy, CO2 laser, LEEP – loop resection), or surgical excision(14,15). HPV is ubiquitous, especially in the lower genital tract, which makes the pharmacological treatment to be considered as the therapy of choice(16). The treatment with interferon and immunomodulating agents (inosine) did not bring the presumed results (many side effects which limited the therapeutic doses)(17).
Systemic antiviral treatment would be the treatment of choice, but at present there is no systemic antiviral drug approved for HPV(19). Combining multiple types of treatments, correlated with the appearance of lesions and/or with the presence of asymptomatic HPV, is still commonly used in the idea of therapeutic success. This article details the progresses in the treatment of systemic infection with HPV, regardless of type, location and genotype(20).
This paper provides up-to-date scientific data on the possible systemic treatments of human infections with HPV confirmed etiology. Documentation, made during the period July-December 2018 on PubMed/Medline database, included the study of essays and original articles between 1997 and 2017. The study used the following keywords: HPV, HPV systemic treatments, prophylactic anti-HPV vaccines, therapeutic HPV vaccines, antiviral systemic medications, systemic immunomodulators.
Among the options available currently, only surgical treatment has a primary clearance rate approaching 100%. Recurrences occur after all therapies. Recurrence rates, including new lesions at previously treated or new sites, are often as high as 20-30%, and increase with longer duration of the follow-up period. All topical treatments are associated with local skin reactions including itching, burning, erosions and pain. A number of studies highlighted the role of HPV systemic treatment, from which the most prevalent are aromatic retinoids, interferon, inosine, while other studies have reported benefits after using hydroxicloroquine(22).
Antiviral medications like foscarnet, cidofovir and ribavirin were used as systemic HPV treatment with good results(23).
A history of genital warts, a positive HPV test result, or abnormal cervical, vaginal, vulvar or anal cytology, all indicate a prior HPV infection, but not necessarily with the HPV types included in the vaccines. The vaccination is still recommended in individuals within the recommended age range who have evidence of prior HPV infection, as it can still provide protection against infection with HPV vaccine types not already acquired. However, these patients should be advised that vaccination will have no therapeutic effect on preexisting HPV infection or in HPV-associated diseases, and the potential benefit of HPV vaccination is not as great as if they were vaccinated before their sexual debut(24,25).
The therapeutic anti-HPV vaccines are supposed to induce cell-mediated immunity and to prevent the development of benign and malignant lesions induced by this virus. Cell-mediated rather than humoral immune responses are important for the clearance of established infections. It has been observed that spontaneous clearance and slow progression of HPV infections are associated with a strong cell-mediated immune response involving mainly T-helper type 1 cells and cytotoxic T-cells derived from CD4+ and CD8+ T-cells, respectively. The HPV E6 and E7 oncoproteins are essential for the onset and maintenance of malignancy; thus, they are unlikely to escape immune responses by mutation. They are also expressed constitutively and at high levels, and therefore represent near-ideal targets for the development of therapeutic vaccines against established HPV infections and lesions. Other proteins useful for targeting of early viral infections are E1 (viral helicase) and E2, which are expressed at higher levels than E6 and E7 at very early stages before viral genome integration.
An ideal therapeutic vaccine would target these proteins to induce strong tumor-specific T-cell type 1 and cytotoxic lymphocyte (CTL) responses able to kill infected and malignant cells(26). The types of therapeutic vaccines, which are developed and evaluated at the moment, are vaccines with viral or bacterial vectors, vaccines based on dendritic cells and modified tumor cells, vaccines based on peptides, proteins or RNA replicons or DNA vaccines(27,28). Although some clinical trials testing the efficiency of the therapeutic HPV vaccines are being under assessment, there isn’t yet a commercial therapeutic vaccine available(1,29).
Progress will likely come from clinical trials testing the treatment of low-grade lesions of the cervix, with the aim of accelerated and sustained resolution following either HPV immune response, or drug treatments as the stepping stone for wider therapeutic application(31).
The treatment is reserved for patients with visible warts. The general treatment strategy is to eliminate as many of the visible lesions as possible until the host immune system can control the viral replication(32). The treatment is not recommended for subclinical anogenital or mucosal human papillomavirus infection in the absence of coexistent dysplasia(33).
The current strategies in systemic treatment against HPV tend to focus on inhibiting the replication of viral DNA and on modulation of the body’s immune response(34,35). Recent research directions are promising to provide antiviral medications anti-HPV with the characteristics aforementioned(36,37). However, there is still need of large population clinical trials, with diversified biological samples and with long enough follow-up periods to allow comparison of the short-term/long-term efficacy of the different types of systemic anti-HPV treatments(38,39).
However, current therapeutic strategies remain expensive due to the systems of manufacture, meaning that even if a vaccine were to be commercialized, its cost would render it less accessible to populations in developing countries, where the burden of cervical cancer is highest. To expand the impact of therapeutic vaccines in developing countries, plant-made products are a promising technology to offer inexpensive and effective pharmaceuticals(39). Additionally, cold-chain vaccine delivery is necessary to maintain vaccine shelf life, and contributes to the inaccessibility of vaccine products in developing countries due to poor infrastructure(40).
Even though the importance of this viral infection is well known worldwide and many studies were conducted on this topic, the ideal systemic treatment for infections determined by HPV isn’t yet close to being discovered.
Vaccination at a very large scale prior the sex life debut is for now the only tool we have in the battle against HPV infections. Still, as several candidate vaccines are tested nowdays in clinical trials, it is likely that we will benefit from a therapeutic HPV vaccine in the near future.
Conflict of interests: The authors declare no conflict of interests.
1. Lahiri CD, Dugan KB, Xie X, Reimers L, Burk RD, et al. Oral Lopinavir Use and Human Papillomavirus Infection in HIV-positive Women. J Acquir Immune Defic Syndr. 2015; 70(2):e63-6.
2. Yanofsky VR, Patel RV, Goldenberg G. Genital warts: a comprehensive review. J Clin Aesthet Dermatol. 2012; 5(6):25-36.
3. Kelly H, Weiss HA, Benavente Y, de Sanjose S, Mayaud P; ART and HPV Review Group. Association of antiretroviral therapy with high-risk human papillomavirus, cervical intraepithelial neoplasia, and invasive cervical cancer in women living with HIV: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Lancet HIV. 2018; 5(1):e45-e58.
4. Bitsadze VO, Khamani NM, Makatsariya NA. Role of inosine pranobex in management of HPV-associated diseases: problems and prospective. Obstetrics, Gynecology and Reproduction. 2016; 10(3): 76-84.
5. Olsen EA, Kelly FF, Vollmer RT, Buddin DA, Weck PK. Comparative study of systemic interferon alfa-NL and isotretinoin in the treatment of resistant condylomata acuminata. J Am Acad Dermatol. 1989; 20(6):1023-30.
6. Workowski KA, Bolan GA; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Sexually transmitted diseases treatment guidelines, 2015. MMWR Recomm Rep. 2015; 64(RR-03):1-137.
7. Mariani L, Vici P, Suligoi B, Checcucci-Lisi G, Drury R. Early Direct and Indirect Impact of Quadrivalent HPV (4HPV) Vaccine on Genital Warts: a Systematic Review. Adv Ther. 2015; 32:10-30.
8. Hampson L, Martin-Hirsch P, Hampson IN. An overview of early investigational drugs for the treatment of human papilloma virus infection and associated dysplasia. Expert Opin Investig Drugs. 2015; 24(12):1529-1537.
9. Yliskoski M, Syrjänen K, Syrjänen S, Saarikoski S, Nethersell A. Systemic α-interferon (Wellferon) treatment of genital human papillomavirus (HPV) type 6, 11, 16, and 18 infections: double-blind, placebo-controlled trial. Gynecol Oncol. 1991; 43(1): 55-60.
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15. Goidescu I, Rotar I, Stamatian F, Mureşan D. Cervical cancer during pregnancy. Diagnostic and treatment options. Obstetrica şi Ginecologia. 2016; 64(1):1-8.
16. Sinha S, Relhan V, Garg VK. Immunomodulators in warts: Unexplored or ineffective?. Indian J Dermatol. 2015; 60(2):118-129.
17. Batman G, Oliver AW, Zehbe I, Richard C, Hampson L, et al. Lopinavir up-regulates expression of the antiviral protein ribonuclease L in human papillomavirus-positive cervical carcinoma cells. Antivir Ther. 2011; 16(4):515-25.
19. Tsambaos D, Georgiou S, Monastirli A, Sakkis T, Sagriotis A, et al. Treatment of condylomata acuminata with oral isotretinoin. J Urol. 1997; 158(5):1810-2.
20. Georgala S, Katoulis AC, Georgala C, Bozi E, Mortakis A. Oral isotretinoin in the treatment of recalcitrant condylomata acuminata of the cervix: a randomised placebo controlled trial. Sex Transm Infect. 2004; 80:216-8.
22. Van Valckenborgh I, Wellens W, De Boeck K, Snoeck R, De Clercq E, et al. Systemic Cidofovir in Papillomatosis. Clin Infect Dis. 2001; 32(3):e62-e64.
23. Polansky H, Itzkovitz E, Javaherian A. Human papillomavirus (HPV): systemic treatment with Gene-Eden-VIR/Novirin safely and effectively clears virus. Drug Des Devel Ther. 2017; 11:575-83.
24. Kim DK, Hunter P, Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices. Recommended Adult Immunization Schedule, United States, 2019. Ann Intern Med. 2019; 170(3):182-92.
25. Markowitz LE, Dunne EF, Saraiya M, Chesson HW, Curtis CR, et al. Human papillomavirus vaccination: recommendations of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). MMWR Recomm Rep. 2014; 63(RR-05):1-30.
26. Yang A, Farmer E, Wu TC, Hung CF. Perspectives for therapeutic HPV vaccine development. J Biomed Sci. 2016; 23:75.
27. Hancock G, Hellner K, Dorrell L Therapeutic HPV vaccines. Best Pract Res Clin Obstet Gynaecol. 2018; 47:59-72.
28. Braaten KP, Laufer MR. Human Papillomavirus (HPV), HPV-Related Disease, and the HPV Vaccine. Rev Obstet Gynecol. 2008; 1(1):2-10.
29. Menon S, Rossi R, Zdraveska N, Kariisa M, Acharya SD, et al. Associations between highly active antiretroviral therapy and the presence of HPV, premalignant and malignant cervical lesions in sub-Saharan Africa, a systematic review: current evidence and directions for future research. BMJ Open. 2017; 7(8):e015123.
31. Lacey CJN. Therapy for genital human papillomavirus-related disease. J Clin Virol. 2005; 32(suppl):S82-S90.
32. Popescu SD, Bănică AM, Vlădăreanu S, Vlădăreanu R. Human Papilloma Virus – neonatal involvement. Ginecologia.ro. 2018; 6(20)60-63.
33. Pavan MHP, Velho PENF, Vigani AG, Gonçalves Jr FL, Aoki FH. Treatment of human papillomavirus with peg-interferon alfa-2b and ribavirin. Braz J Infect Dis. 2007; 11(3):383-4.
34. Gerein V, Rastorguev E, Gerein J, Jecker P, Pfister H. Use of interferon-alpha in recurrent respiratory papillomatosis: 20-year follow-up. Ann Otol Rhinl Laryngol. 2005; 114(6):463-71.
35. Purceli MCSC, Jotz GP, Miranda SL, et al. The use of ribavirin in the treatment of recurrent respiratory papillomatosis (PRR). Acta AWHO. 1996; 15(1):33-6.
36. De Clercq E. Clinical Potential of the Acyclic Nucleoside Phosphonates Cidofovir, Adefovir, and Tenofovir in Treatment of DNA Virus and Retrovirus Infections. Clin Microbiol Rev. 2003; 16(4):569-96.
37. Wagstaff AJ, Bryson HM. Foscarnet. A reappraisal of its antiviral activity, pharmacokinetic properties and therapeutic use in immunocompromised patients with viral infections. Drugs. 1994; 48(2):199-226.
38. Coremans G, Snoeck R. Cidofovir: clinical experience and future perspectives on an acyclic nucleoside phosphonate analog of cytosine in the treatment of refractory and premalignant HPV-associated anal lesions. Expert Opin Pharmacother. 2009; 10(8):1343-52.
39. Forman D, de Martel C, Lacey CJ, Soerjomataram I, Lortet-Tieulent J, et al. Global burden of human papillomavirus and related diseases. Vaccine. 2012; 30(Suppl 5):F12-F23.
40. Hefferon K. Plant virus expression vectors: a powerhouse for global health. Biomedicines. 2017; 5(3):E44.

domain: medical


text:
Video: Nick Sweeney
Fashion: Ruby Heery
Hair and Make-up: Naomi McFadden
Model: Rachel Rutt @ Chic
Camera: Manuela Leigh
Photographer: James Nelson
With a look for every day of the month curated by a specialised creative team, Oyster Daily provides a one-stop-shop for on-trend style secrets featuring up-and-coming artists, models and photographers.
This September features Singaporean/Australian model Rachel Rutt, known for covering Russh Magazine and walking in several 2011 RAFW shows.
Shot on location at Sun Studios.

domain: artistic


text:
About Our Business
- Rescue Buddy Boarding & Beyond
- At Rescue Buddy Boarding & Beyond your dog will feel right at home while you are away. With 1/4 acre fenced yard to play in, your pup will have lots of fun. Overnight stay is $30 and daycare is $15. We also offer a free foster dog slot and reduced overnight rates to local rescues. We are committed to helping homeless dogs. While volunteering with Pet Haven we have fostered 82 dogs and counting. We are changing the world one dog at a time. email@example.com
Friday, April 23, 2010
.....to make the world a better place one dog at a time.
......to give those that do not speak our language a voice.
.....to experience true hope, no matter what.
.....to bring more joy into my life.
....to see dreams come true for the new families .
If fostering sounds intriguing to you Pet Haven would love to hear from you. We have three dogs that need foster homes right now and two more dogs are coming in soon. All supplies are provided along with vet care. We do the best we can to find the right fit for your home and dog experience. Please contact us at firstname.lastname@example.org if you are interested in finding out how you can help. Thanks from all the homeless dogs waiting for someone to love them.
Thursday, April 22, 2010
This caption is funny and oh so true. But is giving a dog real bones a good idea? This just in from Dogster's blog. Thought I would pass it along.
Here are 10 reasons why it’s a bad idea to give your dog a bone:
1.Broken teeth. This may call for expensive veterinary dentistry.
2.Mouth or tongue injuries. These can be very bloody and messy and may require a trip to see your veterinarian.
3.Bone gets looped around your dog’s lower jaw. This can be frightening or painful for your dog and potentially costly to you, as it usually means a trip to see your veterinarian.
4.Bone gets stuck in esophagus, the tube that food travels through to reach the stomach. Your dog may gag, trying to bring the bone back up, and will need to see your veterinarian.
5.Bone gets stuck in windpipe. This may happen if your dog accidentally inhales a small enough piece of bone. This is an emergency because your dog will have trouble breathing. Get your pet to your veterinarian immediately!
6.Bone gets stuck in stomach. It went down just fine, but the bone may be too big to pass out of the stomach and into the intestines. Depending on the bone’s size, your dog may need surgery or upper gastrointestinal endoscopy, a procedure in which your veterinarian uses a long tube with a built-in camera and grabbing tools to try to remove the stuck bone from the stomach.
7.Bone gets stuck in intestines and causes a blockage. It may be time for surgery.
8.Constipation due to bone fragments. Your dog may have a hard time passing the bone fragments because they’re very sharp and they scrape the inside of the large intestine or rectum as they move along. This causes severe pain and may require a visit to your veterinarian.
9.Severe bleeding from the rectum. This is very messy and can be dangerous. It’s time for a trip to see your veterinarian.
10.Peritonitis. This nasty, difficult-to-treat bacterial infection of the abdomen is caused when bone fragments poke holes in your dog’s stomach or intestines. Your dog needs an emergency visit to your veterinarian because peritonitis can kill your dog.
Tuesday, April 20, 2010
Mister and Buddy got a much enjoyed trip to the dog park in Columbia Heights today. It was the most glorious weather for spending time outside with the boys. When Buddy was young we went to this park everyday no matter what the temp was. We have not been as much since taking in the foster dogs. But Buddy remembered where we were going as soon as we turned off Central, whining the whole way to the entrance. Mister was looking at him like "What are you so excited about? I do not even see any squirrels.".
There were plenty of dogs to play with and all were well behaved. I used to know everyone but that was months ago. This park is small so it is best when there are not too many dogs. That is why I prefer to go during the weekday.
The boys ran and ran. And I got my exercise too trying to stay with them. Then Buddy was so tuckered out he had to plop down to get a drink. Even Mister had slowed down some.
When Mister and Buddy were laying down more than playing it was time to go. I wondered how Mister would take leaving. There have been times when people can not get their dogs back on leash. But both dogs listened very well and were patiently waiting at the gate for me to catch up. Good boy Mister. Oh and Buddy too.
Monday, April 19, 2010
Here is part of the blog post from Red Lake Rosie's Rescue today. To read the entire post click here. Please help reduce the dog and cat population on the Red Lake reservation.
"A three-day spay/neuter clinic is planned for the end of May at Red Lake with the Minnesota Spay Neuter Assistance Program (MN SNAP).
Red Lake Rosie's Rescue received grant money from Chuck & Don's Pet Food Outlet's Paw Prints campaign to Pet Haven's Spay/Neuter Initiative that will pay for one day of the clinic and is hoping to raise funds to pay for the additional two days.
The cost for s/n is, on average, $50.00 per animal x 35 animals per day= $1,750
The rabies and distemper vaccinations are an extra $20.00 per animal x 35 = $700.00
Total cost per day is about $2,450.00"
If you can help, and any size donation will help, please go to our website at www.redlakerosie.org to donate with a credit card through PayPal or send a check made out to Red Lake Rosie's Rescue to:
Red Lake Rosie's Rescue
23880 So. Good Road
Trail, MN 56684
Friday, April 16, 2010
Bella is enjoying an impromptu visit by Mister. They were waiting for their breakfast this morning. My hand-painted floor cloth makes a great backdrop for dog photos.
Buddy is a bit more animated around meal time. He says, "Don't just sit there sipping coffee. I am done playing with the duck. Where is my kibble?".
Monday, April 12, 2010
Bella is a 6 year old Bloodhound looking for her forever home. She is a joy to have around, putting a smile on my face every time I look at her.
Do you have room for a shrinking violet? Bella came into Pet Haven at a whopping 130lbs. She is now down to 97lbs and counting.
Bella is getting a little weary of trying to find her new family. But she is not giving up hope. Here is her bio and more info on her adoption.
Sunday, April 4, 2010
Friday, April 2, 2010
Mister is drying off this morning after his bath. Yes I decided to add this perk to Mister's one week stay. Since Mister gets in the bathtub by himself I knew he would be an easy boy to bathe. And he certainly was. Good boy Mister. Now he is all clean and ready to go play with Missy and Ahnung.

domain: pet


Google Play Music Stories May 17
Google Play Music Stories February 18
Google Play Music Stories September 14, 2015
Eric Schmidt, executive chairman of Google parent company Alphabet, has made a thinly-veiled attack on Apple Music in a BBC op-ed on artificial intelligence. He described human-curated music selections as a decade out of data and an elitist approach.
A decade ago, to launch a digital music service, you probably would have enlisted a handful of elite tastemakers to pick the hottest new music.
Today, you’re much better off building a smart system that can learn from the real world – what actual listeners are most likely to like next – and help you predict who and where the next Adele might be …
Google Play Music Stories June 23, 2015
Google announced today that it is adding a free tier to its Google Play Music service. The new feature provides non-subscribers with what Google is describing as an ad-supported radio option with curated stations. Google Play Music’s radio option will be available for users in the United States at launch with availability on the web starting today and support on iOS and Android following soon. Similar to Apple’s approach with Apple Music, Google says it has “music experts” creating these “curated” playlists: expand full story
Google Play Music Stories January 5, 2015
Google today announced Google Cast for audio, which the company says takes advantage of Chromecast tech to send audio to third-party hardware like speakers, A/V receivers, and sound bars. The feature will allow users to tap a “cast” button from within music and radio apps on Android, iOS and the web to stream audio to Google Cast enabled speakers. expand full story
Google Play Music Stories November 20, 2014
Billboard is about to add data from music streaming services to its weekly Billboard 200 charts for the first time as services like Spotify and Apple’s Beats Music become increasingly popular. The New York Times reports that Billboard and Nielsen SoundScan plan to start incorporating both streams and downloads from music streaming services, in addition to the music sales the chart already covered, in order to more accurately reflect popular albums based on what users are listening to. The first chart including streaming services will include data for next week and arrive online Dec. 4: expand full story


Manila City Hall
|Manila City Hall|
The Manila City Hall as seen from Padre Burgos Avenue
|Type||City Government building|
|Location||No. 333 Antonio J. Villegas Street corner Padre Burgos Avenue & Natividad Lopez Street, Ermita, Manila, Philippines|
|Completed||August 19, 1941|
|Owner||City of Manila|
|Management||City of Manila|
|Design and construction|
|Architect||Ar. Antonia M. Toledo|
|Developer||City of Manila|
The Manila City Hall (Filipino: Bulwagang Panlungsod ng Maynila) is the official seat of government of the City of Manila, located in the historic center of Ermita, Manila. It is where the Mayor of Manila holds office and the chambers of the Manila City Council. It was originally intended to be a part of a national government center envisioned by Daniel Burnham in the 1930s. Although the dream plan was not fully implemented, some buildings for the proposed government center was constructed, including the Old Legislative Building (now the National Museum of Fine Arts), and the Agriculture and Finance Buildings (presently the National Museum of Anthropology and National Museum of Natural History).
The Manila City Hall during 1901 was made up of Oregon-pine which covered one third of the area used by the current building. After 31 years of occupancy, City Engineer Santiago Artiaga suggested to reinforce the floor of the weakened structure supporting the session hall used by the municipal board and avoid the accommodation of too many people along the corridors and in the hallway. Eventually the old city hall was demolished.
In the 1930s, a new 8,422-square-meter City Hall was constructed, which included around 200 rooms and uniform windows on all sides. This was designed by Antonio Toledo, the same architect who built the Finance and Old Legislative Buildings which were both adjacent to the new City Hall. Finished in 1941 right before World War II, it was another of the structural casualties of the War, heavily damaged (but still intact) by bombardment during the Battle and subsequent Liberation of Manila in February 1945. With the aid of the United States Army, Philippine Commonwealth Army and the city government, City Hall was reconstructed, though did not follow the original plans. Among the deviations were an added fifth-floor attic from the south entrance until the location of the east-west side entrances to accommodate additional offices, and additional windows in some areas which were formerly shelling damages.
The building sits on a trapezoidal shape of the lot in between the Legislative and Post Office buildings. Due to the monotony of the building envelope, one cannot distinguish the principal facade from the main entrance properly. The south entrance has a balcony emphasized by three arches resting on Corinthian columns while the north rear has the same design treatment with the east and west sides, but has pediments all throughout and a tall, hexagonal clock tower capped by a dome.
Successive administrations have left their mark on the building, which in recent years have further devaluated the building's pre- and immediate post-War beauty and glory. Among such marks include:
- all the trees inside and around the vicinity of the City Hall were planted by Manila Mayor Ramon Bagatsing during the early 1970s
- the clocktower's dome and clock faces were painted red (the hour markings and the hands picked out in white) sometime before the 1990s
- all of the office windows were eventually kept closed due to the noise, heat, and pollution, with some individual windows bearing the exhaust part of air conditioning units. Some of the windows were completely walled in, as well as the removal of the original pre-War window grills
- the north-side rear area was converted into a sort of fenced backyard, with a balcony constructed on top of the porte-cochère, obstructing the view of the large window
- the entire structure was painted in dirty yellow with details picked out in dirty gray by 2010
The clock tower, also designed by Antonio Toledo which was completed during the 1930s is the largest clock tower in the Philippines, reaching close to 100 feet in elevation. It stands out during nighttime when the whole of the tower lights up. Every hour, they rung the bell three times continued by a melody. It has now become the icon for the city of Manila.
The clock tower was first renovated during the time of Mayor Atienza. The second time was after Estrada won in 2013. He had the clocks upgraded and digitalized so that it will always be synchronized with the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) for Philippine Standard Time. He plans to convert it into a coffee shop and the first two floors of the tower had been turned into spacious halls.
During its heyday, the Manila City Hall was criticized because of monotony, lack of entrances and the clock tower location. But after years of its continued existence, the critics praise the design for its original intent.
Due to the building's top-down profile resembling a casket, urban legends have sprung about the structure. Furthermore, theories that it was intentionally formed to look like a shield of the Knights Templar to symbolize that the country is under the influence and protection of the Roman Catholic Church.
Proposals for a New City Hall
During the campaign period for the 2019 local elections, mayoral candidate Isko Moreno promises to build a new City Hall beside the current City Hall should he win the mayoralty race. He pointed out that the current City Hall cannot accommodate anymore additional office space or traffic. In his proposal, the current City Hall will be maintained but will be converted to other uses. After winning the election, Moreno joined President Rodrigo Duterte’s delegation for four days in Tokyo, Japan for prospective investors in order to boost his 10-year Infrastructure Plan for Manila which includes the construction of the New City Hall, among others.
- "Historical Landmarks". City of Manila. Retrieved January 23, 2015.
- de la Torre, Visitacion (1981). Landmarks of Manila: 1571-1930. Makati: Filipinas Foundation, Inc. pp. 19–20.
- Lico, Gerard (2008). Arkitekturang Filipino: A History of Architecture and Urbanism in the Philippines. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press. p. 291. ISBN 978-971-542-579-7.
- "Historical Landmarks: Manila City Hall". Manila..gov.ph. Retrieved June 2, 2014.
- See, Aie Balagtas (February 18, 2018). "Pinoy time may be acceptable to some but not at Manila City Hall tower". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved February 18, 2018.
- Vergara, Robert (March 26, 2019). "Mayoral bet Isko Moreno wants a new Manila city hall". CNN Philippines. Retrieved June 27, 2019.
- Edera, Erma (March 30, 2019). "Moreno to build a new city hall should he win in Manila". Manila Bulletin. Retrieved June 27, 2019.
- "Moreno eyes Japanese investors for 10-year Manila infrastructure plan". Manila Standard. June 24, 2019. Retrieved June 27, 2019.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Manila City Hall.|
- Manila City Government – Official website


The coronavirus crisis threatens the stability of the eurozone and risks exacerbating economic and social divisions within the EU, the European Commission has warned, as it forecast a collapse in economic output this year.
The commission’s spring forecast, published on Wednesday, predicted that under “benign assumptions” EU output will fall 7.4 per cent this year, the steepest slump in the bloc’s history, with a rebound of only 6.1 per cent in 2021. The EU is heading for an €850bn shortfall of investment in 2020 and 2021 compared with the position outlined in its autumn forecast, Wednesday’s update showed.
The commission renewed its call for a pan-European “recovery plan” to help compensate for diverging fiscal firepower between member states. This could include a mechanism to address imbalances in the amount of public support that is being funnelled to companies in different parts of the region, said Paolo Gentiloni, the EU’s economics commissioner.
While some economies — including Germany — are expected to see relatively quick rebounds in activity, the commission expects others to struggle to regain growth due to permanently depressed levels of investment and hits to industries such as tourism.
In the absence of a co-ordinated effort by member states, the crisis risks leading to “severe distortions within the single market and to entrenched economic, financial and social divergences between euro area member states that could ultimately threaten the stability of the economic and monetary union”, the report said.
Greece, Italy and Spain are on course for the steepest falls in gross domestic product this year, all tumbling more than 9 per cent according to the commission. France is also hard-hit, with a contraction of 8.2 per cent, while Germany suffers less, with a fall of 6.5 per cent in output followed by a rebound of 5.9 per cent the following year.
Poland is set to suffer the smallest decline in activity, according to the outlook, with output falling 4.3 per cent, before rebounding 4.1 per cent. The commission also published forecasts for a number of non-EU countries, including the UK, which it said was on course for an 8.3 per cent decline in GDP, followed by a 6 per cent increase in 2021.
Overall, next year’s rebound could leave the European economy about 3 per cent below the level implied by the EU’s autumn forecast. But the outcome could be even worse: for example, another surge in infections could reduce GDP by an additional 3 percentage points, the commission said.
“The danger of a deeper and more protracted recession is very real,” it added. “The point forecasts presented in this document should therefore be understood as just one among several possible scenarios.”
The commission is seeking to overhaul plans for its upcoming seven-year budget to front-load spending aimed at restoring growth, while raising debt in markets to fund an EU recovery instrument.
Brussels is concerned about the vastly different levels of government support to businesses in the bloc; larger richer member states are able to pump billions of state aid into ailing companies, while smaller cash-strapped economies have fewer resources. Germany accounted for half of state aid approved by the commission during the coronavirus crisis so far, according to Brussels’ data.
Mr Gentiloni said this had created “a risk of hurting the level playing field in the single market”. “We are discussing the possibility of an intervention also on equities, and on what kind of companies [to help]. This could be a good tool to rebalance the risks of these imbalances,” he added.
Among the key points of contention in the recovery plan is the balance between grants and loans handed out by the commission. Northern member states have said they are uncomfortable with the idea of the commission borrowing money in the markets and then handing this to member states as non-repayable loans.
Mr Gentiloni said that, while grants would indeed be important for the worst-affected sectors and regions, loans could be of help depending on their maturity. A two-year loan was very different from a 40-year loan, he observed.
The projections came as a series of new data releases illustrated the scale of the crisis facing the eurozone economy.
Eurozone retail sales contracted at the fastest pace on record in March as non-essential shops closed across the bloc in an attempt to limit the spread of coronavirus. The volume of retail sales dropped an unprecedented 11.2 per cent compared with the previous month, according to Eurostat data.
Meanwhile, service sector executives in Italy and Spain reported a record downturn in activity. Purchasing managers’ indices covering the eurozone’s third and fourth largest economies tumbled last month to the lowest level on record, signalling a rate of contraction that far exceeds that recorded during recent recessions, including the global financial crisis.
And German factory orders suffered a record monthly decline of 15.6 per cent in March, as the disease froze the activities of many businesses and consumers worldwide.
Additional reporting by Martin Arnold and Valentina Romei


GlowShift's Replacement Elite 10 Color Series Boost/Vacuum and Vacuum Gauge Sensor Harness will replace the existing harness being used for your Elite 10 or White Elite 10 Color Gauge. This replacement sensor harness features a length of 6' with 2 modular connectors on each end. The white 4 pin connector plugs into the back of the gauge and features 3 wires attached that are labeled and positioned as: 1 - Black, 2 - Red, 3 - White, 4 - No Wire. The black 3 pin connector plugs into the electronic sensor and features 3 wires attached that are labeled and positioned as: 1 - Red, 2 - White, 3 - Black.
Please refer to the list below to verify your gauge is compatible with this sensor harness.