By Walter Alarkon - 04/15/10 11:35 PM EDT
House Democrats used Tax Day to push back against Republican charges that their policies will increase taxes on the middle class, joining a fight sure to last through November’s elections.
With Republicans and Tea Party protesters having hammered away at Democrats for months over spending and the possibility of new taxes, Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and senior Democrats took the tax-filing deadline day as an occasion to tout middle-class tax cuts already enacted by Congress.
“House Democrats, working with President Obama, have focused tax relief on middle-class families and small businesses, unlike Republicans, who continue to push for tax breaks for big corporations and the wealthy,” said Rep. Chris Van Hollen (Md.), chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
Republicans had their own figures to point to, charging Democrats with passing $672 billion in tax hikes since the start of the Obama administration.
Some of those tax hikes break the president’s pledge not to raise increases on individuals making less than $200,000 and couples making less than $250,000, according to Republican memos. For instance, the healthcare bill Obama signed into law last month also includes fines for employers who don’t comply with a mandate requiring employees to obtain health insurance starting in 2014.
Rep. Paul RyanPaul RyanShutdown risk grows over Flint Senate poised to override Obama veto Reid to media: Call Trump a racist MORE (R-Wis.) said the tax breaks in the health bill won’t provide relief for Americans because they’ll see increases in their tax burden elsewhere.
“Spending money in [healthcare] exchanges on subsidizing health insurance by sending money to health insurance companies is not cutting taxes, it’s spending,” said Ryan, the Budget Committee’s ranking member.
Americans are worried about both the economy and the prospect of higher taxes heading into the midterm elections. Most Americans also believe the economy is “extremely important” to their votes this November, making it the top election issue in a Gallup poll released last week. By a 2-to-1 margin, Americans believe their taxes will increase in the next year, according to a separate Gallup survey taken this month.
With deficits expected by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) to average nearly $1 trillion over the next decade — a level that’s unsustainable — independent economic experts, Democrats and Republicans have raised the prospect of higher taxes, albeit for different reasons.
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, former CBO Director Alice Rivlin and White House adviser Paul Volcker have said in recent weeks that taxes may need to be raised alongside spending cuts and changes to entitlement programs to rein in the long-term growth rate of debt, which would weaken the economy if it continued on its current path.
The Senate Republicans’ campaign arm released a Web commercial Thursday arguing that taxes are already too high because spending is out control.
“Barack ObamaBarack ObamaGreen Party nominee escorted off debate premises Obama defends work on tribal issues Charlotte requires race discussion Hillary, Democrats refuse to have MORE keeps spending our money, which raises the national debt ceiling to the point that Americans may soon bow down to their Chinese overlords,” the ad says.
House Minority Leader John BoehnerJohn BoehnerRepublican Study Committee elders back Harris for chairman Dems to GOP: Help us fix ObamaCare The disorderly order of presidential succession MORE (R-Ohio) said Democrats will end up expanding government and raising taxes because they have a fundamentally different view of the country, and that has Americans upset.
“[The] problem with Reid, Pelosi, Obama is that they think, ‘Washington knows best — send us the money and we’ll decide what’s best for you,’ ” BoehnerJohn BoehnerRepublican Study Committee elders back Harris for chairman Dems to GOP: Help us fix ObamaCare The disorderly order of presidential succession MORE said Thursday.
Boehner has warned of a value-added tax (VAT), which is similar to a sales tax and is used in European countries, if Democrats continue to control Washington. His office released a letter Thursday from a Carnegie Mellon economics professor suggesting that a VAT could hamper the U.S. economy and make it more like a European welfare state.
“The United States should avoid locking the country into a low-growth future,” wrote Professor Allan Meltzer.
The attacks from Boehner have drawn sharp reactions from both senior and rank-and-file Democrats.
Rep. Steve Driehaus (D-Ohio), whose district neighbors Boehner’s, said he’s had to field constituent service requests from the GOP leader’s district. He said Boehner and Republicans are using skewed statistics that are contributing to a “fear” of government expressed by Tea Party groups.
“Mr. Boehner’s misinformation campaign is notorious,” Driehaus said. “Any time Mr. Boehner wants to come to Ohio, where he spends little time ... I’m open to debate him.”
Jay Heflin and Michael O’Brien contributed to this article.


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From Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun, published in 1999. This book, no longer in print, gathered together some of the presentations given at the 1996 Life as a Buddhist Nun conference in Bodhgaya, India.
Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun grew out of Life as a Western Buddhist Nun, a three-week educational program for nuns held in Bodhgaya, India, in February, 1996. During this course, the nuns listened to teachings on the Vinaya—monastic discipline—from a Tibetan geshe and a Chinese bhikshuni, other teachings from a variety of qualified spiritual masters, and talks by the nuns themselves. This volume is a compilation of the latter. These talks were given in a relaxed, friendly atmosphere, generally in the evening at the end of a long, happy day of listening to Vinaya teachings, meditating, and discussing the Dharma. The nuns were eager to share their experiences and learn from each other. Although they were all Buddhist nuns, they came from a wide variety of backgrounds and had trained as nuns in various countries and conditions. Much was to be learned from each other’s experiences.
Although this book arises from a specific event, its content extends far beyond that. Here we glimpse the history, discipline, life experiences, and teachings of nuns from a variety of Buddhist traditions. I teach in both the East and the West and have noticed that even before people want to listen to a Dharma talk by a nun, they want to know about her life. What does living as a nun entail? Why did she make that choice? What are her life experiences?
The people who contributed to this volume are all Buddhist practitioners. Although some are also scholars, their main passion is to practice and actualize the Buddha’s teachings. Most became nuns in order to commit their lives to this process. These are people whose primary interest is transforming their own minds, and through this to contribute to society and to the welfare of others. They are not people who seek public recognition for their achievements or power in religious institutions, although being human beings, these motivations may of course sneak in at times—and hopefully are counteracted! Most of the contributors are Western nuns, many of whom have lived in other cultures and countries in order to learn and practice the Dharma. By discovering through experience how the Dharma is practiced in monasteries in traditional Buddhist societies, they have a wealth of knowledge and experience to share as they bring the Dharma and the Buddhist monastic tradition to the West. The three Asian contributors help us learn from the grounded experience of well-established Buddhist traditions.
This book begins with the message His Holiness the Dalai Lama sent to Life as a Western Buddhist Nun. Here we see clearly the changing role of women in Buddhism. Such a message would not have been written even a few decades ago.
An introduction follows, setting the stage and giving the background about why women, especially those who grew up in modern Western cultures, become Buddhist nuns. Section I of the book discusses the history and monastic discipline (Vinaya) of the nuns and the nuns’ order. Due to their scholarship and knowledge about the nuns’ history and discipline, Bhikshuni Lekshe Tsomo, Dr. Chatsumarn Kabilsingh, and Bhikshuni Jampa Tsedroen have, for years, been instrumental in improving the situation of nuns all over the world.
Section II presents nuns’ experiences and life styles. Bhikshuni Tsultrim Palmo, originally from Poland, tells of Gampo Abbey in Canada, which follows the Nyingma-Kagyu tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. Ajahn Sundara, from the Thai Forest tradition of Theravada Buddhism, tells about the lives of nuns transporting that ancient tradition to the West, and Bhikshuni Tenzin Namdrol tells of life at Thich Nhat Hanh’s community in France, Plum Village. Bhikshuni Ngawang Chodron from the Nyingma tradition of Tibetan Buddhism has lived in monasteries in China and reveals how the nuns there live and train. Sramanerika Thubten Lhatso, from Tibet, relates her experience of training in Tibet, being uprooted, and preserving the nuns’ tradition in India. An Australian, Chi-Kwang Sunim tells of living in Korea and training with the Zen nuns there, while Reverend Mitra Bishop tells of the Zen tradition as practiced both in Japan and in the United States.
Section III reveals the teachings of the nuns. I begin by describing how to avoid some easy-to-make mistakes in Dharma practice. Bhikshuni Jampa Chokyi, a Spanish nun from the Gelu tradition of Tibetan Buddhism, discusses how to relate to a spiritual master, and Bhikshuni Wendy Finster, a nun and therapist from Australia, brings a psychological perspective to Dharma practice. Venerable Khandro Rinpoche, a highly respected Tibetan nun and teacher, helps us discover the essence of Dharma practice.
The appendices inform interested readers about the Life as a Western Buddhist Nun educational program. The glossary contains words frequently used in this book. Other words which are used only once and whose meanings are clear in that context are not included. A list of further reading offers resources for the topics discussed in this book.
Sanskrit spellings of foreign terms are used by contributors from the Mahayana Buddhist traditions, while Pali spellings are used by those from the Theravada Buddhist traditions. The Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, and English equivalents of many terms are found in the glossary. For ease of reading, foreign terms frequently used in this book—such as bhikshuni, sramanerika, and bodhicitta—are not italicized, while ones infrequently used are. For a similar reason, diacritics have been omitted, although these are used in scholarly publications. The term “Sangha” indicates those who have realized emptiness directly and are thus objects of refuge, while “sangha” indicates the community of fully ordained monks or nuns. At times, “he” and “she” are alternated to be gender neutral where appropriate.
Because the vast majority of pieces in this volume began as oral presentations, they were condensed and edited to form the essays contained here. The information and views expressed in each piece are those of the individual contributor and are not necessarily those of the editor. Each nun speaks according to the tradition(s) she studies and practices; explanations of some points may vary from one Buddhist tradition to another.
Bhikshuni Jampa Chokyi and I, as the organizers of Life as a Western Buddhist Nun, wish to offer special thanks to many people. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Tenzin Geyche Tetong, Bhikshu Lhakdor, Venerable Master Bhikshuni Wu Yin, and Bhikshuni Jenny have been continuously supportive of our endeavors and helpful in accomplishing them. We also thank Venerable Sonam Thabkye, Bhikshuni Jampa Tsedroen, Bhikshuni Lekshe Tsomo, Bhikshuni Tenzin Kacho, Sramanerika Tenzin Dechen, Sramanerika Paloma Alba, Mary Grace Lentz, Margaret Cormier, Bets Greer, Lynn Gebetsberger, Kim Houk, Lydia Kaye Maddux, Sarah Porter, Angel Vannoy, and Karen Shertzer for their tireless efforts before or during the program. We are grateful to Dharma Friendship Foundation in Seattle for enabling us to organize Life as a Western Buddhist Nun under their auspices, Luminary Temple in Taiwan, and many other kind benefactors who made this program possible, and to all the participants, who made this program successful.
I would like also to thank those who assisted in the preparation of this book: Barbara Rona for her thoughtful, precise editing of the manuscript; Lindy Hough, Barbara Rona, and Joan Stigliani for their valuable suggestions; Yeo Soo Hwa and Lorraine Ayre for transcribing the talks; Bets Greer for proof-reading the manuscript, and the members of Dharma Friendship Foundation for their support while I worked on this book. I would especially like to thank my wonderful Dharma sisters who gave these informative and inspiring talks for their dedication to the Buddha’s teachings and for sharing their knowledge and experience with others.
May our efforts to learn, practice, and spread the Buddha’s precious teachings ripen in the temporary and ultimate happiness of each and every sentient being.
Venerable Thubten Chodron
Venerable Chodron emphasizes the practical application of Buddha’s teachings in our daily lives and is especially skilled at explaining them in ways easily understood and practiced by Westerners. She is well known for her warm, humorous, and lucid teachings. She was ordained as a Buddhist nun in 1977 by Kyabje Ling Rinpoche in Dharamsala, India, and in 1986 she received bhikshuni (full) ordination in Taiwan. Read her full bio.

domain: library


Crisdel Group strives to stay current with state-of-the-art technology used in the construction industry. The appearance of bulldozers, graders, and milling and paving machines have changed very little over the years, however; their functionality has evolved greatly.
For the past six years, Crisdel has been utilizing Topcon’s Global Positioning Systems Machine Control (GPS-MC) on our machines to assist with exact measurements of location while grading, excavating, and milling and paving. This method is sometimes referred to as “stakeless” construction, as GPS-MC eliminates stakes set by a land surveyor. Thus, productivity increases significantly. GPS-MC is useful when constructing roadways, ponds, curbs, and even building foundations.
Currently, we have Topcon GPS-MC mounted to dozers, pavers, excavators, motor graders, and milling and paving machines. Dozers equipped with this technology can grade a site quickly and accurately using GPS. Excavators have both horizontal and vertical GPS control, which helps while excavating footings or basins. The paver and milling machine has Millimeter GPS (MMGPS) which incorporates the use of lasers to improve accuracy up to 300% compared to traditional GPS machine systems.
GPS-MC works by establishing three known points of contact, which include: satellites that are in orbit around the Earth, signal transmitters and receivers on equipment, and a base station located on the job site, which also transmits and receives signals. These three points triangulate the equipment’s position.
Several steps must be taken to initiate the use of GPS-MC. Using project drawings and design CAD files, a survey/GPS consultant will first prepare a computer model file consisting of lines and points that represent the various features on the site. Our equipment will then be outfitted with an integrated system from Topcon, comprising of a control box, or “brain”, in which the model file is uploaded. There are sensors and antennas on the equipment that send and receive control signals providing location information, as well as automation control of the machine hydraulics.
On the job site, a base station/antenna is installed at a predetermined location that will send and receive signals without interruption. The base station must have a clear line of sight to the equipment and often has an elevation level above site elevation. One base station can manage several acres and multiple pieces of equipment. To verify and correlate the accuracy of the base station and equipment, an engineer will establish known fixed points, or physical features, with an exact horizontal and vertical position.
Machines equipped with GPS-MC can run in two different modes. Full Machine Control enables grading with a dozer or grader and excavating with an excavator. In this mode, the machine receives signals that determine both horizontal and vertical location. The software controls the hydraulics of the machine; manipulating the angle, pitch, and down pressure to follow proposed grades and contours shown in the model file.
Indication Mode allows the operator to control the machine while using the software to identify location and proposed grades and contours based in the model file. This mode assists in constructing roadway sections including subbase courses, drainage layers, final base, and top courses.
GPS-MC is currently in use at our Tampa Airport / SkyCenter Project and Newark Airport Terminal A Project. In the past, we have utilized this equipment on such projects as the Goethals Bridge Replacement, Bristol-Myers Squibb Site Development, UPS Newark Air Gateway, and LG Headquarters Development. Project managers and engineers find that we are using the equipment on more than 50% of our job sites, including all site work, regardless of project size.
Ensuring quality and accuracy on a job site is one of our greatest priorities. Staying well-versed in the latest technology allows us to deliver spectacular results and separates us from our competitors. To learn more about the technology we utilize visit the Blogs section of our website.


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Accent the sparkle of rivoli crystals
with the silvery gleam of these silver finish pewter rivoli setting charms. These charms feature a recessed shape that allows rivoli crystals to fit perfectly. The silver finish of each charm is sure to work with any design and color scheme you have in mind. Add these charms to necklaces, bracelets and even earrings to give your designs a dash of sparkle.
Copyright © 1999-2017 Artbeads.com®, a Stores in Motion company. All Rights Reserved.

domain: artistic


text:
PhotoPlus 2011 Special Report
Adorama News Writer
November 4, 2011
AdoramaTV reports from the floor of PDN PhotoPlus 2011. David Paul Larson talks with Joe McNally about his whirlwind year, including the Flash Bus Tour, the Faces of 9/11 Project and his upcoming projects.
Joe recaps his whirlwind 2011, and talks about some fascinating plans for the rest of the year.
Learn More at the Adorama Learning Center

domain: news


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ABA’s 36th National Institute on White Collar Crime
Washington, D.C.-based White Collar and Government Investigations partner, G. Zachary Terwilliger, will participate in a conference-wide plenary panel this Friday, October 29th, at the American Bar Association’s 36th Annual National Institute on White Collar Crime taking place in Miami, Florida.
Zach, the most recent Senate confirmed United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, will join former United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York and former Chair of the SEC Mary Jo White, as well as former Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division Alice S. Fisher, and others to discuss recent high profile ethics issues in and around white collar enforcement and defense.
The panelists will address the manner in which prosecutors obtain the testimony of cooperating witnesses through proffers from their lawyers and the resulting potential differences with their own testimony, the Rule of Law and the administration of justice in the fallout from the Mueller investigation prosecutions, the disparities in the prosecutions and sentencing of white collar defendants in celebrity cases like Varsity Blues, Brady violations in the digital age, and the myriad of issues faced by pool counsel that were addressed in the New York City Bar ethics opinion.
This conference is attended by leading federal and state judges and prosecutors, law enforcement officials, defense attorneys, corporate in-house counsel, and members of the academic community. The faculty regularly includes some of the top members of the white collar bar in the United States and abroad.
Click here to learn more about the ABA’s 36th Annual National Institute on White Collar Crime and to register.


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While the company’s reports may not all be true, nothing can be hidden if you use CUSIP for the US companies and ISIN for international trading.
CUSIP and ISIN codes are some of the most well-known securities identification numbers that are used to trade.
If we have in mind that both are codes used for securities to help settlement and clearing in trading, what is the difference between CUSIP and ISIN?
ISIN stands for International Securities Identification Number, while CUSIP stands for Committee on Uniform Security Identification Purposes. Both are displayed as codes Let’s look at the difference between CUSIP and ISIN.
We already explained in the previous post what CUSIP is, let’s explain what ISIN is to understand the difference between them.
What is ISIN?
It is a security code that consists of 12 alphanumeric characters. ISIN is used almost all over the world, but it is particularly known and used in Europe. So, we said it consists of 12 characters where the first two are the country code. It is followed by 9 alphanumeric characters which are the national security identifier, and we have one more digit, the 12th.
Difference between CUSIP and ISIN
Well, where is the difference between CUSIP and ISIN if both serve to help settlement and clearing in trading securities?
The first difference is that CUSIP, mostly used in the US, North America actually, consists of 9 alphanumeric digits. The first 6 letters outline the issuer, the next two digits represent the issue, the last figure is the check digit.
Both have the same purpose to uniform the identification of securities which are settled and traded.
ISIN is accepted for shares, futures trading, options, derivatives, and debt security that are traded and settled. This code looks something like this: two letters to identify the country, for example, Germany, so they would be GE. The next we have a national security identifier formed of nine digits, for example, “275946739” and as the last but not the least one check digit.
The country code is provided by the International Organization for Standardization or shorter ISO. The National Numbering Agency (NNA) provides the national security identifier for every country in particular.
What is the check digit?
The check digit is received by using the Modulus 10 Double Add Double system. This system converts the letters to numbers by adding their place in the alphabet to nine.
To calculate the check-digit, use the first 11 digits, and start at the last number and go from right to left. Each second digit you should multiply by 2. Letters are converted to numbers. You’ll have a string of digits as a result. All numbers over 9 separate into 2 digits. Add them up. The next step is to subtract from 10 and you’ll have the ISIN check digit.
For example, when the final result is 0, that means the check digit is 0.
Alphabetical letters are transferred to a numeric value. The letter A is 10 and the others are as following:
A = 10; B = 11; C = 12; D = 13; E = 14; F = 15; G = 16; H = 17, etc where Y = 34.
To summarize, convert letters to numbers by using the model above but start from the right last digit, every other digit multiply by 2. Subtract the result from the smallest number ending with 0 to get the check digit.
The check digit for CUSIP is calculated by converting letters to numbers by using their position in the alphabet. Every second digit multiplies by 2 to get the CUSIP check digit.
The importance of these codes to investors
ISIN codes are important for companies that have investors or want to raise the capital. The main purpose of the ISIN code is to clear and settle trades.
Both the ISIN number and the CUSIP number are an official code that is required today. The numbers will help you to identify the security. They are kind of a personal social security number for the companies.
For example, the ISIN number is necessary for cross border trading. Moreover, ISIN code has many purposes.
An ISIN or CUSIP number isn’t a ticker symbol that spots stock at the market. For example, the company may have several ticker symbols. That depends on trading platforms but its securities will have the same ISIN number. ISIN code is required but companies cannot create the ISIN code themselves. When a company wants to have an ISIN number it has to contact the numbering agency, for example, the Association of National Numbering Agencies (ANNA).
How to convert CUSIP to ISIN?
The CUSIP number is entirely included in the ISIN number. The ISIN is a larger code with 2 prefixed letters, for example, the “US” for the United States of America. CUSIP number doesn’t have this prefix because it is entirely a North American identifier.
For example, ISIN US0328974369 is extended from CUSIP 032897436. Keep in mind that this is an imaginary example, and as such not a real example. Let’s go further! You can notice that country code is added on the front of this numeric phrase, and the check digit is at the end. So. we can easily recognize that the issuer is from the US.
Let’s determine the digit at the end. Just a bit of math more.
Let’s convert letters to numbers.
U = 30, S = 28.
So we have
US0328974369 as 30280328974369
The next is to collect odd and even numbers.
30280328974369 = (3, 2, 0, 2, 9, 4, 6); (0, 8, 3, 8, 7, 3, 9)
Now we have to multiply the group containing the rightmost numbers (meaning the FIRST group) by 2:
3×2 + 2×2 + 0x2 + 2×2 + 9×2 + 4×2 + 6×2
6 + 4 + 0 + 4 + (1+8) + 8 + (1+2)
Now, add up the individual digits
6 + 4 + 0 + 4 + (1+8) + 8 + (1+2) + (0 + 8 + 3 + 8 + 7 + 3 + 9) = 72
Then use the 10s modulus of the sum.
The CUSIP number is important to help the settlement and the trading securities. The CUSIP consists of nine characters, with letters and numbers. It is assigned to securities that are traded in the United States and Canada. CUSIP numbers are publicly available.
ISIN Numbers are expanded CUSIP numbers and represent the International Securities Identification Number system.
This is how the international system for the clearance of securities is established. The difference between CUSIP and ISIN is in 3 digits and we showed you what they are and how to calculate them. Both can simplify trading, selling, or buying securities, especially in international investing.

domain: finance


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Improving early mobilization in the Intensive Care Unit: A participatory approach
Early mobilization has a positive effect on patients' rehabilitation. In this project, we develop a tool to support interdisciplinary cooperation and patient involvement, in order to optimize early mobilization in the intensive care unit (ICU).
In Denmark, 30.000 patients are treated in an ICU every year. An ICU admission can cause a variety of physical and psychological health challenges years after discharge. Early mobilization can improve muscle strength, physical function, walking ability and days alive and out of the hospital. Early mobilization is an achievable and safe procedure for patients, who are intubated and mechanical ventilated.
Despite positive effects, only 8-16% of the patients are mobilized early in the ICU, which indicates that current healthcare practice can be improved.
A change in medical treatment, towards less sedation of mechanically ventilated patients, is implemented in the ICU within the last decade. This makes it possible for patients to interact and participate in various activities according to their actual resources.
To summarize, there is a need to support early mobilization in the ICU to improve the patient's rehabilitation. This can be done by facilitating cooperation and patient involvement in finding new tools and new ways of delivering and organizing healthcare.
The overall purpose of the project is to optimize early and active mobilization in the ICU, by developing a supportive tool involving patients and relatives and facilitating interdisciplinary cooperation.
The project consists of 3 research phases with the following objectives:
To identify interactions and needs associated with early mobilization of involved patients, relatives and healthcare professionals; physicians, nurses and physiotherapists
To design and develop a supportive tool for early active mobilization
To test and evaluate the solution
The project is based on a participatory design where an important cornerstone is user involvement and finding solutions to encounter the actual problems and needs of the users. The research process is explorative.
Participatory design has succeeded including highly vulnerable patients with limited resources. In this study, we will be aware of to the vulnerable condition of the patients and relatives. The authorized healthcare professionals involved in the project will show sensitivity and empathy. The study will be carried out over a period of 4 years, to secure inclusion and data collection due to the patient's vulnerable condition. The project will be performed according to current scientific ethical guidelines.
The project will contribute to a new understanding and development of our practice, where timing and organization of early and active mobilization supports the patients' needs, both physically and psychosocially. It will also highlight new knowledge about the involvement of patients and their relatives in a complex practice in the ICU with no-sedated mechanical ventilated patients.
The project will give a voice to patients and show how to organize rehabilitation in interdisciplinary cooperation involving the end-user contributing to better use of healthcare resources.
An early and well-established rehabilitation starting at the ICU requires continuous effort, leading to the implementation of a coordinated rehabilitation across the health sector in order to support patients with a variety of diseases, physical and psychosocial challenges to resume their everyday lives.
Description of the cohort
The participants will be recruited among patients at ICU, their relatives and Healthcare professionals, at the Intensive Care Unit at OUH, Svendborg Hospital and at the Intensive Care Unit (ITA2) at Odense University Hospital in Odense.
Patients over 18 years
Endotracheal intubated within the last 24 hours and expected time on ventilator > 24 hours
Patients where mobilization is possible according to guideline and medical prescription
RASS: -1 / + 1, CAM-ICU negative
Relatives present at the bedside together with the included patient and over 18 years
Physicians, nurses and physiotherapist working at the included ICUs
Patients defined as no-touch on medical indication e.g. unstable condition or inevitably dying
Cognitive impairment (diagnosed with dementia, autism or mentally retarded)
Physical obstruction e.g. para-/tetraplegia and
Unable to communicate in Danish or English
Relatives with cognitive impairment (diagnosed with dementia, autism or mentally retarded) and
Unable to communicate in Danish or English
Data and biological material
The project consists of 3 research phases where the following data is collected:
In phase 1, field-observations in the ICU are conducted and interviews with 10-12 patients and their relatives and with healthcare professionals. This is supplied with accelometery to monitor the patient's movement pattern.
In phase 2, a prototype of the tool is designed based on the findings in phase 1. The tool is tested and re-designed in a cooperative process involving representatives from all end-users and is organized in 3 workshops. The tool may end up as a communication tool, a shared decision-tool or a user-friendly digital platform supporting the coherence of the patient's life story from early mobilization to the functional level desired when everyday life is to be resumed.
In phase 3, field-observations and interviews with 10-12 different patients and their relatives and with healthcare professionals are conducted, supplied with accelometery. Also a systematic evaluation of patient safety, clinical efficiency, patient-perspective, economic and organizational aspects are made.
Collaborating researchers and departments
Department of Anesthesiology and Intensive Care Medicine, OUH Svendborg Hospital.
- Chief Physician, MD, PhD Hanne Tanghus Olsen &
- Clinical Nurse Specialist Anja Egelund Hansen
Department of Anesthesiology and Intensive Care Medicine, OUH Odense Universitetshospital
- RN, Phd Eva Lærkner &
- Clinical Nurse Specialist Kristian O'Reilly Poulsen
Department of Endocrinology, CIMT Center of Innovative Medical Technology, Odense University Hospital / Department of Clinical Research; SDU
- Main supervisor: Associate Professor, RN, PhD Mette Juel Rothmann
Department of Rehabilitation, Odense University Hospital
- Co-supervisor: Post doc., PT, PhD Eva Jespersen
- PT Vibeke Borggreen Winther, Svendborg
- PT Anna Bonderup Hesby & PT Mads Bisgaard Borup
Department of Intensive Care Medicine, Aarhus University Hospital and AU.
- Co-supervisor: Associate Professor, RN, PhD Pia Dreyer
- Product Owner Jacob Glasdam & Projectcoordinator Malene Boe Broberg
Klinisk IT Odense University Hospital
- Administrator 'MitSygehus', Jesper Hollegaard
Department of Sports Science and Clinical Biomechanics, Faculty of Health Sciences, SDU
- Postdoc,Jan Christian Brønd

domain: health


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- Military importance of the Mississippi river -- Grant proposes movement into interior, against Vicksburg -- campaign begun -- McClernand endeavors to obtain command of an expedition against Vicksburg -- Grant moves to Holly Springs -- enemy retreats -- rebels desert their fortifications on the Tallahatchie -- co. Operative movement from Helena -- Grant advances to Oxford -- Sherman sent to Memphis -- McClernand assigned to command of river expedition by the President -- Sherman moves by river against Vicksburg -- Grant's communications cut and Holly Springs captured -- Grant lives off the country -- Reopens his communications -- Sherman's assault on Vicksburg -- repulse of Sherman -- McClernand takes command of river expedition -- capture of Arkansas post -- Grant falls back to Memphis -- extraordinary behavior of Mc-Clernand -- Grant takes command of river expedition -- protest of McClernand.
The transcendent importance of the Mississippi river had been manifest from the beginning of the war, to both belligerents. Fertilizing an area of thirteen hundred thousand square miles, or six times as large as the empire of France, receiving the waters of fifty-seven large, navigable streams, washing the shores of ten different states, to one of which it gives its name, forming at once the boundary and the connecting link between territory both free and slave, the natural outlet through which the products of the Northwest find their way to the sea—in a word, the grandest water-course on either continent—its possession was by far the most magnificent prize for which  the nation and the rebels were contending. It completely divides the great region that formed the battle-ground of the rebellion, and was indispensable alike to the political or military success of the enterprise. Without it, the so-called Confederacy was cut in twain; with it, the rebellious states were allied by a bond that must be broken, or the North was crippled almost to its ruin. During the progress of the war, the Mississippi acquired additional importance; it afforded the rebels, blockaded by sea, and shut in by a cordon of armies on the north, their only constant medium of communication with the outside world (across their southwestern frontier); and, more important still, the only avenue by which supplies of cattle for their immense armies, could be obtained. Texas is the only beef-growing country of the entire Southwest, and had thus far proved to the rebels an inexhaustible resource; from no other portion of the attempted Confederacy, could supplies of such consequence be procured. This tangible and practical advantage would be entirely lost, when the control of the Mississippi river was gone; and no consideration had greater weight with the rebel leaders than this, in the long and gallant defence they made for their main artery of supply. Accordingly, the insurgents early seized the most important positions along the river, and, with a keen appreciation of their natural advantages, fortified Columbus, Fort Pillow, Island Number10, Vicksburg, and later, Port Hudson. The first three of these places had fallen, in the spring of 1862; but Vicksburg, situated at a remarkable bend in the river, and on one of the few bluffs that mark its  course, was rendered one of the strongest fortified places in America. In June, 1862, after the capture of New Orleans, a combined expedition moved up the river, under Commodore Farragut and Brigadier-General Thomas Williams, who found no difficulty in making their way as far as Vicksburg, five hundred and thirty miles from the sea; there, however, they were checked. A bombardment by the naval force proving ineffectual, part of the fleet ran by the batteries. The troops did not attack the town, but were occupied for several weeks opposite Vicksburg in cutting a canal across the peninsula, formed by the bend in the stream. It was hoped by this canal to divert the waters of the Mississippi from their ordinary channel, and leave the town several miles inland. The attempt was unsuccessful; and the troops and seamen suffering greatly from heat and the diseases incident to the climate, the expedition returned to New Orleans. Since then, the rebels had strengthened the fortifications of the place, both on the land and water sides, until they finally came to believe that Vicksburg was impregnable; and so indeed it proved, to every actual assault. When General Halleck was ordered to Washington, in July, 1862, to assume command of all the armies, he told Grant that he would prefer to remain in the Department of the Mississippi; that he had been working on a definite plan ever since he had commanded the department; that all he had done had been in pursuance of this plan, and if permitted, he. would return to fulfil it. What the plan was he did not disclose. Until after the battles of Iuka and Corinth, Grant was too constantly on the defensive, to undertake any movement of an aggressive  character. Those battles occurred in September and October; and, on the 25th of the latter month, he as sumed command of the Department of the Tennessee, which included Cairo, Forts Henry and Donelson, northern Mississippi, and the portions of Kentucky and Tennessee west of the Tennessee river. The next day he wrote to Halleck: ‘You never have suggested to me any plan of operations in this department. . . . . As situated now, with no more troops, I can do nothing but defend my positions, and I do not feel at liberty to abandon any of them, without first consulting you.’ He then proposed the abandonment of Corinth, the destruction of all the railroads branching out from that place, the reopening of the road from Humboldt to Memphis, and the concentration of the troops from Corinth and Bolivar, and ‘with small reenforcements at Memphis, I think I would be able to move down the Mississippi Central road, and cause the evacuation of Vicksburg.’ This was the first mention, in the correspondence of the two commanders, of the place destined afterwards to become so renowned. Grant continued: ‘I am ready, however, to do with all my might whatever you may direct, without criticism.’ The plan here proposed implied relying exclusively on the Mississippi, and the railroads leading east from that river, for all communication and supplies. It involved, also, the abandonment of lines and places that had been carried and maintained only by a lavish expenditure of time, and labor, and lives. But General Halleck's strategy was always based on a great appreciation of the value of places, while Grant, as has been seen, made armies rather than places the objects of his campaigns. The minds  of the two soldiers were differently constituted; they looked at most military matters with different eyes. Halleck set so high a value on what had already been obtained, especially after sacrifice, that he seemed unwilling to risk the actual prize for the sake of securing another. Grant believed that, in war, what is won is only a fulcrum on which to rest the lever for another effort. One was essentially a defensive, the other an offensive general; one always prepared for defeat, the other always expected to win. So, the day after Grant's suggestion of an advance, Halleck telegraphed: ‘Be prepared to concentrate your troops in case of an attack.’ This caution, however, was not in reply to Grant's letter; and receiving no answer, the latter announced from Jackson, on the 2d of November: ‘I have commenced a movement on Grand Junction, with three divisions from Corinth and two from Bolivar. Will leave here to-morrow and take command in person. If found practicable, I will go to Holly Springs, and, may be, Grenada, completing railroad and telegraph as I go.’ Holly Springs is on the Mississippi Central railroad, twenty-five miles from Grand Junction, and about half way to the Tallahatchie river. The distance to Grenada from Grand Junction is one hundred miles. General Pemberton, having superseded Van Dorn, who remained to serve under him, was at this time in command of the forces opposed to Grant, and had fortified strongly on the Tallahatchie, his advance, however, reaching as far north as La Grange and Grand Junction. When Halleck received word that Grant had absolutely started south, he telegraphed: ‘I approve of your plan of advancing upon the enemy as soon as you are strong  enough for that purpose;’ but he did not authorize the abandonment of any of Grant's positions, and the latter was therefore obliged to hold them all. On the 4th of November, he had seized La Grange and Grand Junction, and announced: ‘My moving force will be about thirty thousand men.’ McPherson commanded his right wing, and C. S. Hamilton the left, while Sherman moved out from Memphis to attract attention in that direction. Grant's headquarters were with the main body. On the 8th, he informed Sherman that he estimated the rebels at thirty thousand, and felt ‘strong enough to handle that number without gloves;’ so the demonstration from Memphis was countermanded. At this time, Major-General McClernand, who had been a subordinate of Grant since the battle of Belmont, was at Washington, making every effort to obtain an independent command in the West. He had been a politician, and a member of Congress from Illinois, as well as an old acquaintance and legal associate of the President; he was a man of moderate ability, of energy and courage, but ignorant of the meaning of military subordination. Ambitious and vain, he expected to step at once to the highest positions in the army, without the knowledge or experience which alone could fit him for important command. He had political and personal influence, however, and made ample use of it. Having served at Belmont, Donelson, and Shiloh, he declared he was tired of furnishing brains for the Army of the Tennessee, and so claimed the command, which he announced, and very possibly believed, was his right. His claims were supported by not a few individuals of consideration at the West; the President favored,  and McClernand was promised, if not that he should supersede Grant, at least that he should be allowed to raise troops for an independent expedition, whose object was the opening of the Mississippi river and the capture of Vicksburg. He made his plans, and submitted them to the President, who approved, and directed McClernand to lay them before the general-in-chief.1 But Halleck was a soldier purely, and had not a particle of sympathy with the personal or political schemes of the ambitious aspirants who swarmed into Washington from every quarter of the North; he was solely and sincerely anxious for military results, and refused to consider McClernand's plan. He told that general that he had not time to waste on such matters, and if he had the time he had not the inclination. So he fought the whole scheme as long and as hard as he could. At this time, too, General Halleck had more consideration with the government than a year later, after his long series of defeats had occurred; he was therefore better able to carry out his own views. The President, however, was the warm friend of McClernand, and was accustomed to dictate in purely military matters as often as in civil ones. It must be said, that the civilians, who controlled military movements, had at this time no warrant for supposing that, even in military matters, their judgments were not as reliable as those of any soldiers who had been prominent. The generals who had enjoyed almost arbitrary power had failed; and it is not surprising that members of the government, who were in a great measure responsible in the eyes of the country  for whatever occurred, took it upon themselves to decide questions which, for aught that had been proven, they were as capable of deciding as any officer of the army. So the President indorsed McClernand, and the Secretary of War told him to go out West and get his troops together. Grant as yet knew nothing of all this, except from the gossip of the newspapers; but, on the 5th of November, Halleck asked, evidently referring to the river expedition: ‘Had not troops sent to reenforce you better go to Memphis hereafter? I hope to give you, twenty thousand additional men in a few days.’ About the same time, he also informed Grant: ‘I hope for an active campaign on the Mississippi, this fall; a large force will ascend the river from New Orleans.’ On the 9th, Grant telegraphed: ‘Reenforcements are arriving very slowly. If they do not come in more rapidly, I will attack as I am.’ On the 10th, he got more restive, and inquired: ‘Am I to understand that I lie here still, while an expedition is fitted out from Memphis, or do you want me to push as far south as possible? Am I to have Sherman subject to my orders, or is he and his force reserved for some special service?’ Halleck replied promptly: ‘You have command of all troops sent to your department, and have permission to fight the enemy when you please.’ This was on the 12th, and on the 13th, Grant's cavalry entered Holly Springs, driving the enemy south of the Tallahatchie. On the 14th, he informed Sherman: ‘I have now complete control of my department,’ and accordingly ordered him to ‘move with two divisions of twelve full regiments each, and, if possible, with three divisions, to Oxford, or the Tallahatchie, as soon as possible. 1  am now ready to move from here (La Grange), any day, and only await your movements.’ Sherman was to notify Grant when he could march, and to which of the places mentioned, and Grant promised to move so that they might arrive simultaneously. ‘I am exceedingly anxious,’ said Grant, ‘to do something before the roads get bad, and before the enemy can intrench and reenforce.’ He was evidently not aware of the rebel works on the Tallahatchie. The campaign now contemplated, was in pursuance of Grant's original plan to advance along the Mississippi Central railroad, until, by getting near enough to threaten Vicksburg, he should compel the evacuation of that place. A cooperative movement, by troops from Helena, in Arkansas, which Halleck ordered, was intended to cut the railroad in Pemberton's rear and threaten Grenada. On the 23d, Halleck again broached the subject of the river expedition, doubtless urged on by the President, who was beset by McClernand's political friends, and who, in fact, was frequently unable to withstand political or personal solicitations. Now, although Halleck fully agreed with Grant and every other soldier, as to the impropriety of intrusting a man like McClernand with important commands, he was, of course, obliged to be subordinate; and, when directed by his superiors, inquired of Grant how many men he had in his department, and what force could be sent down the river to Vicksburg. Grant replied that he had in all seventy-two thousand men, of whom eighteen thousand were at Memphis, and sixteen thousand of these could be spared for the river expedition. He announced, on the 24th, that he had given his orders for the advance of his entire  force, including Sherman; had written to Steele, in Arkansas, to threaten Grenada; and had asked Admiral Porter, commanding the Mississippi squadron, to send boats to cooperate at the mouth of the Yazoo. ‘Must I countermand the orders for this move?’ The reply was: ‘Proposed move approved. Do not go too far.’ Apparently, Halleck and Grant both strove to expedite the movement, so that, if possible, it might get too far advanced to be recalled. Nothing in war is more painful, than the spectacle of soldierly men obliged to give up movements that they know to be for the best interests of the country, and cooperate in others planned by ignorant minds, and committed to unskilful hands. Yet, their soldierly principles and instincts compelled them to cooperate heartily. So far, however, the soldiers had it their own way. On the 29th, Grant's cavalry crossed the Tallahatchie, and his headquarters were at Holly Springs; Sherman, too, was up, and would cross the Tallahatchie, at Wyatt. Grant telegraphed: ‘Our troops will be in Abbeville’ (on the Tallahatchie) ‘tomorrow, or a battle will be fought.’ Meanwhile the movement of troops from Helena was made, under Generals Hovey and Washburne. They marched across from the Mississippi, to cut the railroad in Pemberton's rear, and accomplished that object; but the damage done was slight and readily repaired, and the operation had but little effect upon the campaign, unless, indeed, it hastened the evacuation of the rebel works on the Tallahatchie. For on the 1st of December, the enemy deserted his fortifications on that river, which were too strong to have been stormed: Grant was making preparations to  flank them, when the evacuation occurred. Pursuit was made to Oxford: there was no fighting other than skirmishing; but delays were indispensable, as supplies for the entire army were brought along a single line of railroad, which had to be repaired and reconstructed as the troops advanced. The country roads, too, were in bad condition, and rendered rapid marches impossible. But on the 3d, Grant informed Admiral Porter: ‘Our move has been successful, so far as compelling the evacuation of the Mississippi Central road as far as Grenada.’ Shortly after, he reported taking twelve hundred prisoners. Grant, however, had already begun to think that the difficulty of supplying his army would be too great to overcome, and on the same day that he wrote to Porter, he asked Halleck, from Abbeville: ‘How far south would you like me to go? Would it not be well to hold the enemy south of the Yallabusha’ (the next important stream south of the Tallahatchie), ‘and move a force from Helena and Memphis on Vicksburg? With my present force it would not be prudent to go beyond Grenada, and attempt to hold present line of communication.’ On the 5th, he was at Oxford, twenty-eight miles beyond Holly Springs, with his cavalry at Coffeeville, only eighteen miles from Grenada. This whole advance was made without serious fighting, as the enemy fell back rapidly before any show of pursuit. On the 5th, he again suggested to Halleck: ‘If the Helena troops were at my command, I think it would be practicable to send Sherman to take them and the Memphis forces south of the mouth of Yazoo river, and thus secure Vicksburg and the state of Mississippi.’2  The plan here sketched, and which was eventually adopted, had a double chance of success. Either Sherman, going down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Yazoo, could present a new base for Grant, from which the latter could supply himself, when he also struck the Yazoo, in the interior; or, if this should be found impracticable or less desirable, Grant could hold the main body of the enemy at, or near Grenada, confronting him, while Sherman might step in and take Vicksburg. By this strategy, Grant assumed what seemed the more ungrateful part of the undertaking, leaving the prize of the campaign to be secured by his subordinate. The same peculiarity was also conspicuous in some of his later programmes, but in each instance, Fortune overruled his arrangements and brought about her own conclusions, apparently resolved to dispose of her own favors. On the 5th of the month, in reply to Grant's suggestions, Halleck directed him not to attempt to hold the country south of the Tallahatchie, but to collect twenty-five thousand troops at Memphis, by the 20th, for the Vicksburg expedition. On the 7th, Grant answered that he would send two divisions to Memphis in a few days, and asked: ‘Do you want me to command the expedition to Vicksburg, or shall I send Sherman?’ To which Halleck replied: ‘You may move your troops as you may deem best to accomplish the great object in view. . . Ask Porter to cooperate. Telegraph what are your present plans.’ Grant answered at once, on the 8th:
General Sherman will command the expedition down the Mississippi. He will have a force of about forty thousand men, will land at Vicksburg, up the Yazoo if practicable, and cut the Mississippi Central road, and the road running east from Vicksburg, where they cross the Black river. I will cooperate from here, my movements depending on those of the enemy. With the large cavalry force at my command, I will be able to have them show themselves at different points on the Tallahatchie and Yallabusha, and where an opportunity occurs, make a real attack. After cutting the two roads, General Sherman's movements, to secure the end desired, will necessarily be left to his judgment. I will occupy this road to Coffeeville.Written instructions conformable to the above dispatch were on the same day given to Sherman;3  and Grant having been authorized, in compliance with his request, to assume command of all the troops then in Mississippi, belonging to the Department of Arkansas, directed them to report to Sherman, whom he dispatched on the 8th, to Memphis. Porter was informed of the plan, and was requested to cooperate. Sherman was instructed to move with all celerity, and informed, that ‘I will hold the troops here in readiness to cooperate with you in such manner as the movements of the enemy may make necessary.’ This was the extent of Grant's promise of cooperation. It was, however, understood in conversation, that in case Pemberton retreated, Grant would follow him up, between the Yazoo and the Big Black rivers, to the Mississippi. Grant was still anxious lest McClernand should obtain the command of the river expedition, and therefore had hurried Sherman to Memphis, on the very day that he received the authority, so that, if possible, the latter might start before McClernand could arrive. Halleck, too, sent the permission to Grant to dispatch Sherman, without that deliberation which he sometimes displayed; but on the 9th, he telegraphed: ‘The President may insist upon sending a separate commander. If not, assign such officer as you deem best. Sherman would be my choice as the chief under you.’ Nothing could be more genuine than the support which in this and  nearly every other matter, Grant received from his chief, after Halleck once assumed command of all the armies. If any jealousy or unkindness had once been apparent in Halleck's behavior to his subordinate, neither was displayed again under relations of extraordinary delicacy and difficulty. And, at this time, Grant had not begun to regain his position in the public esteem. On the 14th, Grant informed Sherman, who was still at Memphis, that ‘it would be well if you could have two or three small boats suitable for navigating the Yazoo. It may become necessary for me to look to that base for supplies, before we get through.’ On the 18th, came at last the unwelcome word from Washington: ‘It is the wish of the President that General McClernand's corps shall constitute a part of the river expedition, and that he shall have the immediate command under your direction.’ The first part of this dispatch was an order to divide all the troops in Grant's command, including those from Arkansas, into four corps. And thus a political general was foisted on Halleck and his subordinate; the influences brought to bear on the President were too strong for the soldiers. There was of course nothing to do but obey; and Grant wrote on the same day to McClernand, who was at Springfield, Illinois: ‘I have been directed this moment, by telegraph from the general-in-chief of the army, to divide the forces of this department into four army corps, one of which is to be commanded by yourself, and that to form a part of the expedition on Vicksburg. I have drafted the order, and will forward it to you as soon as printed. . . . Written and verbal instructions have been given to  General Sherman, which will be turned over to you on your arrival at Memphis.’ On the 20th, however, the enemy's cavalry, under Van Dorn, made a dash into Holly Springs, twenty-eight miles in Grant's rear, and captured the garrison, with all its stores. Forrest, another rebel raider, at the same time pushed his cavalry into West Tennessee, and cut the railroad to Columbus, at several points between that place and Jackson. This completely severed Grant's only line of communication with the North, and even with most parts of his own command. It was a catastrophe which he had foreseen as possible, and had striven hard to avert. He had received timely notice of the advance of Forrest, and taken every precaution to meet it. General Sullivan, who commanded at Jackson, was reinforced rapidly, and directed to move out towards the enemy. All of the available cavalry of the Army of the Tennessee was also sent after the raiders, and all commanders between Oxford and Bolivar were notified of the rebel movements, and directed to hold their respective posts ‘at all hazards.’ Men and commanders everywhere did their duty, except at Holly Springs; and the enemy was repulsed at Coldwater, Davis Mills, Bolivar, and Middleburg; but Holly Springs was captured while the troops were in their beds. The commanding officer of the post, Colonel Murphy, of the Eighth Wisconsin volunteers, had taken no steps to protect the place, not notifying a single officer of the command, of the approaching danger, although he himself had received early warning from Grant. The troops were blameless, for the first intimation they had of an attack, was when they found themselves surrounded; and notwithstanding the surprise, many  of them behaved admirably, refusing to be paroled, and after making their escape from the enemy, attacking him without regard to their relative strength. Colonel Murphy was dismissed the service for his conduct on this occasion. He was the same officer who had abandoned Iuka to Price so readily. Fifteen hundred prisoners were taken, and four hundred thousand dollars' worth of property was reported destroyed. The enemy estimated the loss of property at four millions. The actual damage probably amounted to a million of dollars. Holly Springs, Grant had made a secondary base of supplies, and the destruction of the ordnance, subsistence, and quartermasters' stores there, was a serious though temporary annoyance. The railroad, however, was not seriously damaged between La Grange and Oxford, except at Holly Springs, and the enemy had possession of that place only long enough to complete the destruction of the stores; but the cutting of the line between Jackson and Columbus at once demonstrated what Grant had foretold, the impossibility of maintaining so long a line of supply through hostile territory. He commenced the next day to fall back north of the Tallahatchie, and at the same time expressed a wish to Halleck, to send two divisions to Memphis, and join the river expedition with them in person. Since Sherman was not to command it, he was anxious to do so himself, especially as he knew its difficulties would now be enhanced by his own inability to advance, or even to remain on his present line. The promptness with which he came to this conclusion was not inspired by any apprehension of the force in his front, for he telegraphed the same day: ‘The enemy are falling back from Grenada.’  General Grant has told me, when discussing this campaign, that had he known then, what he soon afterwards learned—the possibility of subsisting an army of thirty thousand men without supplies, other than those drawn from an enemy's country—he could, at that time, have pushed on to the rear of Vicksburg, and probably have succeeded in capturing the place. But no experience of former wars, nor of the war of the rebellion, warranted him in supposing that he could feed his army exclusively from the country. The rainy season was setting in, when the roads would naturally very much impede his progress, of course increasing the difficulty of subsistence, and he determined at once to return. He was, however, obliged from sheer necessity to subsist on what he could find. For over a week, he had no communication whatever with the North, and for two weeks, no supplies. But the country was found to be abundantly stocked. Every thing for the subsistence of man or beast, for fifteen miles east and west of the railroad, from Coffeeville to La Grange, was appropriated to the use of the army. The families of the farmers suffered, but the soldiers were fed; and the lesson was taught which Grant afterwards applied in the rear of Vicksburg, and which Sherman, having seen the application, practised on a still larger scale, in the marches through Georgia and the Carolinas—the lesson that an army may live, though its communications are destroyed. It was a sorry day for the rebels when they burnt Holly Springs, and broke up Grant's communications with Columbus; not only sorry in those grander results to which allusion has been made, but in the more immediate effects, extending only to the people  of northern Mississippi. The women came with smiling faces to Grant's headquarters, to see how he bore the loss of Holly Springs. They asked him civilly, but exultingly, what he would do, now that his soldiers had nothing to eat. But their exultation and smiles were of short continuance, when the quiet general informed them that his soldiers would find plenty in their barns and storehouses. They looked aghast at this, and exclaimed: ‘You would not take from non-combatants!’ But a commander's first necessity is to provide for his troops; so the country was stripped bare, and the army was supplied. Although the soldiers found all that was neces. sary, Grant was anxious until he discovered the success of the experiment. It was one hitherto untried, and, while uncertain as to its results, he moved his army back to La Grange, abandoning the campaign, which had been pressed to a distance of fifty or sixty miles. On the 23d of December, the headquarters were again at Holly Springs. Forrest was speedily chased out of West Tennessee, but the damage he had done could not be so readily repaired. Various reasons had induced Grant to select this line of operations against Vicksburg, rather than that of the Mississippi river. First of all, was a desire to fight Pemberton. He appreciated fully the importance of Vicksburg, and was anxious enough to secure its possession; but, as has already been shown, he was always more anxious to destroy rebel armies than to capture rebel cities, believing that, if the armies were destroyed, the cities were sure to fall. So, if Pemberton had by any possibility got around towards Columbus, Grant would undoubtedly have moved in that direction, and let Vicksburg alone,  until he had beaten the enemy in the field. When he started from La Grange, he indeed meant and hoped to threaten Vicksburg, but his prime object was the defeat of Pemberton. As soon as he discovered that Pemberton would not fight, on the very day that the national troops got inside the rebel works on the Tallahatchie, and found the enemy again disappearing, Grant suggested the movement direct against Vicksburg; determined to secure the destruction of the rebel force, whether it remained in the interior of Mississippi, confronting him, or was hurried to Vicksburg to reinforce the garrison there. There were, however, other, although secondary considerations, which confirmed his judgment in this matter, if they did not assist in determining it. Taking the river route earlier, would have left all the state of Mississippi free to the rebels, who could at any time have attacked his communications on that line, cutting him off more effectually and permanently than they did at Holly Springs; while Memphis itself would have been within reach of Bragg, by a rapidly executed movement. By moving towards Grenada, however, Grant covered Memphis and the country already acquired, besides threatening the region on both sides of his line of march. These advantages recommended this route to accomplished soldiers, even after the disaster at Holly Springs; and I have heard men of high military reputation maintain, since the capture of Vicksburg, that Grant should have persevered in his original plan of campaign. He, however, had no idea of remaining in the interior, or of returning to it, after this date, although strongly urged to such a course, by some of his most capable and trusted officers. He considered  that, by the destruction of the Mississippi Central road and its bridges, and the devastation of the resources of the country, he had sufficiently protected himself against attacks of any importance upon his new line; and the event proved that the rebels were too busy defending themselves, to take any initiative again, during the long campaign and siege that followed. McClernand's assumption of the command of the river expedition was delayed by the break in communication. Grant could not transmit the orders he had received, although he wrote at once to McClernand; but, before the line was reopened, Sherman had embarked at Memphis, with thirty thousand men, and at Helena, was reenforced by twelve thousand more. He arrived at Milliken's bend, on the Arkansas side, and twenty miles above Vicksburg, on the 24th of December; here he spent two or three days, in attempts to cut the Vicksburg and Shreveport railroad (by which reenforcements could have been sent to Vicksburg), and waiting to hear from Banks, who had been ordered to move up the river from New Orleans and cooperate in the attack on Vicksburg. The rebels probably made use of these two or three days to prepare for the attack which they knew must follow. On the 26th, under convoy of Admiral Porter and his fleet of gunboats, Sherman advanced on transports up the Yazoo river, which empties into the Mississippi, about nine miles above the town. He debarked his troops on the 27th, on the south side of the river, near the mouth of the Chickasaw bayou.4 The long line of hills on which Vicksburg stands, turns off from the Mississippi, just above the town,  and runs parallel to the Yazoo for several miles. Between the latter river and the bluffs, lies a strip of country peculiarly susceptible of defence; covered with a dense and tangled overgrowth, cut up with swamps and intersected with streams, and at this time almost entirely under water; in fact, impracticable for infantry, except along one or two narrow causeways; this strip of territory, some three miles wide, was commanded by the guns on the bluffs, which were strongly posted, and was besides completely within range from the numerous trenches and rifle-pits along the hills. Notwithstanding these difficulties, which rendered it impossible for Sherman to avail himself at any one time of half his force, he attacked the works on the 29th, got his men across this difficult country, and into the rebel lines; he even effected a lodgment on the hard land at the foot of the bluffs, but was finally driven back with severe loss. It was then determined to attempt a landing higher up the Yazoo, in the night, so as to attack the enemy's extreme right in cooperation with the naval force, and thus secure a base from which communication with Grant might be opened. The preliminary movements were made, but a dense fog set in, so thick that the vessels could not move, nor could the men see each other at the distance of ten paces. This lasted till daybreak, when it was too late to start. A heavy rain then set in, rendering the ground if possible still more impracticable, and the attempt was abandoned. Sherman moved his troops out of the Yazoo, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, he was met by McClernand, on the 2d of January. He at once relinquished his command to that officer, assuming himself the command of a single corps.  He had lost one hundred and seventy-five men killed, nine hundred and thirty wounded, and seven hundred and forty-three missing.5 In his report to Grant, he attributed his failure ‘to the strength of the enemy's position, both natural and artificial.’ Grant, however, had no fault to find with him; the assault was made at the only point where there was a chance of success, and was conducted with skill and judgment; the men behaved with a gallantry not surpassed during the war, but the extraordinary nature of the defences rendered the attempt unavailing. The rebels had doubtless been reinforced from Pemberton's command, but this contributed nothing to the result, as Sherman had twice as many men as he could use on the difficult ground where he fought.6  The rebels were jubilant over the double issue of this campaign, and they certainly succeeded in deferring the result at which the national commander aimed. The success of Grant's plans was indeed  more than once delayed; sometimes by the skilful movements of his antagonists, and quite as often by the unskilful or unwilling operations of those whom he commanded: for in war, the loyalty of his subordinates is as important to the chief as the practicability of his plans or the steadiness of his soldiers. In this instance, Grant could not complain of his generals; nor indeed is it easy to say that the fault was in his plans. The line he himself marched on, was that dictated by the rules of the military art, and, had he taken a larger force, his predicament would only have been so much the worse; he would have had so many more men to feed. Sherman, too, had more troops than he could use, so that a different disposition of the forces could hardly have resulted more favorably. Indeed, when Grant threw both his  armies on the Mississippi, success still fled before his advances, as coyly as in the interior. As has been shown, he had early foreseen the especial difficulty which beset his army in this campaign; but marched on, trusting that in the manifold chances of war, he might be able to overcome or evade it. The rebels, however, saw plainly what their game was, and played it well; they withdrew before Grant's advance without risking a fight, and,. then, suddenly cutting his communications, so as to hold him from any further progress, hastened by their interior lines to Vicksburg, to withstand Sherman; who, however, would have been equally unable to carry his point of assault, if Pemberton had remained in front of Grant. Had this been the end, it would have been a defeat for Grant; but nothing can be styled defeat which eventuates in success; and the idea of abandoning his aim was not even presented to this general's mind. He was baffled at Oxford, but before the rebel rear-guard was out of Holly Springs, he had planned another campaign with all his forces, by way of the Mississippi river. Delays and difficulties with him had only the effect of increasing his determination and provoking his obstinacy. Some men need the excitement of slight success to sustain their patience and inspire their hope; Grant's only enthusiasm was that confidence which becomes serene when emergencies threaten and crowd. Upon leaving the Yazoo river, Sherman at once proposed to McClernand that, while waiting for further orders from Grant, the expeditionary force should be employed in the capture of Arkansas Post, a strong work on the Arkansas, fifty miles from its mouth. The object was to occupy the troops, and  raise their spirits, depressed by the recent failure, and also to secure the line of communication by the Mississippi against attacks from the Arkansas side. McClernand immediately acquiesced in Sherman's proposition, and moved his force up the Arkansas, the fleet under Porter accompanying. A naval bombardment, lasting several days, occurred; and on the 11th, the troops assaulted the works, when the post surrendered, after a fight of three hours, in which the squadron bore a conspicuous part. Five thousand prisoners and seventeen pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the victors; McClernand lost about a thousand men, in killed, wounded, and missing. The guns of the fort were silenced by the fleet, and Admiral Porter received the sword of its commander, but the troops were surrendered to the army. This operation was planned and executed without Grant's knowledge or consent, and he was at first displeased with the movement, whose effect on the contemplated campaign was not perceptible. Lacking any confidence in McClernand's military judgment, and supposing that the plan emanated solely from that officer, he did not give it the same consideration it would have received, had he known that Sherman first suggested the idea. It seemed to him a mere side move, contributing in no degree to the great result at which he was aiming; and, throughout the war, he preferred to engage in no enterprise that did not tend directly to the accomplishment of his main object. He expressed his dissatisfaction in this instance both to McClernand and to Halleck, but, subsequently, became convinced that the reasons offered in favor of the movement were sufficient to warrant McClernand in making it.  Grant, meanwhile, had been extremely anxious on account of Sherman. Cut off, for more than a week, from all news from the North, and aware that the impossibility of holding any troops in his own front, might greatly increase Sherman's difficulties, he was yet unable to do any thing to relieve his subordinate. Even after communication with Memphis was reopened, it was long before he heard directly from the river expedition. On the 4th of January, he had news of the assault, but neither official nor definite, and could not learn, for a week afterwards, whether Sherman had fought his way into Vicksburg or not. On the 4th, McPherson was ordered north from the Tallahatchie; but the backward movement was a slow one; the roads were in miserable condition by reason of the winter rains, and, as it had been deter. mined to abandon northern Mississippi, the accumulated quartermasters' and ordnance stores had to be removed with the army. It was not until the 10th of January, that the headquarters were established at Memphis. From there, Grant wrote at once to McClernand that he had heard nothing official from the expedition since Sherman left: ‘This expedition must not fail. If there is force enough within the limits of my control to secure a certain victory at Vicksburg, they will be sent there.’ Being urged by Halleck to send every thing possible down the river, he stated his readiness to reinforce McClernand with twenty thousand troops. He also, at this time, sent an officer to Admiral Porter, to survey the ground, and determine the practicability of reopening the canal across the tongue of land opposite Vicksburg. McClernand was ordered to rendezvous at Milliken's bend, or  some other point convenient for cooperation with Banks, who was daily expected below Vicksburg. It is necessary to a correct understanding of all these operations, and due to General Halleck, to keep constantly in mind that Major-General Banks had been sent to New Orleans, by sea, with an army of forty thousand men, and ordered to cooperate in the opening of the Mississippi river, and especially in the capture of Vicksburg.7 He was to be supported by Admiral Farragut's fleet, already so renowned, and for months his arrival was constantly expected by Grant. Circumstances, which it is not my province to investigate or describe, delayed the movements of General Banks, who arrived at New Orleans in December, but did not start from there until March, and returned the same month. His movements afforded no cooperation to Grant. All this while, Grant was greatly annoyed by McClernand's insubordinate behavior. That officer claimed to have been placed in command directly by the President, and therefore to be independent of his superior. He constantly appealed from Grant in matters of military etiquette and law; his language was as intolerable as his actions were injudicious; his official papers teemed with self-laudation and grandiloquent fustian, assuming credit to which he was not entitled, raising objections to the orders of his commanding officer, making suggestions contrary to all the principles of military science, and fostering jeal ousies among different portions of the army and with  the naval officers.8 All these peculiarities indicated to Sherman, to McPherson, and to Admiral Porter the same traits, and those three officers urged upon Grant, in writing and in conversation, that the only chance for the success of the enterprise was in his assuming command of it in person. He finally received authority from Washington to relieve McClernand, and either appoint the next officer in rank in his place, or to assume himself the immediate command.9 He, at first, desired to put Sherman in command; as that officer had started from Memphis with the expedition, and afterwards been obliged to yield precedence to McClernand, it seemed but fail to restore him. But Grant was especially anxious to place Sherman at the head of the expedition, because he thought Sherman especially capable of directing its movements. It was, however, represented by those in his confidence, that as McClernand was the senior of Sherman, to give the junior the higher command,  even by authority of the government, would undoubtedly provoke feelings and conduct prejudicial to the public interest, especially in an officer of Mc-Clernand's peculiarities. Sherman, it is true, had submitted promptly to be relieved by McClernand, but he was a man with soldierly instincts, the first of which is subordination, and this was a trait that McClernand had seldom displayed, even towards Grant, his legitimate superior. Grant was, besides, the commander of the department, and entitled to direct the campaign in person; no one could complain of this, for he ranked everybody in the West, and his assumption of immediate command would, in fact, relieve the question of all difficulty. This reasoning was unanswerable, and Grant allowed himself to be governed by it. He was loath, however, to deprive Sherman of the opportunity to throw off the odium caused by his unsuccessful assault; and, besides, disliked to use his own position as commander of the department, to claim the direction of a campaign originally intrusted to another. But, Sherman was informed of the reasons which led to the decision, and manifested a complete appreciation of Grant's motives. During the tedious and often discouraging campaign that ensued, he never failed to display a zeal and loyalty towards his commander equal to that commander's anxiety to support and bring forward his subordinate, even at the risk of his own chances for fame. On the 17th, Grant paid his first visit to the transport fleet, then lying off Napoleon, at the mouth of the Arkansas, with all the troops on board; from there, he wrote to Halleck, what the experience of many months eventually confirmed: ‘Our troops  must get below the city to be used effectually.’ On the 18th, he wrote: ‘Should Banks pass Port Hudson, this force will be ready to cooperate on Vicksburg, at any time.’ On the 20th, he returned to Memphis, and sent word to one of his subordinates: ‘The Mississippi river enterprise must take precedence of all others, and any side move must simply be to protect our flanks and rear.’ On the 22d, he said to McClernand: ‘I hope the work of changing the channel of the Mississippi is begun;’ and on the same day: ‘On the present rise, it is barely possible that the Yazoo pass might be turned to good account in aiding our enterprise.’ These two ideas were already prominent in his mind; they were destined to become fully developed ere long, and to be prosecuted with energy and persistency, but both to prove unsuccessful. Although so persistently and zealously followed up by Grant, he was not at any time persuaded of their adequacy; but he thought it his duty to give them a fair trial, and, at any rate, to occupy the troops vigorously until he should be able to get them below the city. On the 20th, after his visit to Napoleon, he wrote: ‘The work of reducing Vicksburg will take time and men, but can be accomplished.’ He determined, now, to abandon the railroad from Jackson to Columbus, and to move all his troops south, except those absolutely necessary to hold the line from Memphis to Corinth. All heavy guns on the east bank, between Memphis and Columbus, and from Island Number10, as well as the floating batteries below there, were at once removed; as their remaining only offered inducements to the enemy to attack from the Tennessee side; and the expedition  was ordered to Young's point, opposite the mouth of the Yazoo. Grant wrote to Halleck, that he should require a large force in the final struggle, but could dispense with any further reenforcements for the present. He suggested, however, that it would be well to have the men in readiness when they should be needed. He also inquired if it would not be good policy to combine the four departments at the West —Rosecrans's, Steele's, Banks's, and his own—under one commander, and remarked: ‘As I am the rank. ing department commander in the West, I will state that I have no desire whatever for such combined command, but would prefer the command I now have, to any other that can be given.’ This suggestion was eventually acted upon, but not for many months, and until after the fall of Vicksburg, and the battle of Chickamauga, had demonstrated the sagacity of the thought, and made the selection of the man inevitable. As much of the Department of Arkansas, however, as he might desire, was placed under his command at once, so that he had control of both banks of the Mississippi. Forts Henry and Donel son were at the same time transferred to the Department of the Cumberland, leaving Grant the exclusive task of opening and controlling the Mississippi river. On the 29th of January, General Grant arrived in person at Young's point, and, on the 30th, assumed immediate command of the expedition against Vicksburg. McClernand at once protested formally, but in vain.

domain: politics


Objective: An efficient and selective analytical method with precolumn derivatization using reverse-phase high-performance liquid chromatography (RP-HPLC) was developed for the analysis of tranexamic acid in whitening creams. Methods: Derivatization was performed using 1% ninhydrin solution in methanol as a derivation agent to form a colored Ruhemann’s purple product. The analytical conditions included the use of a C18 column as the stationary phase and a methanol: acetate (20 mM) buffer at pH 4 (75:25) as the mobile phase, with a flow rate of 0.8 mL/min and UV-visible detection at a wavelength of 570 nm. Results: The average retention time of the tranexamic acid derivative was 5.413 min. The results of the calibration curves were linear, with a correlation coefficient (r) of 0.9993 at a concentration ranging from 8 to 48 ng/mL. The recovery was between 99.26% and 101.77%. The limits of detection and quantification were 1.87 ng/mL and 6.25 ng/mL, respectively. Conclusion: The analytical method developed in this study met the validation requirements and included a simple and efficient derivatization method applicable for the selective analysis of tranexamic acid in whitening creams.
- Reverse-phase high-performance liquid chromatography
- Tranexamic acid
- Whitening cream


At the end of this month, Future Islands will release their highly anticipated new album, People Who Aren’t There Anymore (26 January 2024). The band have shared another new song, ‘Say Goodbye,’ an examination of a long distance relationship unravelling, with Samuel T. Herring crooning: “When I don’t wanna say goodnight / And every day without you feels one closer to goodbye / I just need to make this world seem right / You just sleep tight, til I’m on your side.”
‘Say Goodbye’ follows previously released songs ‘The Fight,’ ‘Deep in the Night’, ‘King of Sweden’ and ‘Peach’. More recently, the band shared ‘The Tower,’ alongside a video directed by Jonathan van Tulleken (Top Boy, Shogun). This marks the second project Van Tulleken and Herring have worked on together following Apple TV’s The Changeling, whose first season aired this fall.
From the start, Future Islands have been singular and instantly identifiable, with Herring’s life-worn croons and cries backlit by Gerrit Welmers’ melodies and charged by the rhythms of William Cashion and Michael Lowry. That premise hasn’t changed on People Who Aren’t There Anymore, but never before has the band sounded so empathetic and Herring so integrated, with what he is singing and how they sound blended like a dioramic mosaic.
People Who Aren’t There Anymore, the band’s seventh album, heralds a new chapter for Future Islands who, despite having formed nearly two decades ago, continue to challenge themselves and each other. Where they’ve pursued ever-higher energy anthems in the past, they’ve turned inward this time and unlocked a new level of ferocity. The album delivers some of their most inspiring and heart-breaking tracks by doing the opposite: taking their time, and making each breath, syllable and cymbal crash count. The result is a powerful, defining statement from a group of musicians that have made the best album of their career.


Japanese maples are garden favorites with their graceful, slender trunks and delicate leaves. They make eye-catching focal points for any backyard, and many cultivars delight you with fiery fall displays. To keep your Japanese maple happy, you’ll need to site it correctly and apply fertilizer appropriately. If you want to learn when and how to fertilize a Japanese maple tree, read on.
Japanese Maple Feeding and Care
A Japanese maple brings such beautiful texture and color to your garden that you’ll want to take top care of the tree. It isn’t as picky as you might think, but it does have some definite preferences.
Finding a good site for your Japanese maple is the single best thing you can do to keep that tree healthy. The placement of your tree will determine how attractive and lush it will look and even how long it will live.
Japanese maples require well-draining soil and will do poorly in clay or wet soil. Most of the trees thrive in a site that gets some sun in the morning but shade in the afternoon. Both strong winds and hot sun can stress or even kill a maple. Maple species are understory plants in the wild, and excess sun can be very wounding to your tree. Protect your tree at least until it has established a mature root system.
Fertilizing Japanese maples is an important part of the nurturing process. However, a little Japanese maple fertilizer is enough, so exercise discretion in Japanese maple feeding.
When to Fertilize Japanese Maples
It’s important to apply fertilizer to plants at the appropriate time. The first rule to keep in mind is not to start fertilizing Japanese maples too early. Don’t think that a newly transplanted tree needs feeding immediately.
Once you plant the trees, wait at least until their second growing season before fertilizing Japanese maples. You’ll want to give the plants ample time to adapt to their new conditions. When you do start feeding Japanese maples, do so in late winter while the ground is still frozen. Alternatively, start Japanese maple feeding after the last freeze in spring.
How to Fertilize Japanese Maples
When you start fertilizing Japanese maples, your goal should be to maintain a constant low level of fertility. This moderate fertilization practice will keep your maples healthy. Do not apply high levels of nitrogen to the soil around your maples. Japanese maples look best if they grow at a slower speed. High amounts of nitrogen results in excessively fast growth that will weaken the plant.
What to use for Japanese maple feeding? Try a controlled release type fertilizer. If you want to use slow-release fertilizer pellets, don’t just scatter the Japanese maple fertilizer on the soil surface since this results in sporadic releases. Instead, bore holes around 6 inches (15 cm.) deep into the soil around the tree, about halfway between the main trunk and the drip line of the branches. Divide the fertilizer between the holes and tuck the pellets into them. Fill the rest of the holes with soil. Irrigate well.


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This floral textured fit and flare dress is a must have this season. This dress will take you from day to night, wear with ankle boots and a leather jacket. Fitted upper body Fit & Flare Dress Textured fabric Zip Closure Floral Print Sleeveless V-neck 94% Polyester,6% Elastane. Machine washable.
Freespirit Girls Floral Fit and Flare Party Dress with Ribbon Waistband This flouncy fit and flare girls dress by Freespirit channels the fabulous fashion from the 50s. Shell love the retro style and bright and bubbly floral print that makes this dress really stand out from the rest. You can spruce up her summer style with this pretty flowery dress for little girls thats a top choice for those
This elegant dress features a floral print with a chiffon tie belt at the waist and fluted sleeves for an elegant finish. With a cowl neckline and flared hem that are perfect for that special occasion. Jacques Vert Dress Features: 100% Polyester Length approx. 117 cm (46 ins) Specialising in women?Ts occasionwear, Jacques Vert has been confidently dressing the discerning woman for all events in
Make a statement at your next event in this bold floral print dress from Viyella. This dress boasts a fit and flare shape that is completed with a tie belt to accentuate the waist. Wear with a cropped bolero jacket and high heels for elegant occasion styling.
Look knock-out on nights out in figure-skimming bodycon fits, flowing maxi lengths and stunning sequin-embellished occasion dresses. This season make for satin sheen slip dresses in mink nudes, and match lace trim cami dresses with barely-there heels for that cocktail-ready combo. If glitterball gowns arent your thing, take to the dance floor in a tux dress for an all-eyes-on-you androgynous look.
Samya Fit & Flare Lace Dress Click on the Size Guide button on the right before ordering to ensure that you order your correct size A feminine skater dress styled with a rounded neckline and all-over rose lace. Unfastened and lightweight, the fitted bodice and flared skirt is designed to flatter every figure. 3/4 length sleeves. Length 37in. Length 37in. 70% Cotton, 30% Nylon. Cold hand wash,
Add a touch of charm to your wardrobe with this Nikibiki Women's Thin Strap Fit and Flare Dress. Featuring a sleeveless design, sweetheart neckline, and mini-length, this dress is perfect for a variety of occasions. Measurement Guide Click here to view our women's sizing guide Lining: Fully Lined Closure: Zipper Sleeve-length: Sleeveless Material: Polyester Style:
You cant go wrong this spring time with the Floral Fit and Flare Dress.Fabrication features a gorgeous floral print throughout.Boat neckline.Cap-sleeve design.Key-hole design with back button and lower zip closure.Flared hemline.Fully lined.100% polyester. Lining: 100% polyester.Machine wash cold, dry flat.Imported. Measurements:Length: 36 inProduct measurements were taken using size 4. Please
Womens Floral Fit and Flare Dress, Assorted on USA sites

domain: design


text: As the popular brand, it can be our choice. This ideas make our home more adorable and wonderful. We can make this chance to be applied by us. We know exactly that we make the house for home. So, we should make our home more comfortable and awesome. We can do it.


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According to Reuters, Prime Minister Theresa May told lawmakers on Tuesday to hold their nerve over Brexit and give her more time to negotiate a deal acceptable to both the European Union and the British parliament. The United Kingdom is on course to leave the European Union on March 29 without a...
MPs have voted by 412 to 202 to delay Brexit beyond March.
The UK is scheduled to leave in just two weeks, but the decision by parliament means May will now request an Article 50 extension of at least..
Two members of the DUP, the Northern Irish party which props up Britain's minority government, urged a delay to Tuesday's parliamentary vote to give more time to... Reuters Also reported by •Firstpost •Reuters India
The European Union will not negotiate Brexit again, it said on Tuesday, after Britain's parliament rejected the divorce package for a second time in a vote that... Reuters Also reported by •Seattle Times •Firstpost •Proactive Investors


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Wilson cruised to a 15-4 victory over Wissahickon in the first round of the boys state water polo tournament Friday at Cumberland Valley High School.
The top-seeded Bulldogs (23-3) built a 10-1 lead over the eighth-seeded Trojans at halftime, when coach Chris Lechleitner pulled his starters. Jared Figueroa led Wilson with three goals.
The Bulldogs will continue their quest for their first state championship since 2002 when they face fifth-seeded McDowell this morning. They will square off against fourth-seeded Souderton in the afternoon, then move on to the medal round.
Seventh-seeded Gov. Mifflin fell Friday to second-seeded North Penn 14-6. The Mustangs (12-11) play third-seeded Cathedral Prep this morning and sixth-seeded Cumberland Valley in the afternoon.

domain: sports


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William Klein (born April 19, 1928) is a photographer and filmmaker. Events 1012 - Martyrdom of Alphege in Greenwich London. 1529 - At the Second Diet of Speyer Year 1928 ( MCMXXVIII) was a Leap year starting on Sunday (link will display full calendar of the Gregorian calendar. A photographer is a person who takes a Photograph using a Camera. A film director, or filmmaker, is a person who directs the making of a Film. Though born in New York City and educated at City College of New York, Klein is predominantly active in France. The City of New York The City College of The City University of New York (known more commonly as the City College of New York or simply City College, CCNY, or colloquially as This article is about the country For a topic outline on this subject see List of basic France topics. He has directed a number of feature films, including the 1966 film Who Are You, Polly Magoo? and the anti-American satire Mr. Freedom. Who Are You Polly Maggoo? ( Qui êtes vous Polly Maggoo?) is a 1966 French film directed by William Klein. Mr Freedom is a 1969 film by American expatriate photographer and filmmaker William Klein. Klein's photography won the Prix Nadar in 1956. The Prix Nadar is an annual prize awarded for a Photography book edited in France.
Circa 1950, he married Jeanne Florian.


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We love our rescue goats. Seriously, we love them. Each has their own distinct personality, their own look, their own endearing qualities. Goats are awesome. But all three of them share one terrible trait: they are profligate hay wasters. Half of any given hay bale would end up on the ground, and you know that for goats, if hay is on the ground, it simply doesn’t exist.
For the longest time, we used a hay feeder designed for horses, which we ignorantly purchased from our farm store. It sort-of worked, in the sense that it held hay, but the goats would quickly pull wads of it from the top or through the bars. So every morning we’d go in and sweep up a bunch of expensive future compost. We added fencing to stem the tide, but it became super frustrating, so we started hunting for alternatives. Our friend Heidi – guys, she has like 3000 goats and is named HEIDI for crying out loud! – ended up building one from scratch that we decided to adapt for our barn.
We adapted her plans. The original design was intended to go nearly 10′ long, wall-to-wall. Our stalls wouldn’t allow for that, and we don’t have that many goats (yet) so shortened it to be 4′ long, with one end attached to the side wall, and one with a closed end.
There are a few features that I like about this design:
The height is perfect for goats, who like to browse, and I built it 4′ wide so they have enough space to stand side-by-side comfortably.
The double upper rail is effective at keeping them from pulling hay out over the top.
It’s easy to load a couple of flakes of hay at a time.
The tray below catches anything the goats pull through, which they will usually eat, and allows us to simply dump the excess back in the top of the feeder.
It was super cheap to build. We only bought (3) 2×4’s from Home Depot, and we were lucky enough to find a scrap piece of hog panel at the Farm Store which they gave us for FREE.
Power, Table or Miter Saw
Drill or Screw Gun
Here’s a list of parts to build our shorter version:
(3) 2″ x 4″ x 8’long
(1) 2″ x 6″ x 4′ long
(1) 4″ x 4″ x 2′ long
(1) 3/8″ plywood, 2′ x 4′
(1) 30″ x 4′ piece of hog panel
Box of 2 1/2″ screws
Handful of Galvanized U-Nails
Cut your 2x4s and 2×6 to size. This implementation is 4′ wide, and 18″ deep. The angled uprights are 31″ long with a 35 degree angle cut and a 55 degree cut for the angled supports.
Cut your 4×4 to make your tray support. Mine was 20.5″ tall, to make a platform that is 24″ high by the time you add the height of the resting 2x4s.
Start assembly. I started by building out the the bottom waste tray, then the upper frames. I was able to fasten the left side against the stall wall, and come in from the back side to anchor the short supports on the opposite side.
Secure your angled uprights. I pre-drilled holes for some 3″ screws to ensure the wood didn’t split.
Cut your hog panel to size. Mine ended up being 28″ tall by 44″ wide to fit inside the frame.
Secure the hog panel to the frame with galvanized u nails.
Cut your plywood for the waste tray, 24″ x 48″ and fasten down with screws.
Finally, I used a piece of leftover plywood to finish off the open end and keep the goats from coming in from the side.
The Seattle area usually gets a few days of snow each year, especially at slightly higher elevations. This year, we have had 2 weeks in a row of particularly heavy snows, with the added benefit of reasonably comfortable temperatures and even some blue sky. Until […]