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Proposition 13 was a landmark decision by California’s voters in June 1978 to limit property taxes. Today, there are many questions about the impacts of these changes. This report examines some of these questions and which of them can be answered by the data available.
[Also see our short video Introduction to Proposition 13.]
Below, we provide a basic overview of property taxes, Proposition 13, and its implementation.
Property Tax One of California’s Largest Taxes. “Ad valorem” property taxes—hereafter referred to as simply property taxes—are a levy on property owners based on the value of their property. Property taxes are a foundation of public finance in many states, including California. In California, the property tax raised $55 billion in 2014–15, making it the second largest source of government revenue behind only the personal income tax. For many Californians, the property tax is one of the largest tax payments they make each year. For thousands of California local governments (cities, counties, schools, and special districts), property tax revenues represent the foundation of their budgets.
Taxable Value of Property and Property Tax Rate Determine Tax Bill. Each property owner’s annual property tax bill is determined by multiplying the taxable value of their property—or assessed value—by their property tax rate. For example, the owner of a property with an assessed value of $100,000 and a tax rate of 1 percent pays an annual property tax payment of $1,000.
Property Taxes Capped at 1 Percent. Prior to the passage of Proposition 13, each local government could set—or levy—its property tax rate annually. Before Proposition 13 passed, the average property tax rate in California was 2.67 percent. This average rate reflected the sum of individual property tax levies of multiple local governments serving a property. Under Proposition 13, a property’s overall tax rate for all local governments serving the property is limited to 1 percent (with some exceptions to finance certain types of public debt).
Property Taxes Based on Purchase Price. Prior to Proposition 13, property taxes were based on the market value of property—that is, the price for which it could be sold. Under Proposition 13, property taxes instead are based on a property’s purchase price. In the year a property is purchased, it is taxed at its purchase price. Each year thereafter, the property’s taxable value increases by 2 percent or the rate of inflation, whichever is lower. This process continues until the property is sold and again is taxed at its purchase price.
Special Taxes Require Two–Thirds Voter Approval. Proposition 13 also changed the requirements for local governments to levy other taxes. Specifically, Proposition 13 requires two–thirds of voters to approve any special taxes levied by local governments. Special taxes are those taxes that raise funds for a particular purpose. For instance, if a city were to levy a tax for parks, that tax would be considered a special tax.
Immediate Drop in Property Tax Payments. By lowering the property tax rate to 1 percent statewide, Proposition 13 immediately resulted in a significant drop in property taxes paid by taxpayers and collected by local governments. As shown in Figure 1, property tax payments dropped by roughly 60 percent immediately following Proposition 13.
Ongoing “Tax Relief” to Property Owners. Proposition 13’s limits on assessed value growth also result in ongoing reductions in property tax payments. This is because in most years the market value of most properties grows faster than 2 percent per year. As a result, under Proposition 13 the taxable value of most properties is less than their market value. The longer a property is owned, the wider this gap tends to grow, as shown in Figure 2. Many property owners therefore pay lower property taxes under Proposition 13 than they would pay if taxed based on their properties’ market values. Throughout this report for convenience of discussion, we refer to this difference as a property owner’s tax relief from Proposition 13. (Property owners also receive ongoing property tax relief from the 1 percent cap on the property tax rate.)
Proposition 13 Shifted Significant Authority to the State. Before Proposition 13, the property tax had been a local tax levied by local governments for local services. Proposition 13, however, changed this by assigning to the state the responsibility of allocating property tax revenues. Proposition 13 required that overall property tax rates be lowered but did not specify how that should be done. Because Proposition 13 directed the state to allocate the property tax, the state had to determine how to lower each local government’s rate such that no property’s overall tax rate exceeded 1 percent. With thousands of local governments levying property taxes prior to Proposition 13, the state relied on the existing property tax distributions to implement the 1 percent rate set by Proposition 13.
State Set Uniform Rate and Developed Local Government “Shares.” To determine how much property tax revenue each local government would receive from the lower rate, the state directed county auditors to determine how much property tax revenue each local government in the county received before Proposition 13. Next, county auditors divided that amount by the property tax raised by local governments countywide before Proposition 13. These were called local governments’ shares of the property tax.
The state used these shares to determine how much of the revenue from the 1 percent rate local governments would receive. For instance, if before Proposition 13 a school’s property tax revenue had been $100,000 and the countywide property tax revenue had been $1 million, the school’s share would be 10 percent. As a result, local governments’ property tax rates before 1978 largely determined what they received after Proposition 13.
Local Governments’ Property Tax Shares Vary Widely. Under this system, property tax shares vary widely among each type of local government. For example, while the statewide average share among cities is roughly 20 percent, in Los Angeles County alone, cities’ shares range from less than 10 percent to over 30 percent.
[Also see our short video Are Similar Property Owners Taxed Differently Under Proposition 13?]
Owners of properties that are similar but purchased at different times often pay vastly different amounts of property tax. Property tax payments also vary among property owners with similar incomes and wealth.
Property Taxes on Similar Properties Can Be Significantly Different. As discussed in the background, a property’s assessed value greatly depends on how long ago it was purchased. Because of this, significant differences arise among property owners solely because they purchased their properties at different times. Figure 3 shows how property taxes per $100,000 of market value paid by typical property owners vary significantly across neighborhoods in Los Angeles County. These differences are made more apparent by comparing individual property owners in a particular neighborhood. Figure 4 displays property taxes per $100,000 of market value for individual property owners in a single zip code in Los Angeles.
Differences Among Similar Property Owners Also Can Be Substantial. Substantial differences occur even among property owners of similar ages, incomes, and wealth. For example, we find significant variation among similar homeowners in the Bay Area. Looking at 45 to 55 year old homeowners with homes worth $575,000 to $625,000 and incomes of $80,000 to $90,000 (values characteristic of the region), property tax payments in 2014 ranged from $1,350 to $7,500.
For homeowners at all income levels, tax relief from Proposition 13 generally is proportionate to the market value of their homes. At the same time, higher–income Californians own more homes and own homes of higher value and, therefore, receive the majority of the total dollars of tax relief provided to homeowners by Proposition 13.
Higher–Income Households Own More, Higher–Value Homes. Relative to other income groups, higher–income households own more homes and own homes of greater value. Nearly three–fourths of households with incomes higher than $80,000 own homes, compared to just over one–third of households with incomes less than $50,000. (California’s median household income is $61,000.) In addition, the typical home of a homeowner earning $80,000 or more is worth $500,000, compared to $275,000 for homeowners with incomes less than $50,000.
Benefits From Assessed Value Limits Roughly Aligned With Home Wealth . . . As discussed in the background, Proposition 13’s limits on assessed value growth provide tax relief to many property owners. Figure 5 breaks out this tax relief for homeowners at different income levels. As Figure 5 shows, homeowners’ tax relief generally is proportionate to the market value of their homes, regardless of their income level.
. . . High–Income Homeowners, Therefore, Receive the Greatest Dollar Amount of Tax Relief. Because higher–income households own more, higher–value homes and Proposition 13 tax relief is proportionate to home wealth, the majority of Proposition 13 tax relief (in dollar terms) goes to higher–income households. About two–thirds of tax relief goes to those with incomes higher than $80,000, with the bulk of that relief going to homeowners with incomes in excess of $120,000.
What About Renters? Our analysis above focuses on Proposition 13’s benefits for homeowners. Renters, however, also may receive some benefits from Proposition 13. Landlords facing slower increases in their property tax bills may be less inclined to increase rents. The extent to which landlords pass on their tax relief to renters is unclear. Because of this uncertainty, we are unable to quantify these benefits.
Property turnover has slowed since voters approved Proposition 13. Many factors appear to be driving this trend, including Proposition 13.
Property Turnover Has Declined. The share of properties sold each year in California has been on the decline since the passage of Proposition 13. Figure 6 shows that 16 percent of properties were sold in 1977–78. This share declined to only 5 percent in 2014–15.
Proposition 13 Appears to Play Some Part in This Trend. There are many possible explanations for the decline in property sales, such as the state’s aging population and rising real estate prices. Proposition 13 also appears to have a role. The influence of Proposition 13 can be seen by looking at how often homeowners have moved since its passage. Homeowners generally receive greater tax relief from Proposition 13 the longer they stay in their same home. In response, homeowners appear to move less often. One study conducted in 2005 found that, between 1970 and 2000, the average length of ownership rose by less than a year among homeowners receiving the lowest tax relief, compared to two to three years for those receiving the highest tax relief. Further, our analysis (as well as previous research) finds that homeowners 55 and over appear to be more likely to move in response to state laws allowing them to transfer their tax relief to a new home. As Figure 7 shows, 55 year old Californians were around 20 percent more likely to move in 2014 than 54 year old Californians. This suggests that some homeowners who were interested in moving delayed doing so in order to maintain their tax relief.
[Also see our short video Did Proposition 13 Cause Residential Properties to Pay a Larger Share of Property Tax?]
Homeowners pay a slightly larger share of property taxes today than they did when Proposition 13 passed. Proposition 13 does not appear to have caused this increase.
Some Shift in the Share of Property Taxes Paid by Homeowners. In 1979–80, homeowners paid about 34 percent of property taxes (on secured property). This share fell to a low of 32 percent in the mid–1980s. Since then, however, the share has risen. In 2015–16, homeowners paid about 37 percent of all property taxes. In part, this may be due to faster growth in the number of residential properties than the number of commercial and industrial properties. Since the passage of Proposition 13, residential properties overall (not just owner–occupied homes) grew by almost 60 percent, while commercial and industrial properties grew less than 30 percent. Because the number of residential properties increased faster than commercial and industrial properties, the share of property taxes paid by residential properties increased as well.
Proposition 13 Does Not Appear to Be a Major Cause for This Shift. As described in the background, under Proposition 13 owning a property for more years results in a lower property tax bill compared to those purchasing a similar property more recently. Thus, if some types of properties turn over more frequently than others, the share of property taxes paid by those properties would increase. In particular, if residential properties turn over more frequently than commercial and industrial properties, then Proposition 13 would be part of the reason homeowners pay a slightly higher share of property taxes today. This does not appear to be the case. Rather, residential, commercial, and industrial properties appear to be turning over at relatively similar rates.
Residential Properties Do Not Turn Over More Often Statewide. As seen in Figure 8, the rate of turnover for residential (including homeowners and rented residential properties) and commercial and industrial properties across the state is relatively similar in recent years. Though the rates of turnover are not the same in each year, residential properties do not appear to turn over at rates much higher than commercial and industrial properties statewide.
Residential Properties Are Not Reassessed More Frequently Than Commercial and Industrial Properties. As discussed in the background, when a property is sold, the county reassesses the property. Comparing the frequency of reassessment across property types in Los Angeles County, shown in Figure 9, suggests that residential properties are not reassessed—and therefore do not turn over—more frequently than commercial and industrial properties. In addition, in San Diego County a typical commercial and industrial property was last reassessed ten years ago, compared to 14 years ago for residential property. This suggests residential properties turnover slightly less often, which increases the tax benefits to these properties. Because residential properties do not appear to change owners more frequently than commercial and industrial properties, Proposition 13 likely did not cause the slight increase in the share of property taxes paid by homeowners.
New businesses that need to purchase property often face higher property tax costs than existing competitors. There is little evidence, however, that this significantly discourages creation of new businesses.
New Commercial Property Owners Pay Higher Taxes Than Existing Owners . . . Property tax payments for similar properties differ based on when the properties were purchased, with properties purchased more recently paying higher property taxes. This is true of all property types, including commercial properties used by businesses. For example, in Los Angeles County in 2015, a typical new commercial property owner paid $2.69 per square foot in property taxes, compared to $1.18 for commercial property owned ten years or longer. This difference becomes more stark when looking at commercial properties owned for 20 years or longer, which typically pay $0.87 per square foot.
. . . But It Is Not Clear That This Significantly Deters Creation of New Businesses. Higher property tax costs for new commercial property owners seemingly creates a disadvantage for new businesses that need to buy property. This may make it harder for new businesses to compete with long–tenured, existing businesses. Arguably, this could slow new business creation in areas with many long–tenured businesses. However, data on business creation in three large counties across the state (Los Angeles, Sacramento, and San Mateo) lends little support for this claim. Figure 10 shows new business filings (registration of new business entities with the Secretary of State) by zip code for these three counties. The figure compares zip codes with more long–tenured businesses (“area with longest commercial property tenure”) to zip codes with fewer long–tenured businesses (“areas with shortest commercial property tenure”). If differences in property tax treatment were significantly discouraging new businesses, we would expect to see less business creation in zip codes with more established businesses. In two of the three counties we looked at (Los Angeles and San Mateo), the opposite was true. Similarly, as shown in Figure 11, in Los Angeles and San Mateo Counties there is little difference between the number of new employers in zip codes with longer–tenured businesses and zip codes with less–tenured businesses.
Property Taxes a Small Share of Profits for Many Businesses. It is unclear why higher property tax costs for new businesses relative to existing competitors do not appear to significantly discourage new business creation. One possible explanation is that property taxes represent a small share of many businesses’ profits. One study of state and local business taxes found that in 2014 the average California business paid less than 5 percent of their profits in property taxes. Another potential explanation is that many businesses lease their properties instead of owning them.
By limiting assessed value growth, Proposition 13 made the taxable value of property more stable. Revenues for local governments, however, were similarly stable before and after Proposition 13. This is because before Proposition 13 local governments adjusted their property tax rates in response to changes in assessed values.
Assessed Value Limits Stabilized the Property Tax Base . . . Before Proposition 13, the average growth in market value was 4 percent per year. In each year, however, the growth rate often varied 5 percent above or below the average. Since Proposition 13 passed, the growth in assessed value has slowed somewhat, but the volatility in the base also has diminished. In particular, since 1978, assessed value growth has averaged 3 percent per year and in most years the growth rate falls 3 percent above or below the average. This increased stability in the property tax base likely was a direct result of Proposition 13, as the overall economy before and after the measure (as measured by year–to–year changes in personal income) was relatively similar.
. . . But Before Proposition 13, Local Governments Set Rates to Keep Revenue Stable. Local governments reacted to fluctuations in market values by adjusting their property tax rates each year. As shown in Figure 12, when market values increased, local governments tended to reduce their property tax rates. Similarly, when property values declined, local governments increased their property tax rates. By adjusting their property tax rates annually, local governments kept their overall property tax revenues relatively stable.
Under These Different Conditions, Local Governments’ Revenues Were Similarly Stable. Because limits on assessed values stabilized the property tax base, one might expect that Proposition 13 stabilized property tax revenues as well. However, the ability of local governments to predict their property tax revenues year to year was similar before and after Proposition 13. Figure 13 shows the annual growth rates of overall local property tax revenues across the two periods. The shaded areas of the figure show the average growth rate variation before and after Proposition 13. Each shaded area is centered on the average annual growth rate in the period. Before Proposition 13, the average annual growth rate was 5 percent. After Proposition 13, the average annual growth rate has been 3 percent. As seen in the figure, however, the variation in growth rates before and after Proposition 13 was similar. In both periods, overall local government property tax revenues typically fell 3 percent above or below their average growth rates. This suggests that the ability of local governments to set their property tax rates before Proposition 13 enabled them to moderate the volatility of market values.
While property taxes remain the single largest source of local tax revenue for cities and counties, these local governments increasingly rely on other local taxes to make up for the revenue loses that resulted from Proposition 13. The year before Proposition 13 passed, property taxes comprised over 90 percent of cities’ and counties’ local tax revenue. Today, that share is less than two–thirds.
Cities and Counties Have More Control Over Sales, Hotel, and Utility Taxes Than Property Taxes. As described in the background, the laws implementing Proposition 13 set cities’ and counties’ property taxes based on the rates they had levied prior to Proposition 13. As a result, any growth in property tax revenues results from increases in property values, which local governments cannot directly control. In contrast, cities and counties can increase sales, hotel, and utility tax rates to generate additional revenue, though doing so requires voter approval.
Sales, Hotel, and Utility Taxes Largely Replaced Lost Property Tax Revenue. Figure 14 shows that since Proposition 13 passed property tax revenue (adjusted for inflation) for cities and counties increased over 100 percent. In comparison, hotel, sales, and utility taxes increased over 600 percent. The significant increase in these other local taxes reflects cities’ and counties’ efforts to replace lost property tax revenue. Adjusted for inflation, Proposition 13 reduced cities and counties property tax revenue by almost $10 billion in the first year. Compared to their revenues in 1978–79, local sales, hotel, and utility taxes generated roughly $8.5 billion in additional revenue in 2014–15.
Cities and Counties Rely Less on Property Tax Revenues Today. Figure 15 shows the share of revenue by source for cities and counties before Proposition 13 through 2014–15. Before Proposition 13, cities and counties relied almost entirely on property tax revenue. Over time, however, cities and counties increasingly relied on taxes they could raise with voter approval to replace lost property tax revenue. As a result, these other sources of revenue likely are paying for services that before Proposition 13 would have been paid with property tax revenue.
Cities’ and counties’ tax revenue per person has declined since Proposition 13. However, looking across all California local governments’ per–person revenue—excluding state and federal funds—revenues increased 36 percent since Proposition 13. In comparison, similar per–person revenues for local governments across the country increased by almost 70 percent over the same period.
Cities’ and Counties’ Local Tax Revenue Per–Person Declined. As discussed earlier, cities’ and counties’ increased their sales, hotel, and utility taxes to replace revenues lost due to Proposition 13. Despite these increases, on a per–person basis, cities’ and counties’ local tax revenue is lower today than it was in the year before Proposition 13 passed. Adjusted for inflation, cities and counties received roughly $790 per person in 1977–78, but only about $640 per person in 2014–15.
Overall, California Local Revenue Increased . . . In addition to property, hotel, sales, and utility taxes, local governments receive revenue from various fees and assessments levied for particular activities and services. (Later in this report, we discuss how these fees and assessments for land development have increased since Proposition 13.) Across these “own–source” revenues for all local governments, revenue rose from roughly $2,600 per person in 1977 to roughly $3,440 per person in 2013 (adjusted for inflation). This reflects an increase of over one–third across all own–source revenues for local governments.
. . . But Not as Much as in Other Areas of the Country. Figure 16 shows the increase in local revenue per person in California compared to local governments across the country. While per–person revenue increased in California from 1977 to 2013, local governments outside of California saw much larger increases in revenue. Particularly, per–person own–source revenue across all local governments in the country increased 69 percent from 1977 to 2013. The slower growth in California is somewhat unsurprising given California had above average per–person revenues in 1977. Other states with high 1977 per–person revenues also had below average growth. California, however, grew even slower than states with high 1977 per–person revenues.
After the passage of Proposition 13, the formation of local governments in California slowed compared to other states. Moreover, after a subsequent proposition passed expanding on Proposition 13, local government formation in California slowed even further. This trend is distinct from the rest of the country, which saw less population growth than California over this period.
Propositions 13 and 218 Limited Local Governments’ Revenue. As a result of Proposition 13, local governments formed after 1978 were unable to receive a share of the 1 percent tax and existing local governments’ revenues were constrained by their share of the 1 percent tax. In response to Proposition 13, local governments turned to alternative sources of revenue like general taxes and assessments. To restrict these alternative taxes, the proponents of Proposition 13 proposed Proposition 218, which the voters approved in 1996. Among other provisions, Proposition 218 required voter approval for general taxes and established new requirements for levying assessments.
California Local Governments Served More Residents After Propositions 13 and 218. Figure 17 shows the average number of residents served by each local government in California and other states before Proposition 13, after Proposition 13, and after Proposition 218. After Propositions 13 and 218, California local governments served increasing numbers of residents compared to local governments in other parts of the country. Specifically, over the period in the figure (from 1952 to 2012), the average number of residents served by California local governments increased by over 4,900 residents. Local governments elsewhere in the country served an additional 2,400 residents roughly.
Local Government Formation Declined After Proposition 218. Local governments in California served increasing numbers of residents because fewer local governments were forming despite increases in population. As seen in Figure 18, new local government formations declined in California notably after Proposition 218, despite a 22 percent increase in population. This was not the case for local governments in other parts of the country, which saw lower population growth than California (19 percent since 1996). While some of the slowdown in local government formation likely reflects increased population density, Propositions 13 and 218 local government revenue restrictions likely inhibited local government formation in California compared to what might have occurred without the restrictions.
Proposition 13 created fiscal incentives for many communities to focus more on building retail stores, auto dealers, and hotels while focusing less on housing. We, however, did not find evidence that these incentives significantly influenced city zoning and permitting decisions in recent years.
Cities and Counties Weigh Fiscal Effects of Development. California’s cities and counties make most decisions about when, where, and to what extent development will occur. Different types of developments yield different amounts of tax revenues and service demands. In response, local governments commonly examine these fiscal effects when considering new development or planning for future development.
Under Proposition 13, Commercial Development Often Yields Greater Fiscal Benefits. Proposition 13 altered the fiscal effects of development for local governments in two key ways. First, the property tax allocation system created to implement Proposition 13 provides many cities and counties only a small portion of local property tax revenues. Second, as discussed previously, since Proposition 13’s passage local governments have become increasingly reliant on other taxes, such as sales and hotel taxes. Because of these changes, many cities and counties find that developments that generate sales or hotel taxes in addition to property taxes yield the highest net fiscal benefits. In contrast, housing developments, which do not produce sales or hotel tax revenues directly, often lead to more local costs than offsetting tax revenues.
Fiscal Incentives Do Not Appear to Have Major Influence on Land Use Decisions. Given these fiscal incentives, cities and counties that receive lower shares of property taxes or that derive more of their revenues from sales taxes would be expected to prioritize developments that generate sales and hotel taxes, rather than home building. To gauge whether or not this occurs in practice, we looked at two measures of city development patterns over the last decade: rezoning decisions (changes in the allowable use of land) and building permits. We found little evidence that cities with lower property tax shares set aside less land for housing or built less housing. Similarly, our analysis suggests that cities that are more reliant on sales taxes are, at most, modestly more likely to prefer retail over other types of development.
Analysis of city development patterns is complicated by the fact that many factors beyond fiscal incentives can influence city land use decisions, such as each city’s size, type (urban, suburban, or rural), age, and real estate prices. To attempt to isolate the effect of fiscal incentives from these other factors, we identified 73 pairs of cities with similar populations, home prices, and dates of incorporation, but that differed in their property tax shares and reliance on sales taxes. We then compared each city’s land use decisions over the last decade to its comparison city. The results are summarized in Figure 19. As the figure shows, cities that were more reliant on sales taxes were slightly more likely to rezone more land for retail uses than their comparison city. Despite this, cities more reliant on sales taxes did not consistently permit more retail development. Fiscal incentives appear to have even less effect on housing decisions. Cities with higher property tax shares did not consistently rezone more land for housing. Further, in almost two–thirds of pairs, the city with the lower property tax share permitted more housing construction than their comparison city.
Cities May Change Behavior in Other Ways. While we did not find evidence that city land use decisions have been altered significantly by the fiscal incentives fostered by Proposition 13, cities may respond to these incentives in other ways. For example, some cities have offered perks such as tax breaks, publicly financed property improvements, and cheap land to retail stores to encourage them to locate in their communities.
Land owners who have owned their property longer and therefore receive greater tax relief under Proposition 13 are less likely to develop their land. It is difficult to determine, however, how much of this can be attributed to Proposition 13 instead of other factors.
Long–Tenured Properties Are Less Likely to Be Developed. Figure 20 shows how likely vacant land in three large counties across the state (Los Angeles, Sacramento, and San Mateo) was to be developed over the last decade based on how long it has been owned. As shown, the chance that land was developed drops significantly the longer the property is owned. Properties owned for five to ten years were close to four times more likely to be developed than properties owned for 20 to 25 years (8 percent compared to 2 percent).
Proposition 13 May Play a Part in Explaining This Pattern. It is possible that Proposition 13 contributes to this pattern of development. Land owners typically seek to time the development of their land to maximize their financial gains. In many cases, greater gains can be achieved by delaying development until real estate markets are strong or holding out for the optimal development opportunity. Land owners also incur costs, including property taxes, to hold on to land for future development. If these costs exceed the potential gains of delaying development, then land owners may decide to develop sooner. On the other hand, if these costs are lower, land owners may be more inclined to hold off on development. In particular, land owners whose property tax costs are low because they have owned their property for many years may be more likely to delay development in hopes of greater future profits.
Other Factors Probably Matter Too. While Proposition 13 may have some part in explaining why properties that have been owned longer are less likely to be developed, it is almost certain that other factors also matter. For example, many properties that have sold more recently likely were purchased by buyers whose intent was to develop in the near future. This probably accounts for the much higher likelihood of development for properties owned for three years or less. It is also possible that properties that have been owned longer may be less likely to turn over or develop because they are in less desirable areas.
Comparing development patterns of neighboring lots offers one way to attempt to separate the effect of Proposition 13 from some of these other factors. This is because development on neighboring lots likely is influenced by many of the same local factors, making it more likely that differences in development arise from differences in property tax costs. For properties in three large counties (Los Angeles, San Mateo, and Sacramento), Figure 21 compares the frequency of development on vacant lots to frequency of development on neighboring vacant lots that have been owned for fewer years. As the figure shows, over the last decade vacant lots were less likely to be developed than neighboring vacant lots if they had been owned for longer. This effect is larger when the difference in ownership tenure is greater: properties owned one to five years longer than their neighbors were 25 percent less likely to be developed, compared to 69 percent for properties owned for 20 to 25 years longer. This lends some support to the role of Proposition 13 in explaining why properties owned for longer are less likely to be developed.
Local governments appear to be increasingly using impact fees to pay for the costs associated with new development.
Impact Fees Are an Alternative to Property Taxes. Prior to Proposition 13, local governments could increase property taxes to pay for the costs associated with new development. After Proposition 13—which capped local governments’ property tax revenues—local governments had to use other sources of revenue to pay for the costs associated with development. Three options for raising additional revenue for new development include parcel taxes, impact fees, and Mello–Roos assessments (discussed in the next section). Typically, parcel taxes are set at a fixed amount per parcel and are paid by property owners. Impact fees are paid by the builders of new construction.
Impact Fees Do Not Require Voter Approval. Propositions 13 and 218 require local governments to obtain voter approval to levy parcels taxes and Mello–Roos assessments. Gaining voter approval can be challenging, especially for parcel taxes. Parcel taxes require the approval of two–thirds of voters. Of the roughly 200 parcel taxes put to city voters for approval between 2000 and 2014, only about half were approved. In comparison, local governments can adopt impact fees through ordinances or resolutions. To levy these fees, local governments must explain the connection between the development project and the fees imposed. The fee amount is based on the cost of paying for the services or improvements related to the development project. Impact fees typically are easier for cities to impose because they do not require voter approval.
California’s Impact Fees Higher Than Many States. Over half of states have impact fees, which pay for the costs associated with new development like new infrastructure. A recent survey of over half of these states (including most of the western states) found California to have the highest average impact fees for construction of a single–family home. Moreover, according to this study, California’s fees were almost three times as high as the average across all the states in the survey.
Impact Fees Increased in Recent Years. Figure 22 shows the statewide median impact fees per residential building permit issued by cities. Since 1991, this amount has increased almost 150 percent. Much of this increase was associated with the housing boom that preceded the last recession, though these fees remained high after the recession as well. Fees likely increased most during the housing boom because cities needed revenue to pay for the costs associated with the significant increase in new development.
Impact Fees Are Higher in Cities Without Parcel Taxes. Figure 23 shows the median impact fee per residential building permit for cities in 2014. As seen in the figure, the median impact fees were roughly $5,000 per permit in cities that passed a parcel tax between 2000 and 2014. In comparison, those cities that did not propose a parcel tax or failed to pass a parcel tax had median impact fees of over $12,000. Looking at the difference in the fees, cities that could not pass a parcel tax likely relied on higher impact fees to pay for the costs associated with new development.
Local governments increasingly use Mello–Roos assessments to pay for infrastructure associated with new development.
Mello–Roos Assessments Support Infrastructure Improvements. Mello–Roos assessments are another option for local governments—like parcel taxes and impact fees—to pay for infrastructure improvements. Similar to parcel taxes, Mello–Roos assessments require approval of either a majority of local voters or a majority of property owners. Mello–Roos assessments, nonetheless, typically are easier to approve than parcel taxes. This is because developers usually own the land on which they are building and can unanimously approve the assessment prior to construction. Once construction is finished, the assessments are passed on to the new property owners. The new property owners do not vote on these assessments because the developer already approved them.
Mello–Roos Assessments Increasing Over Time. Figure 24 shows the average assessment per residential building permit over time. Since 1990—five years after Mello–Roos assessments were enacted—the amount per residential building permit has increased over 130 percent. In comparison, the statewide average property tax bill increased 50 percent since 1990. Like impact fees, local governments likely use Mello–Roos assessments to pay for infrastructure improvements that would have been paid by property taxes prior to Proposition 13.
Shifts in homeownership are driven by complex relationships between economic and demographic trends. This makes it hard to measure the influence of any policy change on homeownership. Nonetheless, some evidence suggests that Proposition 13 may have increased homeownership for some older Californians, while decreasing it for younger Californians.
Homeownership Costs Decreased for Some Households . . . Limits on assessed value growth result in lower, more predictable property tax payments for homeowners that do not move often. This would seem to promote homeownership for these households, particularly retirees with fixed incomes. Evidence of this is mixed. As Figure 25 shows, in places with less expensive housing across the country, assessed value limits are linked with higher rates of homeownership among Social Security retirees. This does not appear to be true in places with more expensive housing—such as much of coastal California. This could be because the difficulty of qualifying for and paying a home loan (rather than the cost of property taxes) becomes an increasingly important driver of homeownership as home prices rise.
. . . But Likely Increased for Others. As discussed in the prior two sections, local governments in California appear to have responded to Proposition 13 by increasing fees on home builders and assessments on owners of newer homes. These higher charges increase costs for homebuyers. Faced with these higher costs, fewer young households are able to afford to buy a home. Figure 26 shows that homeownership among Californians 45 and younger has fallen by around one–third since 1980, despite little change in the state’s overall homeownership rate. Many factors contribute to this trend, making it difficult to accurately pinpoint its cause. Nonetheless, the rising cost of development fees and assessments on new homebuyers likely have some role.
The list below provides the data sources for each of the figures contained within this report. Much of the data used in the report is accessible online or in historical publications. Some data was requested from federal, state, and local government entities.
Figure 1: Board of Equalization, Annual Report: Statistical Tables, Table 14.
Figure 2: California Association of Realtors.
Figure 3: Los Angeles County Assessor Parcels Data.a
Figure 4: Ibid.
Figure 5: IPUMS–USA, University of Minnesota, www.ipums.org (American Community Survey).a
Figure 6: Board of Equalization, A Report on Budgets, Workloads, and Assessment Appeals Activities in California Assessors’ Offices, Table F.
Figure 7: IPUMS–USA, University of Minnesota, www.ipums.org (American Community Survey).a
Figure 8: Board of Equalization, A Report on Budgets, Workloads, and Assessment Appeals Activities, Tables E and F.
Figure 9: Los Angeles County Assessor Parcels Data.
Figure 10: Secretary of State Business Filings, Counties of Los Angeles, Sacramento, and San Mateo Assessor Parcels Data.
Figure 11: Employment Development Department New Employer Registrations, Counties of Los Angeles, Sacramento, and San Mateo Assessor Parcels Data.
Figure 12: Board of Equalization, Annual Report: Statistical Tables, Table 14.a
Figure 13: Ibid.a
Figure 14: Board of Equalization, Annual Report: Statistical Tables, Table 14 and Table 21A. State Controller’s Office data (Hotel and Utility Taxes).a
Figure 15: Ibid.
Figure 16: U.S. Census, State and Local Government Finances by Level of Government and by State.
Figure 17: U.S. Census, Government Organization: 1942 to 2012.a
Figure 18: Ibid.a
Figure 19: Counties of Los Angeles, Riverside, Sacramento, San Diego, San Mateo, Assessor Parcels Data. U.S. Census Building Permits Survey.
Figure 20: Counties of Los Angeles, Sacramento, and San Mateo Assessor Parcels Data.a
Figure 21: Ibid.
Figure 22: State Controller’s Office, Construction Development Tax Revenues and U.S. Census Building Permits Survey.
Figure 23: Construction Development Tax Revenues and Sacramento State: Institute for Social Research, California Elections Data Archive.a
Figure 24: California State Treasurer, California Debt and Investment Advisory Commission, Mello–Roos.
Figure 25: IPUMS–USA, University of Minnesota, www.ipums.org (American Community Survey).a
Figure 26: Ibid.
a With authors’ calculations.


text:
Sedona Lit is a series by Dr. Elizabeth Oakes, an award winning poet and former Shakespeare professor. A Sedonian of three years, she will highlight the literature, written or performed, of Sedona, past and present.
By Elizabeth Oakes
(September 5, 2016)
Poets need community. Few want to hide their poems away in a drawer, no matter how painful it is to stand before an audience. Even the reclusive Emily Dickinson, who didn’t leave her home after age thirty, published several poems in her lifetime and sent others to a leading scholar. In one of her nearly 1800 poems, she said that sharing is essential:
A word is dead
When it is said,
I say it just
Begins to live
Poetry is instinctive. As a child, we loved the fun of rhyme, and still do. That’s why songs rhyme. As adults we use simile and metaphor, two stocks in trade of the poet, for instance, in cliches, which might be called folk poetry. For instance, if we say, “I’m as hungry as a bear,” that’s a simile. If someone says, “He/She’s my rock,” that’s a metaphor. Both describe the world through the imagination.
Poets have been around as long as language. Sanskrit, the oldest of the Indo-European languages, from which English is derived, has a word for poet: “kāvi,” meaning “maker.” Poetry and stories were oral (like slam poetry today) for millenia, so who knows what was lost.
The roots of words themselves may come from the very core of the universe. Sanskrit is thought to “be the language of nature herself, composed of the primordial sounds that promote order in the evolving universe,” according to Alistair Shearer, an expert on the Upanishads. It’s an apt coincidence that in English, there is only one letter between word and world.
Below are four Sedonians who qualify as “makers,” sharing their view of the universe as it materializes in Sedona with words:
Light pierces darkness and the world awakens
True colors are revealed by light’s illumination
Inner growth reaches outward for light’s connection
Shadows, simply illusion, are relative to light’s orientation
Contrast is light’s domain, the magic touch of creation
Christine Marie, Life Coach, Writer
aglow with gold,
holding my eyes like moths to a flame
left by the ancestors of our lands
bringing joy to all who walk this way.
Jan Justice Oswald, Arts Supporter
Morning glory . . . Why does
diffused light bring depth of blue star color
in morning hues
of peach and salmon? My eyes dance.
Kenyon Taylor, Craniosacral Therapist, Designer
How to Enjoy a Sedona Sunset
Listen to the embering rocks
whisper your true name
like a gift from the sun.
Bill Ward, Writer
Thanks to the above and all the poets and photographers who shared their light: Annie Berardini Rivers, Beverly Kievman Copen, Martha Entin, Gary Every, Randy Fridley, Kate Hawkes, Nicholas Kirsten Honshin, Barbara Litrell, Kimberly Crowe, and Ron Chilston.

domain: artistic


text:
Thankfully, the tomatoes are coming in for real! The New Braintree Farm is hopping with beautiful tomatoes this week 🙂 In the next few weeks, if all remains well, you will see more, and if you plan on making sauce or salsa, now is the time. We grow several varieties of red tomatoes, mostly chosen for flavor, but we also grow a couple varieties because they are firmer than the traditional, softer tomato. Interestingly enough, consumers (that’s us) have become accustomed to the hard tomatoes at the supermarket.
The tomatoes at the supermarket need to be hard because they must withstand picking, massive washing/packing lines, shipping (while they are being gassed with ethylene to “ripen”), being knocked around at the warehouse then supermarket, and then the final handling and squeezing at the point of purchase. Subsequently, tomatoes have been bred to have hard, thick walls and firm centers—even before GMO. So, after years of buying these, it’s a little like dog training, we have come to accept, at the very least, the “firm” tomato. So, having said that, please don’t squeeze the tomatoes or the peaches, we picked them ripe, today’s squeeze is tomorrow’s bruise 😉
We will continue to have lots of eggplant and pepper varieties, and by all means, open your box at pickup to see what kind is in your box…no need to get the same type every week, unless you want to. We are experiencing a little lettuce and corn shortage, but should be back in action soon. The peaches and nectarines have been succulent. I hope you are enjoying the fruit. If you have been a member of another CSA before, you realize how special it is to get fruit every week; I was delighted to have folks have their choice of apples, peaches, nectarines and, of course, tomatoes last week!
check out Simple Fresh Salsa or salsa
We are pretty psyched about the amazing tomatoes being harvested right now. Again, this is the time to get bulk tomatoes if you need them. Something you may not consider, but we go through a lot of rubber bands. It is somewhat amusing to me to contemplate how many we actually need to get through a season. But consider for a moment, the weeks you have received a bunch of kale, chard, and beets. That’s 3 elastics times all our membership every week…and then there’s the markets. Anyway, there’s no point to this mental exercise except to say there is a lot of planning and organizing to packaging the boxes every week
We are still looking for some strong people to work at some Boston Area markets. Looks like we have 5 days available, but any day would help. The job would involve meeting our market truck at location and helping unload, set up, restock, pack up. If you like sales, that’s a bonus. The strong back is the most important. Please email me for more info if you are interested.

domain: agronomy


Former beauty queen and Bollywood actress Sayali Bhagat gets married to a Delhi based entrepreneur Navneet Pratab Singh who is a family friend. The couple wedded in a traditional Gujarati style at hotel Sea Princess on 10th December, 2013. Sayali and Navneet dated few mon
Miss India & Bollywood Actress Sayali Bhagat Unleash her classic experience with Bellezza Salon in Mumbai.
With all its highs and lows, the year 2011 was not without its own share of controversies. While some of them were official, most were to be heard through the grapevine. In course of bidding farewell this soon to be elapsing year, it will be an interesting exercise looking back over some of the
Actress Sayali Bhagat filed case against her co-star Shiney Ahuja for sexually abusing her during the film shoot and also said that Shiney even made advances towards her. She claim that during the shooting of upcoming flick, ‘Ghost’, Shiney misbehaved with her number of times.
Latest Bollywood News
- Hum Kucch Keh Na Sakey: Pratyusha Banerjee’s last short film reveals her pain
- Big B, Madhuri Dixit, Shahrukh wish fans ‘Happy Gudi Padwa’
- Sapna Bhavnani opens up on kissing Bani J
- Karan Johar admits to being guilty of nepotism in an old video
- I am not pregnant, Bipasha Basu denies pregnancy report


The Young And The Restless Spoilers: Christine Grills Mariah In Court — Michael Brings Out The JT Truth
The Young and the Restless (Y&R) spoilers for the week of February 25 tease that Mariah Copeland (Camryn Grimes) will face some heat about the tape during the cover-up crew’s murder trial. She will struggle to answer Christine Blair’s (Lauralee Bell) questions without incriminating her girlfriend Tessa Porter (Cait Fairbanks). Here’s what you need to know about what’s ahead on Y&R.
Christine Questions Mariah
Genoa City’s DA calls Mariah as her first witness. Christine asks Mariah about the video that was found on the Dark Horse server. Mariah struggles to answer her question without exposing Tessa as the one who taped the video.
The last thing that Mariah wants to do is reveal that Tessa was the one who had the video. Y&R fans will recall that Tessa used the video to blackmail Sharon Newman (Sharon Case), Nikki Newman (Melody Thomas Scott), Victoria Newman (Amelia Heinle) and Phyllis Abbott (Gina Tognoni). And, as a result of the blackmail, Nikki paid $250,000 to keep her quiet.
Good Morning Los Angeles! Don't miss @MelodyThomasSco this morning at 6:50 AM on @CBSLA to chat about 40 years as Nikki Newman! #YR @CBSDaytime pic.twitter.com/Vil5PLxNF6
— Young & The Restless (@YRInsider) February 25, 2019
And, Mariah manages to answer Christine’s questions without incriminating Tessa. However, Michael Baldwin (Christian LeBlanc) notices that Mariah is not being honest and he corners her to find out why.
Michael Demands Answers
When it is Michael’s turn to cross-examine, he asks Mariah to reveal who it was who really found the video. He tells her that it wasn’t any of the women involved in the case. Mariah knows he is telling the truth, but she doesn’t want to expose Tessa as the one who used that video to extort the Newmans out of a quarter of a million dollars.
Nothing puts a smile on Christine’s face like Phyllis in handcuffs! Don’t miss today’s showdown! #yr @CBSDaytime @ginatognoni @YRInsider @YandR_CBS pic.twitter.com/VhEFOHOyNA
— Lauralee Bell (@LauraleeB4real) February 19, 2019
What will Mariah do? Will she reveal Tessa role to protect her mother? Or, will she stay quiet and claim that she doesn’t know anything more?
And as always, don’t forget to check back with Hollywood Hiccups for all the latest news, updates and spoilers on The Young and the Restless (Y&R) and all of your favorite daytime television shows right here!


Jurors in the Tom DeLay money laundering trial got a primer Monday on money and politics, a tactic that the defendant said both pleased and perplexed him.
"It painted a picture of what goes on in Washington, how you raise money. It's all done by everybody, Democrats and Republicans," said the former U.S. House majority leader during a break in Monday's trial. "It's great for our side. I can't believe the prosecutors are calling these kind of people."
Gary Cobb, the lead prosecutor, disagreed. He said the evidence — in a voluminous mound of e-mails, memos and correspondence — is about how two organizations funneled corporate money to Texas candidates, a violation of state law.
DeLay is accused of laundering $190,000 in corporate money into political donations during the 2002 elections. Specifically, Texans for a Republican Majority, a committee started by DeLay, sent the corporate money to the Republican National Committee, which, in turn, donated the same amount from its noncorporate account to seven Texas candidates that DeLay supported.
As the trial entered its second week, no witness has tied DeLay directly to the transaction. And that might never come because DeLay's indicted co-conspirators who ran the committee and negotiated the money swap, according to the testimony, will be tried separately and won't testify in DeLay's trial.
The prosecution's case could turn on its circumstantial evidence and DeLay's own words when he reportedly told prosecutors in 2005 that he knew about the transaction before it occurred. Since then, DeLay has said he didn't know about the money swap until after it was done, saying he just made a mistake in his comments to authorities.
On Monday, four lobbyists who represented corporate donors testified, as did Susan Lilly, an Austin-based fundraiser for Texans for a Republican Majority. She testified that she helped raise money for the committee with one-on-one meetings with big donors. She also planned fundraising events. One was titled, "Private Meeting with Tom DeLay."
Invitations told would-be donors that the committee was working to elect Republican candidates and that corporate donations were welcome.
Lilly testified that she referred corporate donors to Warren Robold, the Washington-based fundraiser who worked for three of DeLay's organizations.
Lilly will resume testifying today .
On Monday, four lobbyists told of donating corporate money to the cause. They represented rum maker Bacardi USA, Reliant Energy and Sears Roebuck.
Penny Cate, who represented Sears, said she never felt she did anything wrong even though the company got its indictment dismissed through a deal with prosecutors.
DeLay's lawyer, Dick DeGuerin , cited the language in the deal that said corporate money in politics represents "a genuine threat to democracy."
Cate said Sears made a lot of corporate contributions across the country: "I don't think the company would have done that if they felt they were a threat."
DeGuerin suggested that the company signed the deal just to get the indictment dismissed.
Prosecutor Beverly Mathews countered that neither the lobbyists nor the companies knew what DeLay's committee did with their corporate donations.
Through his cross-examination, DeGuerin drove home the points that none of the lobbyists talked to DeLay about the donations. He also noted that in some instances DeLay's name was invoked but that no one confirmed that DeLay was involved.
"Name-dropping?" DeGuerin asked a witness. "That happened all the time, didn't it?"


text:
You like playing no restriction poker events. Are you making loan playing poker? A basic method to obtain much better is to do what a poker pro does. He discovers the leakages in his video game and solutions them prior to he plays one more event. Currently, you can make the exact same point by obtaining a Cost-free Poker Assessment. You are offered a variety of inquiries associating with various poker scenarios.
Just how does a poker examination job?
- What is the crucial method for winning a poker event?
- Just how much should you elevate pre-flop in very early placement with a superior hand?
- When do you utilize an extension wager? When do not you make that wager?
- Should you risk your entire competition on the initial hand?
- What relocations should you make on the turn?
- Do you understand just how to play heads-up?
When you have actually finished the assessment, you will certainly uncover the leakages in your video game. You will certainly repair these leakages so your challengers can not capitalize on your blunders. And also, you will certainly additionally recognize what you are doing right so you can remain to make these exact same plays Domino99. If you are not making any type of loan playing poker, obtain assistance. Winning poker is not all enjoyable and also video games.
To offer the adversary his due, Matusow is a champ that, with his very own tortuous experiences, can currently brighten almost every one of the much better choices that we need to be making in life and also at the poker table. Matusow has actually lived via neglected bipolar condition and ADHD, torture, clinical depression, reduced self-esteem, dishonesty, entrapment, jail, crystal meth, euphoria, drug, and also orgy’s, to arise rather the even worse for the wear and also tear, yet on the better side.

domain: hobby


U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs providing federal benefits to veterans and their families.
U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs At-A-Glance
- Non-Profit & Government
810 Vermont Avenue
Washington, DC 20420
- 810 Vermont Avenue
Contribute to U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs's Profile. Data Provided by .
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Leadership information you can’t get anywhere else.
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- Samsung’s upcoming Galaxy S24 is set to feature a controversial change in design, resembling the sharp, flat sides of the iPhone 14.
- The new leak also reveals the inclusion of a UWB (Ultra-Wideband) Antenna on the side, a first for Samsung’s Galaxy phone lineup.
- The Galaxy S24 is expected to have reduced display bezels, a taller and narrower form factor, and specs including a 6.1-inch AMOLED display, 120Hz refresh rate, and up to 12GB of RAM.
Samsung is expected to announce its new Galaxy S24 lineup during a January 2024 Unpacked event and as we get closer to the big day we’re seeing more and more leaks. The latest brings with it new renders of what appears to be the entry-level Galaxy S24, and it’s going to prove controversial to fans of the Galaxy S23.
That’s because the new renders give us our best look yet at what seems to be a change of design approach for Samsung. Following last year’s more curvy look, with rounded edges, this 2024 update swaps all of that for something that looks more like an iPhone 14 with sharp, flat sides. There’s also more than a passing resemblance to the iPhone 15, which may or may not be a surprise to some.
New shape, new chips
The new leak comes courtesy of Smartprix and shows an apparent Galaxy S24 in a white and silver finish. The flat frame design is joined by what appears to be a familiar overall front and rear design, but the change will absolutely make the phone feel different in the hand compared to last year’s model. As iPhone users found when Apple slightly curved the edges of its iPhone 15 Pro display, the smallest of changes can make a big difference to the way a phone feels in hand.
But the report doesn’t only focus on the outside, because there’s news of what’s coming on the inside, too. Or sort of, at least. “One of the most conspicuous design changes is the inclusion of a UWB (Ultra-Wideband) Antenna on the side,” Smartprix notes. “This marks a significant first for Samsung, as they allocate precious real estate to UWB technology within their Galaxy phone lineup.”
Other notable changes include what appear to be reduced display bezels, something that is always welcome and can go a long way to making a phone feel more modern.
In terms of dimensions, there are changes here, too. The new Galaxy S24 is set to be slightly taller and narrower thanks to its 147 x 70.5 x 7.6 mm figures.
As for specs, the 6.1-inch AMOLED display is expected to feature a 120Hz refresh rate, while HDRO1-+ is also thought to be part of the spec. A Qualcomm Snapdragon 8 Gen 3 or Exynos 2400 chip will be used depending on where you buy, with up to 12GB of RAM and 512GB of storage rounding out the main figures. We’re told to expect a 50-megapixel sensor to handle photos, while an ultrawide 12-megapixel shooter will be accompanied by a 10-megapixel 3x telephoto solution.
Whether or not all of this si accurate, we might find out relatively soon. The Unpacked 2024 event could happen on 18 January, depending on who you listen to.


text:
This guide provides high school and college students with a quick and clear review of formulas and concepts. Unlike its full-size cousin, The Complete Idiot's Guide to Chemistry, this book is geared to help students prepare for an exam or a more advanced chemistry course. Topics covered include the elements, the Periodic Table, ionic and covalent compounds, chemical reactions, kinetics, acids and bases, electrochemistry, organic chemistry, nuclear chemistry, stoichiometry, and thermodynamics. Softcover, 227 pages.
Customer Reviews for The Pocket Idiot's Guide to Chemistry
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domain: library


text:
With deep regret I have this morning written to the Prime Minister & tendered my resignation. I can no longer support Govt policy on #Gaza
Baroness Warsi joined David Cameron’s cabinet in 2010 as a minister without portfolio but was demoted in 2012 to a junior minister in the foreign office. Despite this she was allowed to continue to attend cabinet.
An increasingly marginalised figure, she was reported to have wanted to quit the government during last month’s reshuffle but was asked to stay on by Cameron.

domain: news


text:
The area contained within the present limits of the City of Bridgeport possessed remarkable qualities that made it attractive for settlement by indigenous peoples in the
millennia prior to European colonization.
It included areas of level, almost stone-free soil in glacial outwash plains that supported agricultural production.
The protected estuary of the Pequonnock and smaller nearby rivers sheltered an abundance of waterfowl and marine life.
And, unusual for the north shore of Long Island Sound, there were relatively few marshy areas to serve as breeding grounds for mosquitoes and other bothersome insects.
Accordingly, the population of this region was substantial in the precolonial period (indeed, the lands within the margin of Long Island Sound are said to have sustained the largest population density in North America).
The Native American name "Pequonnock" signified "cleared land" or "broken ground", an indication of the prevailingly agricultural nature of the territory. Prior to the mid-17th century epidemics and displacements at least 10 semi permanent villages were extant within the city and its immediate environs.
These were mostly large encampments with 50 to 100 wigwams, and were usually situated on bodies of fresh or salt water with one or more bluffs surrounding to afford protection from attack.
Light, alluvial soils were a requirement for the production of maize, beans, squash, Jerusalem artichokes, gourds and tobacco.
Fish and shellfish were an important component of the local diet, along with deer and wildfowl obtained by hunting; white oak, chestnut, and shagbark hickory, common in the coastal woodland, provided a protein supplement.
The intensive use of Bridgeport's lands by native people precluded European
incursion until a relatively late date and left something of a written record of the settlement pattern. Additionally,
the considerable portion of the city's area
that is built up has caused the disturbance of numerous graves and artifacts over the last two centuries.
These finds frequently created enough interest that they were recorded in newspapers and volumes of local history, cumulatively resulting in a fairly thorough knowledge of the sites occupied by Native American settlements, burial grounds and ceremonial sites.
Following is a discussion of the known locations:
Deacon's Point was located on the easterly shore of Yellow Mill Pond,
approximately between the present Barnum Avenue and Deacon Street. It derives its name from a 17th-century proprietor, a ruling
elder of the Stratford church. The site was a long, narrow peninsula jutting into shallow salt water that was notable for scallop and duck populations (the salt creek on the east side was filled at the end of the last century for industrial development).
Shell middens were noted at the foot of Holly Street at the time housing development commenced there at the close of the Civil War, and a burial ground was uncovered in 1891 as basements were dug for houses on Barnum Avenue opposite Mill Hill Avenue.
Perhaps most significant, however, and indicative of the reverence native people felt for this location was the stone medicine wheel--a veritable North American Stonehenge--that was built on the banks of the creek. The medicine wheel consisted of round granite posts about seven feet in height, arranged In concentric circles. It remained in place until 1846, when the New York and New Haven Railroad ran its track line through the site of the megalith.
"We dug out loads and loads of these posts and threw them into the mill pond (with) brush and limbs and heaped dirt upon them," recalled one of the construction laborers in Orcutt's 1884 History of
Stratford and Bridgeport. A Mr. Tuttle of Stratford heard about the mysterious relics being disposedí of and had one of the posts hauled to his front yard and set up as a curiosity. It remains there to this day at 753 Stratford Avenue, near Bond's Dock.
Golden Hill apparently existed as a village location long prior to the
establishment of an 80-acre reservation here in 1659. The village is thought to have been at the base of the hill on its south flank, near the present-day intersection of Fairfield Avenue
and Harrison Street. This was the location of a powerful spring, the outlet of an underground river that flows through a porous seam of limestone from the vicinity of New Milford.
The spring flowed out to a lake, long since filled, that extended from Broad to Courtland Streets and from Fairfield Avenue almost to State Street. Burial grounds associated with this community were unearthed when Prospect School (site
of the present Sears store) was expanded in 1870, and when the Sydney Bishop residence (site of L'Ambience Plaza) was constructed in May, 1883.
Harbor Bluff was a site about which but little is known. It fronted on Bridgeport Harbor at the foot of a small hill that was leveled in the 19th century.
It was located to the east of the present Main Street and was bisected by the former Drouve Street, or immediately to the south of the Connecticut Turnpike. Graves were disturbed when houses were constructed here in the 1830s and '40s.
Indian Island was a village location in active use into the 19th century. Situated on the Pequonnock River where East Washington Avenue crosses at the present time, the location at the narrows of a tidal inlet provided excellent
opportunities for fish and turtle harvesting and was readily defensible as well. The island (a marshy creek separating it from the mainland was filled in the 1830s) was the site of another significant fresh-water spring.
Known in its later years as the "Nimrod Lot" after a 17th-century individual Pocummuc (nicknamed by European settlers after Genesis 10:8 --"Wherefore it is said, Even as Nimrod the mighty
hunter before the Lord."). This site was sold off by the Golden Hill tribe in 1802. A burial ground with numerous elaborate graves was "greatly disturbed"
during construction of the Housatonic Railroad (1836-8).

domain: geography


text:
Last week, Community met with Ed Miliband following his appointment to the role of Shadow Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, along with Lucy Powell the new Shadow Minister for Business and Consumers.
Roy Rickhuss, General Secretary of Community said:
“We were pleased to have a productive and positive meeting with Ed Miliband and Lucy Powell where we were able to discuss ongoing difficulties with the steel industry, the support the industry needs as well as it’s important role in our future economy.
“The meeting allowed us to raise serious issues in the steel industry that have been propelled as a result of the current crisis. This includes issues with liquidity that will require additional support from government if the industry is to weather the current storm.
“It was acknowledged by all the importance of the steel industry as a vital foundation industry to both our manufacturing sector and our entire economy. The industry will be particularly important as we emerge from the ongoing crisis and in helping to rebuild our economy in the months and years ahead.
“We are looking forward to working with both Ed and Lucy and supporting their work not just during the current crisis but also over the coming years.”
Not a member? Join Community today.


text:
Recently, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) Committee on Domestic Justice and Human Development released a statement made to the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate stating that “health care is not a privilege but a right and a requirement to protect the life and dignity of each person.” They couldn’t be more wrong.
The Committee that composed the document obviously supports President Obama’s desire for national health care reform (with the caveat that taxpayers should not be forced to pay for abortions). National health care reform is a political issue. People of goodwill can be for it or against it as the recent congressional debates will readily attest. Yet, when the seeming weight of the bishops is attached to an issue affecting the commonweal, the words they use often connote a moral imperative which in the case of health care does not exist. The only right that one human being owes to another is “medical care.” This means care and treatment for an immediate need. For instance, a person has a right to expect that civil society would provide for an emergency appendectomy even if he is without sufficient means to pay for it. Biblical support for medical care can be found in the Golden Rule and the story of the Good Samaritan. On the other hand, while preventive medicine such as an annual check-up or the right to elective surgery may benefit some people no where is it found as binding in the natural law or the Christian tradition.
Failure to differentiate between what is a fundamental human right and an opinion of what is deemed to be good by some — and the confusion over what is morally binding and what is not — has had deleterious effects on America’s Catholics and on the country as a whole. This failure in such statements distorts the truth. Furthermore, they divide the faithful and affect the political process.
Since I do not wish to engage in an internecine polemic, I will speak solely to my final point.
The religious institutions of any nation have an obligation to inform civil society of proper ethical behavior. In a democracy, freedom of speech and the right to vote have a direct impact on the laws deemed good for structuring society. With over 60 million Catholics in the United States, the voice of the bishops can strongly influence elections and hence legislation. Moral authority and suasion therefore cannot be squandered on social preference. This is especially true for the Catholic bishops, since they are called to proclaim God’s law and not to promote a political agenda. To confuse what is morally right with a perceived social good, no matter how meritorious their intentions, is to abuse their office causing grave intra-Church and societal consequences.
Two examples will make my point. The bishops’ past lack of clarity with pro-choice Catholic politicians had given license for some prominent Catholics to endorse Barack Obama for the presidency and gave permission to 54% of Catholics to vote for him. Thus, the Catholic vote secured the election of the most pro-death politician to ever sit in the White House. Another failure caused by imprecise definition has led some people to believe that the Church’s opposition to capital punishment holds the same weight as its stance against abortion. The failure to declare the former as a prudential judgment and the latter to be intrinsically evil has given some Catholics the cover they needed to vote pro-choice on abortion and argue that they are pro-life because they oppose the death penalty. Gov. Bill Richardson of New Mexico, a Catholic, is a case in point. Some bishops went so far as to praise him as being pro-life for his rejection of capital punishment. I think not!
On July 7 of this year, Pope Benedict XVI issued his third encyclical entitled Caritas in Veritate — “On Integral Human Development in Charity and Truth.” In it, he continually re-emphasized one of the foundational principles of Catholic social teaching — the common good. To achieve a good and just society, the Pope emphasizes that charity is authentic only when it is seen through the lens of truth revealed in faith and reason. The political process therefore must be so guided in order to achieve this end.
To promote health care as a right under the aegis of Catholic morality by the USCCB is not the truth. As a matter of fact, it is not even charity because, as the Pope says, “Without truth, charity degenerates into sentimentality. Love becomes an empty shell, to be filled in an arbitrary way.”
Such carelessness with the truth, whether intentional or unintentional, by the USCCB undermines both the Catholic Church and American society.

domain: law


text:
A Solomon Islands politician, Alfred Sasako, says he will appeal last week's decision by the Leadership Code Commission which fined him 270 US dollars for breaching the code by having an extramarital affair.
Mr Sasako, who is seeking a third term as an MP in next month's elections, was sacked as caretaker infrastructure minister at the weekend for allegedly having an adverse effect on the good name of the caretaker administration.
Mr Sasako says he doesn't accept the ruling.
"Very questionable. I want to say that I will be appealing the decision on a number of grounds. The ruling was essentially a convenience to convey what did not sit well with certain donors who are controlling our administration at the moment."
Mr Sasako alleges that Australia, and to a lesser extent Taiwan, repeatedly interferes in the internal affairs of Solomon Islands.


By Michelle Froese Consumers Energy broke ground on its third wind energy project, Cross Winds Energy Park II, in Tuscola County’s Columbia Township.
Cross Winds Energy Park II will be capable of producing up to 155 MW of renewable energy, or enough to serve about 60,000 residents.
Michigan’s largest energy provider is working with lead contractor White Construction, which has started building access roads. It will begin constructing concrete foundations within two weeks for the 19 new turbines that will be 499 feet tall and generate up to 44 MW.
White Construction was also the contractor for Consumers Energy’s Lake Winds Energy Park near Ludington, Mich.
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HEALTH Minister Stephen Donnelly has been urged to change wording in the new constitution of the National Maternity Hospital to ensure it can’t be misinterpreted.
The NMH’s constitution states that healthcare procedures that are legal and “clinically appropriate” will be carried out at the hospital.
But some have raised concerns that this could be legally interpreted in a way that prevents women from receiving procedures that they have requested, such as abortions or tubal ligations.
During an appearance before the Oireachtas Health Committee, the minister was asked by several members of the committee to change the wording so that it cannot be used to deny women procedures that they request.
HOSPITAL MUST PROVIDE ALL SERVICES
In response to concerns about the ambiguity of the term “clinically appropriate”, Donnelly said the constitution makes it “crystal clear” that all legally permissible procedures will be carried out.
He said: “Not only through the constitution are we guaranteeing clinical, operational independence, we’ve gone a step much further, which I’m advised by the Attorney General is either very rare or unique.
“We’re not just saying that the new hospital can provide all services.
"We are saying that they must provide all services, and six times in the constitution we have said that there can never be any religious influence whatsoever.”
But he acknowledged that the phrase had caused “genuine and understandable” concerns among the public.
Dr Rhona Mahony, consultant obstetrician and gynaecologist and a former master of the NMH, said that she has no concerns that religion would interfere with the procedures that are allowed to be carried out at the National Maternity Hospital if it moves to the Elm Park site at St Vincent’s.
Professor Mary Higgins, a consultant obstetrician, said that it was part of the NMH’s clinical ethos to provide abortion care to women and transgender men, and she and other healthcare workers would not be “mind influenced” by religious figures into not providing that “respectful” care.
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MISTRUST OF INSTITUTIONAL IRELAND
Donnelly told the committee that he believed the strong opposition to the co-location plan comes from a “deep-seated mistrust of institutional Ireland, based on an appalling track record in our country when it comes to the church and women’s reproductive health”.
The minister said that the NMH’s constitution is like an “operating manual and legal instructions” for the maternity hospital, and contains guarantees about the procedures that can take place in it.
Cabinet had decided to defer approving the co-location plan until next week, pending the publication of legal documents and Mr Donnelly’s committee appearance.
Donnelly said it was expected that Cabinet would approve the co-location deal next week, but added “in terms of what exactly is brought to Cabinet, I wouldn’t rule anything out”.
As the committee was hearing evidence, Taoiseach Micheal Martin released a video on Twitter saying that there are “cast-iron guarantees” that procedures legally permissible within the State will proceed.
The National Maternity Hospital is located at Holles Street in Dublin city centre in a 130-year-old building that is not fit for purpose.
Concerns have been raised about possible religious involvement in the maternity hospital if it is co-located on the St Vincent’s site, as planned.


My new PC still runs on XP like my old one, but some programs wont run at all after being installed and some wont even run at all.
In just about every case the hour glass shows and the PC freezes. So I then need to press reset button.
I have a set of these DK Eyewitness educational programs. Most of then will intal but wont run, because they say that 'sound decompression software failed to load'. One of them said that it would not run because my computer is not compatable with 256 colours. This was despite the fact that I went to control panel, display and set it to 256 colours.
Yes, some may well be old progs, but they mever needed compatibility mode when running on my old computer. Which I already stated was run on XP. Most of the progs are actually relatively new and state that they can run on XP.
BTW I've recently noticed that the PC freezes whenever I click on the NVIDIA control panel.


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Mark Ferrandino, Colorado's first openly-gay Speaker of the House, and his partner of nearly 13 years were officially recognized as the parents of their adopted daughter Lila Augusta on Wednesday
"There is not one definition of what a family does look like and should look like," Juvenile Court Judge Karen Ashby said during the formal adoption hearing.
Ferrandino and his partner, Greg Wertsch, began foster-parent orientation classes with the Denver Department of Human Services 3 years ago with the hope of adopting a child. The couple became the foster parents of Lila in August 2012 but her adoption wasn't official until Wednesday.
In the immediate months after they became Lila's foster parents, Ferrandino became the speaker of the house, helped pass Colorado's civil unions bill and entered into a civil union with Wertsch.
Until the couple was recognized as the adoptive parents of Lila however, Ferrandino and Wertsch cautiously followed foster-care rules and kept Lila out of the limelight, but her influence on the speaker was noted from time to time.
Her bottle was visible on Ferrandino's desk when he shared a tender kiss with Wertsch in the infamous Denver Post photo that ran on the front page after the civil unions bill passed.
"In the five months she has been with us, this beautiful baby girl has enriched our lives beyond our wildest dreams," Ferrandino said in speech on the opening day of the 2013 Legislative session. "And you get a different perspective on life when you're changing diapers in the speaker's office."


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Johannesburg – If there is a measure of solace after Bafana Bafana’s early exit from the African Nations Championship (Chan), it is that the Absa Premiership’s leading lights, Kaizer Chiefs and Mamelodi Sundowns, can go at each other full throttle at Loftus Stadium on Thursday night, without international pressures looming on the horizon.
A stellar fixture such as this deserved better than to be stuck in the middle of an international tournament, and while they may not admit it in public, Amakhosi and the Brazilians must be privately relieved that their international stars are back in the fold to stay, ahead of a battle for the title that promises to go down to the wire.
It remains to be seen how the psychological scars of an early Chan exit have affected the Chiefs and Sundowns’ Bafana players, or if fitness will rule any of them out of this evening’s clash.
Chiefs have already had a run-in with Bafana over an injury to goalkeeper and captain Itumeleng Khune, but after missing the Nigeria game on Sunday, it seems likely that he will be back for the Amakhosi on Thursday.
Bernard Parker is in such goalscoring form that it would surely be impossible for Stuart Baxter to rest him tonight, while the Chiefs coach perhaps has more tricky decisions to make with regard to central defender Tefu Mashamaite and winger Siphiwe Tshabalala.
Baxter must also decide whether to give new signing George Maluleka his debut in midfield this evening.
As for Sundowns, Pitso Mosimane has already felt the pinch of Chan, with midfielder Jabulani Shongwe picking up a groin injury before Bafana had kicked a ball. It remains to be seen if Shongwe has recovered in time for tonight’s game, while Mosimane will have to make a decision over Bryce Moon, Hlompho Kekana and Katlego Mashego, all back from Bafana duty.
Sundowns at least have a larger squad of quality players to fall back on, should the Bafana players be deemed not ready.
Cuthbert Malajila, for example, would be a more than suitable candidate to replace Mashego, while in midfield, Bongani Zungu and Teko Modise could stand in for Kekana and Shongwe.
Ironically, for all their squad power, it is Sundowns who rather stalled in their title campaign towards Christmas, allowing Chiefs to steal a march in the race for the title.
Mosimane’s side picked up just two points from their last three league games before the break, while Chiefs picked up maximum points from the equivalent amount of matches, extending their winning Absa Premiership run to six games.
The reigning champions have thus pulled five points clear of the Brazilians, and though Mosimane’s men do have a game in hand, an Amakhosi win would certainly create noticeable daylight between them and the Brazilians.
As such, the pressure is firmly on Sundowns at home to start the new year with a bang.
Another side under pressure to record a victory is Orlando Pirates, who travel to AmaZulu just a few days after a slightly embarrassing home defeat to SuperSport United.
The Buccaneers missed a host of chances to kill off Matsatsantsa, before eventually being sunk by a couple of sucker punches, and surely cannot afford similar profligacy in Durban this evening, as they seek to make up ground in the title race.
AmaZulu did nick a 1-0 win over Pirates in Orlando in the two sides’ first league game of the season, former Buccaneer Bongani Ndulula nicking a winner for Craig Rosslee’s side. Usuthu had a decent, if inconsistent first half of the season, though their away form was their main bonus, AmaZulu winning just two of their seven home league games thus far.


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In simple words, the dynamics of every industry across the globe have changed after the debut of COVID 19. This is the main reason why many companies have collapsed, and several have witnessed a sudden spark in their revenue. One such industry that has witnessed a staggering increase in the interest of the public is none other than CBD. If you don’t know, CBD, which stands for cannabidiol, is an active ingredient of the cannabis plant. Traditionally, cannabis leaves were boiled and chewed by the locals. Now, there are several ways to consume it. Because CBD stands concrete with several proven health benefits, it is being used for several reasons. Here, in this feature, we will evaluate the strong connection of this compound with anxiety and how it has managed to grab massive global attention.
How is CBD Related to Anxiety?
Anxiety is a rampantly thriving issue, which has encapsulated a large part of the global population. This is why people are looking for herbs because they are cheap and can easily enhance the quality of their lives. Secondly, as the number of people suffering from anxiety continues to increase every day, people are looking for organic ways to seek help.
If you don’t know, CBD has endocannabinoids, which are often chanted as pain receptors. So when you consume CBD in any form, the body immediately starts feeling better. Secondly, because COVID 19 has taken a big toll on the mental health of several individuals across the globe, CBD is an ultimate lifesaver. Experts believe, around 400 million people suffer from anxiety globally, and with coronavirus being omnipresent right now, this figure is a negligible estimation. People who consume CBD claim that it declutters the mind from stress and can bring positive changes in their moods.
Has CBD Consumption Increased During COVID 19?
When coronavirus hit the world, the WHO declared it a global health emergency, and several countries decided to observe a complete shutdown of everything. This affected millions of people in a negative way because no one had prior experience of making peace with such a situation. Especially for those who are out there, it was hard and still is to cut off from their social life.
This is why the global dependence on CBD has increased amidst COVID 19. People are incorporating it into food items, desserts, beverages, snacks, and skincare products. Because CBD can provide relief from stress and much more, this compound has become a rage during the global pandemic.
Secondly, despite the prices of CBD products rising, consumption hasn’t decreased. For instance, if you visit an online platform like VSAVI, you will be astonished to see that they are selling CBD products for consumers without any turbulence.
Not to forget, CBD is everywhere and a cheap compound. This is why people haven’t stopped consuming it in different forms. Households with high incomes have increased their CBD consumption because it is nothing but a tip of the iceberg for them when it comes to splurging on organic compounds.
Currently, CBD stands concrete as a billion-dollar industry and is expected to become mainstream in the next five years. Experts believe fanatic consumers increased their CBD consumption by 32% when coronavirus hit the world. This means the popularity of CBD doesn’t seem to come down any sooner, even during the time of a global pandemic. Although, when coronavirus affected the world, there was a huge discussion if it would have a negative impact on the global CBD industry. Luckily, the demand increased, and the industry didn’t get shattered.


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- Ladies Gear
Ladies Motorcycle Clothing
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Waxed Cotton motorcycle jackets
Waxed Cotton motorcycle jackets were some of the very earliest motorcycle jackets, from companies like Barbour and Belstaff, were made from wax cotton. Initially they were used by sailors. Today, wax cotton is very much in fashion, but it’s also very practical. A wax cotton motorcycle jacket does not easily absorb moisture. In fact, rain tends to run off it. But if you combine a wax cotton outer with a waterproof membrane, you can end up with a very high level of waterproofing. But practical as wax cotton can be as a material for a motorcycle jacket, its popularity is linked to its classic heritage. Today, the best of wax cotton jackets are, without doubt, Belstaff jackets. They make the best. You can wear wax cotton jacket on a classic bike, on a modern retro, a custom bike, or indeed any kind of naked motorcycle. McGregor and Boorman also made wax cotton very popular with adventure bike riders. Wax cotton makes for a great jacket that you can wear all year round.
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LAKE ELSINORE ---- The Lakes at Summerly golf course will host a benefit Friday to help Nick Fener, who was critically injured in a sky-diving accident in Perris in late May.
The event, hosted by the golf course and SkyDive Elsinore, will feature a sky dive onto the course where pre-purchased golf balls will be dropped over the 18th fairway. Each ball will be numbered, and the one that lands closest to a special hole on that fairway will win.
Money from the total sales will be split between the owner of the golf ball and Fener. The winner must be present to claim the prize.
All balls must be purchased by the end of the business day Wednesday.
The event, which begins at 6 p.m., will also feature food and drink and live reggae music.
Links at Summerly is at 29381 Village Parkway. For moreinformation about the event or to purchase a ball, call951-674-3900 or email email@example.com .

domain: sports


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Substantially made from materials sourced in the UK, these batting leg guards set the industry standard. With a string of firsts: anti-bacterial fabrics, shock resistant foams, patented hooks and loops; these are meant to stand the test of time. Investment in your game sums up this leg guard. These leg guards, ideal for Test and County Players, are made for younger cricketers.
Materials substantially sourced in the UK
100% Hand crafted with patented hooks and loops
Patented anti-bacterial & anti-allergy foam
Double reinforced EVA padding and pre-moulded reinforced knee bolsters

domain: design


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Channel 5 & DSP make a return journey with ‘The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard’
Channel 5 signals green for a second series of primetime documentary ‘The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard’
Channel 5 and DSP, part of Endemol Shine Group, have today announced they have ordered a second series of observational documentary The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard, doubling the commission to 6×60’ episodes.
The series will again go behind the scenes of the world’s most popular heritage steam railway, The North Yorkshire Moors Railway. This time it will focus on the engineering skills required to keep a fleet of steam engines running, as well as the staff who work tirelessly to keep the railway on schedule and the customers happy.
Lucy Willis, commissioner at Channel 5, said “I was delighted with the success of the first series and I’m looking forward to a second series of wonderful nostalgia, engineering challenges and heartwarming stories all set against the stunning back drop of the North Yorkshire Moors.”
Emily Dalton and Donna Clark, Co-Managing Directors of DSP said “The first series of The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard really resonated with audiences, and we are thrilled to be taking them back again in more detail, more episodes and more brilliant stories for series 2”
The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard is produced by DSP (We’re Doomed: The Dad’s Army Story, Dave Allen Peace At Last and The Mill).
The Yorkshire Steam Railway: All Aboard is produced by DSP (Lady Jane Grey, Dave Allen at Peace and Ill Gotten Gains).
Commissioned by Lucy Willis, Commissioning Editor for Channel 5.
It is series produced by Marcus Sulley.
The series will air next year.


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As the concept of mindfulness gains popularity in the workplace, there is a need to understand the extent to which mindfulness-related practices are integrated into training and development activities and the impact of these practices on employees and organizations. The purpose of this study is to provide an overview of the scope of mindfulness as an intervention in the workplace and to identify outcomes of mindfulness-related training activities at the individual, job/work, team/group and organizational levels.
Torraco (2005) and Briner and Denyer's (2012) four steps (search, selection, analysis and synthesis) for conducting an integrative literature review were used for this study. This method enabled us to compare and contrast relevant articles, integrate distributed information, create new knowledge and provide research directions on mindfulness practices in work settings.
Through a revision of 28 empirical studies, the authors found that mindfulness-based training is an effective intervention for organizations to improve mental health, wellbeing and performance of employees. A total of 51 significant outcomes of mindfulness-related training categorized at the individual (23), job/work (17), group/team (7) and organizational (4) levels were identified.
Despite the benefits of mindfulness training, according to the research, only a handful of organizations have rolled-out this program for employees. The authors recommend that industry leaders and managers take a proactive approach and incorporate mindfulness-related practices as part of their professional development training for employees at all levels to improve personal and professional growth and performance.
This paper extends the emerging literature on mindfulness by providing a comprehensive summary of the consequences of mindfulness training at a multilevel context within the human resource development domain.
Johnson, K.R., Park, S. and Chaudhuri, S. (2020), "Mindfulness training in the workplace: exploring its scope and outcomes", European Journal of Training and Development, Vol. 44 No. 4/5, pp. 341-354. https://doi.org/10.1108/EJTD-09-2019-0156
Emerald Publishing Limited
Copyright © 2020, Emerald Publishing Limited


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The Miami Herald recently interview Summer Rae in promotion for WWE's Total Divas reality show. Summer Rae talked about fans' perception of her currently, and how it might change as the season goes on, her relationship with Renee Young, "The Marine 4", plus how Total Divas has helped bridge the gap between wrestling men and their wives.
Check out some of the highlights from the Total Divas star below:
On fans' perception of her due to Total Divas:
“I think how people view me on the show is going to change throughout the season,” she said. “I think that right now I’ve kind of done some things to rub people the wrong way. I think by the end of the season you are going to see a different side of me.”
On her relationship with Renee Young:
“I think someone who has helped me the most in the locker room has been one of my closest friends,” she said. “[WWE interviewer and host] Renee is just really cool. It’s good to get a non-wrestling, non-diva perspective on matches. She is very funny, good comic relief. We’re kind of buds. I love my Renee Young.”
On her upcoming featured part in "The Marine 4":
“Doing the movie is such a huge opportunity I think for all the divas,” Rae said. “We are breaking into WWE Studios, so I’m very fortunate when it comes to that.”


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Here are the questions from our moderator, Alison Macrina of Library Freedom Project.
Q1 What privacy resources are you offering in your library? This could be trainings, software, policies, or something else.
Q2 What would it take to make you/your library more successful in implementing privacy practices?
Q3 What are your biggest privacy concerns?
Q4 What privacy questions do you have? Are you curious about a particular tool? A news story? Worried about the broad effects of surveillance capitalism? Let's chat!
And stay tuned for an excellent list of resources Alison created for us!!
Please join in! RT and share widely!