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I welcome the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Simon Coveney, to the House. Before we begin, I welcome Órfhlaith Begley, MP for West Tyrone, and Catherine Kelly, MLA for West Tyrone, who are in the Visitors Gallery. I also welcome the family of Councillor Patsy Kelly who are in the Public Gallery. I call the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Coveney.
Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland: Statements
I welcome this opportunity for discussion with the House on the critical issue of dealing with the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland. The key principles of the Government’s approach to that legacy are based on the commitments enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. We must address the legacy of the past and we must remember what happened. We also have a duty to the families of those who lost their lives and those injured to provide whatever justice, truth and healing is possible. Human rights and the rule of law must be upheld for everybody and we must learn the lessons of the past as we seek full reconciliation and, hopefully, a much better future.
In the 21 years since solemn commitments were made to victims and survivors in the Good Friday Agreement, two things have become clear. The first is that translating those principles and promises into a system that can practically deliver what victims and survivors are entitled to expect is immensely complex and politically fraught right across Northern Ireland and, indeed, south of the Border as well. Secondly, failing to get an adequate system in place and, instead, leaving the current unsuitable processes in place in policing, the courts and in politics is simply not sustainable.
Every day that passes without a functioning legacy framework is a day without a prospect of closure for the hundreds of victims’ families who are still waiting for an effective investigation. It is a day without adequate supports for those seriously injured or traumatised and it is a day when policing, public discourse and politics in Northern Ireland remains burdened with the wrongs and the wounds of the past. I want to acknowledge and welcome the family of Councillor Patsy Kelly, who are present with us here today. They are one such family who continue to seek the full truth of Councillor Kelly’s brutal abduction and murder in 1974. The Kelly family met with my officials earlier today and I had the pleasure of meeting with them informally as well. I have directed that my Department offer any assistance possible in the future.
The Government is acutely conscious also of the many people in the South who lost loved ones or were injured in the events of the Troubles. The Government continues actively to pursue with the British Government the implementation of the all-party Dáil motions which call for an independent, international judicial figure to review all original documents held by the British Government regarding the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, as well as other attacks in the South. The Taoiseach and I have valued the opportunity of meeting with representatives of the Justice for the Forgotten group. The Government will continue to work closely with them as we seek that review for the entire record of what happened in the appalling attacks of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. On that day, 33 people were killed. It was the largest loss of life on a single day of the Troubles. Hundreds more were seriously injured. They all deserve answers. There is a need for justice, truth and for closure for victims’ families and for survivors. We will continue proactively to seek progress with the British Government in accordance with the successive Dáil motions that have been passed.
We must also remember that there are many victims of the Troubles in Britain who also have the right to acknowledgment and to whatever justice, truth and healing is possible in their tragic cases. I am conscious, for instance, of the 21 families in Birmingham who are at present going through the inquest proceedings into the pub bombings in 1974. While the impact of the Troubles is most profound in Northern Ireland, the bereavement and the pain for each family is no less, wherever people live. That is at the core of the Government’s approach to dealing with the past. We have now had more than ten years of virtually continuous efforts to agree and implement a legacy framework in Northern Ireland, from the Eames Bradley process onwards.
In December 2014, after 11 weeks of intensive political talks, the Stormont House Agreement was finally reached. It provides for a comprehensive, inclusive approach to dealing with our troubled past. The Stormont House legacy framework includes an historical investigations unit to conduct Article 2-compliant investigations into all outstanding Troubles-related deaths. It also includes an independent commission on information retrieval that will operate on a cross-Border basis and enable families to seek, and privately receive, information about the Troubles-related deaths of their next of kin. This commission will be fully accessible to people in Northern Ireland, in Great Britain and in this jurisdiction, as confirmed in the treaty signed by the two Governments on the independent commission on information retrieval in 2015. There will be an oral history archive for people throughout the UK and Ireland to share experiences and narratives related to the Troubles. There will also be an implementation and reconciliation group to oversee the legacy process, draw lessons, and contribute to reconciliation, a better understanding of the past and reducing sectarianism.
The two Governments, and the political parties in Northern Ireland, have spent the years since the Stormont House Agreement developing the legacy framework in full. Detailed draft implementing legislation is almost at the point where it can be considered by the legislatures in each jurisdiction. The British Government held a public consultation on the draft UK legislation last summer.
There were many thousands of responses, including from many victims and survivors in this jurisdiction. These are now in the final stages of review and a response from the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland will follow.
After many years, we are within touching distance I hope of finally putting a functioning system in place for dealing with the past in Northern Ireland, with important elements also accessible for victims and survivors across both jurisdictions. Nobody is saying this system will be perfect and that it can satisfy everyone but it will be vastly better than a status quo that is manifestly not meeting the needs of victims and survivors and is not fit for purpose. We must get the Stormont House framework in place and soon. Both Governments, as well as political parties, must give leadership on this, and we must keep the needs of victims and survivors to the fore and take the necessary steps to get the Stormont House framework established in law in both jurisdictions as soon as possible. The Government will not be found wanting on this.
The drafting of legislative proposals in this jurisdiction to support and implement the Stormont House framework is advancing, led by my colleague, the Minister for Justice and Equality. The Government has already published a general scheme of a Bill to provide for enhanced co-operation with legacy inquests in Northern Ireland, and a draft Bill is currently being finalised. This legislation will be of immediate relevance for the ongoing inquest into the Kingsmill massacre at the Belfast Coroners Court and any other legacy inquests in cases with a cross-Border dimension. Draft legislation is also being advanced to provide for the establishment of the independent commission on information retrieval. I will also continue to engage with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and with the political parties to support a move ahead to a legislative phase as soon as possible, taking account of issues raised in the recent consultation while remaining fully consistent with the Stormont House Agreement framework of course.
We cannot have more long processes. Victims and survivors have been waiting for far too long already, and I have met many of them. In this respect it is very welcome that the Department of Justice in Northern Ireland was able to announce last month that the necessary resources will be in place so that the outstanding legacy inquests in Northern Ireland relating to 93 deaths can be heard, consistent with the proposals of the Lord Chief Justice in Northern Ireland in 2016 and following on from the ruling of the High Court in Northern Ireland in the Hughes case. There are a number of other cases and court rulings in Northern Ireland which have highlighted the failings of the current systems, in particular the unsustainable burden that is placed on the Police Service of Northern Ireland to investigate the past when it should be focused on policing for today. This was underlined once again by the concerning announcement last month that the PSNI discovered significant new material for legacy investigations being conducted by the Police Ombudsman, with up to 30 cases affected, and with families now waiting even longer for the conclusion of the ombudsman’s reports. My thoughts are with those families, and the many others who are being forced to grapple with the current unsuitable system. They should not have to go through the courts to vindicate their rights or have to wait for the conclusion of investigations not adequately resourced under the current system. We must press forward so that court rulings and campaigns are no longer needed.
In this context I want to also acknowledge the family of Mr. Pat Finucane, who have had to campaign unceasingly over the past 30 years to seek to establish the full facts behind his brutal murder. The Taoiseach and I have been glad to meet the Finucane family in recent months. The Government’s position is that a public inquiry is required in the case of Pat Finucane in accordance with the commitments of the two Governments at Weston Park in 2001. This position has been significantly reinforced by the judgment of the UK Supreme Court last month, which made a declaration in favour of Geraldine Finucane that there has still not been an Article 2-compliant investigation into her husband’s murder. The Government will keep engaging with the British Government until there is a satisfactory outcome in the Finucane case and we remain in ongoing contact with the Finucane family, who continue to campaign, like so many other families, with courage, dignity and resilience to seek truth and justice.
The Stormont House Agreement provisions on dealing with the past commence with the affirmation of a set of principles which include upholding the rule of law, compliance with human rights and acknowledging and addressing the suffering of victims and survivors. That means that there can be no hierarchy of victims in the process. Regardless of the circumstances, there is a requirement to investigate a death. We know that the majority of those who lost their lives in the Troubles were killed by paramilitary groups but this process cannot be about numbers. Every case, regardless of the circumstances, is a life cut short and a bereaved family and community left behind. It is not for governments to say that the suffering of one family is of greater or lesser worth than that of another.
The principles of the Stormont House Agreement also mean that there can be no amnesties. It is important to be very clear about that at the present time. All deaths must be properly investigated and prosecuted in compliance with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights, regardless of the perpetrator. In this regard, the decision announced by the Public Prosecution Service of Northern Ireland that a former soldier will be prosecuted for the murder of James Wray and William McKinney and for the attempted murders of Joseph Friel, Michael Quinn, Joe Mahon and Patrick O’Donnell on Bloody Sunday in 1972 was a significant moment. I emphasise that this announcement is part of the operation of due legal process. It is important that nothing is said or done by anyone that could be seen to prejudice that process.
As we know, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland recently made what she later acknowledged herself were some very wrong, insensitive and hurtful remarks in Westminster. These were a cause of deep concern and did a grave disservice to victims' families, who lost loved ones at the hands of state forces and who continue to seek justice and truth decades after their tragic loss. This includes the families of the 14 innocent people who were killed in Derry on Bloody Sunday in 1972, the Ballymurphy families in 1971 and many others. The Government will continue to support their honourable and dignified campaigns for truth and justice. It is important that the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has since confirmed again that where there is any evidence of wrongdoing, this should be pursued without fear or favour, whoever the perpetrators might be, and that this is and will remain the basis of the British Government's approach to dealing with legacy issues. I strongly support her in that.
The Irish Government has been clear that we would not support any proposal to introduce amnesties for state or non-state actors. I reiterated that to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland at our last meeting in London two weeks ago. The Government will also continue to engage with the British Government and with the political parties to get the Stormont House Agreement legacy institutions in place as quickly as possible. This has to be an imperative for both Governments so that victims and survivors can access whatever truth and justice is possible in their case, and to support the achievement of a reconciled society in Northern Ireland, which is ultimately what this is all about.
I look forward to hearing the views of Senators on these most important issues for this island, North and South.
I welcome the Minister to the House and commend him on his speech, which was balanced, reasonable and sensitive. This is a very sensitive area and I will certainly follow the Minister's line in that respect. We all have our own opinions about what happened in the North and this is not really the place to give vent to those. I welcome our visitors and sympathise with them and all others who have been touched by the violence in Northern Ireland. I hope they will achieve closure at the end of it all.
The events in Northern Ireland over a 30-year period have marked the people of the North first and foremost, but also the entire nation and these islands. G. K. Chesterton once said of the Irish that all our wars are merry and all our songs are sad. There was nothing merry about the conflict in Northern Ireland. It must have been one of the most horrific periods of sustained sectarian violence probably anywhere in the world. Wrong was committed on all sides, including by the British authorities and the Stormont authorities, and great wrong was also committed by the paramilitaries on both sides, who thought that they were beyond the law and could act on their own volition to take human life just because they believed in a cause. The violence in Northern Ireland was not inevitable. It was most unfortunate that the work of people such as John Hume, Seamus Mallon and the SDLP and the People's Democracy, which was a non-violent protest, was not allowed to continue to full fruition before it became a sectarian shoot-out between two sides who showed no signs of humanity for each other, for women or for children. Terrible atrocities were committed on all sides, and as the Minister has said, there is no hierarchy in loss of life. Every life is precious. Every bereavement was special, whether someone was killed by the British Army, by the IRA or by loyalist paramilitaries; death is a death.
I live in County Kerry, which is probably as far away from the North as one can get. I had no first-hand experience other than what I saw on television as a teenager growing up. It came close to my family with the murder of Garda Jerry McCabe in west Limerick. His father and my father were close personal friends. That was a big shock to us. For many people of my generation, it was the time we finally said goodbye and parted ways with any sympathy for that kind of paramilitary activity, whether it came from the national side or the unionist side.
I recommend a book to anybody who wishes to study the genesis of what happened in Northern Ireland, which I re-read recently. It is called Fatal Path and it was written by Professor Ronan Fanning. He takes up the "Irish question", as the British love to call it, from Gladstone's Home Rule Bill of 1886 right through to the Anglo-Irish Treaty. There is no question or doubt in that book that partition in this country was not created by the British or by us; partition was created specifically at the request and insistence of Ulster unionists. They did not want the other three Ulster counties. They had plenty in the six, which they could handle. They got their way. They tried to oppose home rule for all of us at one stage. When they realised that was not going to happen, they decided to cut down on what they were looking for - "Let them have home rule, but we will have our own rule". When they got their chance to have their own government, they abused it. There was total discrimination against Catholics at every level, including housing, education and social welfare. The only alternative for Catholics was to get out, but there were too many Catholics to get out. That is what started it and there was no doubt about that. We are not here to talk about who started or finished it. We are here to deal with the outstanding issues so that we can give closure and a sense of conclusion to everybody, especially those who were bereaved in some way.
Recently the Public Prosecution Service of Northern Ireland decided to prosecute one soldier. As the Tánaiste said, this is sub judice and I will not comment on that. It was a major disappointment to many of the other families. We will have to see how the case progresses and what comes out of it. Bloody Sunday was probably the greatest single atrocity of the conflict, especially as it was carried out by the state authority, and clearly with collusion involving the upper levels of the British Army and Government. As the Tánaiste said, we will not comment further on this at this time.
It is interesting to consider the South African experience where decades of apartheid came to an end. There was a great deal of hatred and bitterness there. They set up a truth and reconciliation department. I am not saying they did everything superbly well but it has succeeded to the extent that the South African experience has been used and replicated in many other countries in Africa to try to bring conflict resolution about. If they can do it there, I do not see any reason we cannot do it here.
The fact that there is no Assembly in the North at the moment is a significant hurdle to achieving reconciliation and peace. If the major parties cannot agree to work together for the common good, how can one expect that there will be equity and equality of respect and understanding for the communities? If the politicians have failed, one cannot expect the ordinary communities to take up this role.
Despite what I have said, there has been great work at community level on both sides of the divide. Northern Ireland remains a bizarre, unnatural entity. We still have to have peace walls and there seems to little sign of engagement, particularly at political level. We are politicians and we know that everything in politics is difficult. At some stage one has to deal with people. As Churchill said: "To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war". I urge that the major parties in the North get serious and get down to restoring the Assembly there. Both the Irish and British Governments have been somewhat remiss as well. It is a good many years since the Stormont House Agreement was reached. It is five years since it was put in place and there has been a great deal of foot-dragging. I am not saying the Minister's Government-----
The Senator is well over his time now.
-----or the British Government is the cause, but because there is a vacuum in the North, perhaps we have to do a lot more down here.
Unike Senator O'Sullivan, I grew up some 40 miles from the Border in Boyle, County Roscommon. One of the great days of my life was the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985. I had just come back from Australia and Garrett FitzGerald was a hero of mine. The Anglo-Irish Agreement was not perfect. It failed to achieve reconciliation among the two communities and to stop political violence but it was the cornerstone of the Good Friday Agreement, which for more than 20 years has been ensuring peace on this island. My party has consistently worked to achieve a peaceful and prosperous future for the people of this island, North and South. In government, we helped secure the Sunningdale Agreement, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Stormont House Agreement and the Fresh Start Agreement. We will continue to work with the parties in the North and with the British Government, as we seek to ensure that devolution is restored and that Northern Ireland's voice is heard again at this critical time. We are committed to this work, no matter how many setbacks may arise or how long it takes. This is a shared island with a shared future. We want to shape that future together, working together for the benefit of all of our people. Our vision for the island of Ireland embraces all identities, religions and minorities. Fine Gael has always been about building relationships and bringing communities and people together.
We must recognise that unionism is integral to Irish culture, heritage and history. Comprehensive progress on legacy issues concerning the Troubles is crucial to meeting the legitimate needs and expectations of victims and survivors and contributing to broader societal reconciliation as an integral part of the peace process. The Government will continue to engage in support of that, consistent with its role and responsibilities as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. A Programme for A Partnership Government commits to building on the progress made to establish the comprehensive institutional framework for dealing with the past that is provided for under the 2014 Stormont House Agreement, keeping the needs of the victims and survivors at the core of its approach. Victims and survivors have had to wait for far too long for a suitable and effective system in Northern Ireland to deal with the legacies of the Troubles. During the ten years since the commencement of the Eames-Bradley process in June 2007, successive efforts have been made to address legacy issues, particularly to meet the legitimate needs and expectations of victims and survivors. However, this is still sought and urgently needed. We have engaged extensively with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and with all the political parties to support a way forward in implementing the comprehensive legacy framework agreed under the Stormont House Agreement. The Secretary of State agreed on the imperative of moving ahead with full implementation of the Stormont House Agreement.
I was very concerned by the announcement by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland on 14 February of receipt of significant new materials from the PSNI. The ombudsman indicated that the discovery of the new materials will delay the publication of the report into events connected to actions of loyalist paramilitaries in the north west between 1988 and 1994. Our thoughts are first and foremost with all the families affected. This is a most difficult and anxious time for each family affected, as they must now wait even longer for the ombudsman's report into their cases. It is important to allow the ombudsman, Mr. Michael Maguire, the necessary space to complete the investigation, taking account of the newly uncovered material. I hope the Government will keep this matter under very close review in the period ahead. The development makes clear that the Stormont House Agreement framework is urgently needed in order to provide a comprehensive process for addressing legacy investigations and issues in Northern Ireland which is focused on the needs of victims and survivors. I ask the Minister and the Government to continue to engage with the British Government and the political parties in Northern Ireland to seek the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement as soon as possible.
The Minister has said that we must address the legacies of the past and remember what happened. We have a duty to the families of those who lost their lives and those who were injured to provide whatever justice, truth and healing is possible. Moreover, human rights and the rule of law must be upheld for everyone. We need to learn the lessons of the past. Reconciliation will build a better future. We have been very concerned, and an all-party Dáil motion has called for an independent international judicial figure to review all original documents held by the British Government on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and other attacks in the South. The Minister rightly said that we are conscious of the 21 families in Birmingham who are currently going through inquest proceedings concerning the pub bombings in 1974. It is a huge issue for each family, no matter where they live.
I had the pleasure of meeting with the family of councillor Patsy Kelly. His son, Mr. Patsy Kelly Jnr., gave a very measured and emotive outline of what happened to his father. I hope that we will call on the British Government to make a full disclosure on those awful events. As has been said, there have been several cases and court rulings in Northern Ireland which have highlighted the failings of the current system, in particular the unsustainable burden of investigating the past which has been placed on the PSNI when it should be focused on present-day policing.
The Secretary of State recently made remarks which were insensitive, hurtful and wrong. They were of huge concern. Victims were very upset. I was in Westminster at an event held by CHAMP, which brings politicians from the two islands, North and South, east and west, together to celebrate St. Patrick's Day. The Secretary of State apologised for those remarks. She noted how extremely hurtful they were. I felt that it was a sincere apology. She made a grave error of judgment, but I welcomed that apology. I have been to the inquest into the deaths of those killed at Ballymurphy in Belfast in 1971, attended by their families. I refer also to the 14 people killed in Derry on Bloody Sunday in 1972. We will continue to support those dignified campaigns for truth and justice. The Kelly family has a very dignified campaign, represented here today.
We in the west of Ireland were not directly impacted by the Troubles and the conflict in that awful 30 years of murder and mayhem. We always felt it was not our problem, but indeed it was. It was a problem for the island of Ireland and for the two islands, and we have come an awfully long way in the 21 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. I hope we can deal with the legacies of the past and increase the friendship and understanding across all political strands. We will have an agreed Ireland where we will co-operate and work together, as well as an agreed two islands, with the friendship between our island and the United Kingdom as good as ever. My father worked there for most of his life, like most Irishmen from the west of Ireland. They worked hard and they were part of the Irish diaspora.
I thank the Minister for coming to the House to speak about this most important matter. I welcome the family of councillor Patsy Kelly. Much has been said by the Minister and by those who have already spoken. Many people in the South speak about the North of Ireland. I refer to people who have never visited and have never been across the Border in their lives. The only thing they can tell one about Northern Ireland is that the Giant's Causeway is there, and yet they speak with great authority. I must say that since Deputy Coveney took over as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade he has been extremely sensitive in the work he has done in Northern Ireland. He has been forthright and honest in his dealings with the North. It is disappointing that there is no Assembly in the North of Ireland. It is particularly disappointing that the last attempt collapsed, allegedly over the Irish language, when in east Belfast some 600 people from the unionist community are studying the Irish language. It is one of the paradoxes that exists in the North of Ireland, and it is rather sad.
There are unanswered questions on all sides. The Minister put it really well when he said there is no hierarchy when we are talking about death and murder. I fully support the opening up of information on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and finding out who was behind them. I fully support also finding out exactly what went on at Ballymurphy. In regard to the Bloody Sunday findings, it is rather disappointing that one soldier has been identified out of all those involved on that day. Having served in the military myself, I question the senior people in charge that day. What decisions were made? What orders were given? Who took decisions? Was there panic on the day? Did somebody lose control? It seems we will never get the answers to those questions, but one soldier will face a court. For many people that is not enough.
I cannot begin to imagine what those who were taken out of their houses or forced into corners felt in the last few minutes of their lives. I refer to those on both sides, because there were atrocities on both sides.
I cannot begin to understand the pain of the Kelly family who are here today. Probably at this stage, all they want to know is what happened.
We were fortunate recently to have had two visits to Northern Ireland during which Senator Ó Donnghaile brought us around. We met people who simply want an answer, to know what happened and the truth. They are not necessarily vying for blood or for people to go to jail. They just want to know the truth. There is probably a strong case for some sort of a truth commission, similar to what took place in South Africa, where people can come forward and tell the story as they saw it.
There are great people on both sides in Northern Ireland trying to bring communities together. As we face into what is likely to be an unsettled period in British-Irish relations with Brexit approaching, it is extremely important we support those civic groups which want to move forward and find a solution. There has even been talk on the unionist side about a 32-county republic and where they see that in ten, 15 or 20 years' time. I do not believe any of them would be running for a Border poll now but they accept that in the future that is the likely outcome. Accordingly, we must build relationships. The Government is doing much of that already.
Much was done in the Good Friday Agreement. Then, collectively, we clapped ourselves on the back and said that is it, we have peace in our time and everything is going well. There are academics in Northern Ireland, however, who feel that the right to an Irish passport is not enough and that we have not bestowed full citizenship on those who obtain an Irish passport. They do not have any rights in elections on this side of the Border or have any control over who gets elected to what. On the southern side of the Border we have a significant amount of work to do.
I urge the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to keep the pressure on the Dublin-Monaghan bombings issue. Nothing would suit more than to have a reputable member of an international judiciary review those files and release whatever information is available. I honestly do not believe, however, that will be allowed to happen in the UK.
The war that was fought in the North of Ireland was a dirty war. Dirty wars have fault on all sides. In my view, there were three sides. There were the nationalists and unionists but there were those employed in official positions on both sides of the Border. We hear much about collusion on one side but there was collusion on both sides. It should not be forgotten that two RUC men were executed on their way home from this side of the Border. It must not be forgotten that there was collusion on both sides of the Border and that it was a dirty war. That is part of the problem in trying to clean up what is left.
People are entitled to answers but we must walk steadily as we seek to get those answers. Our goal should be to bring communities together. The only way to solve the problem of bringing communities together is if we provide answers to those who lost their loved ones. I am not 100% convinced that people want to see court cases, jail and all that for the atrocities carried out. There may be some. However, history shows in South Africa, for example, that people just want answers and not to vie for the blood of those who committed atrocities. There is a willingness on the part of the Government and every other party to meet the families concerned and to listen to their stories. It is a pity that some of the unionist families do not come down here more often and talk about their pain and hurt. We need to hear all sides and find a solution.
I will support everything the Government does to move matters forward. I look forward to the day we have an Assembly again in Northern Ireland and interparliamentary groups where we can have open and frank discussions with one another. I hope to see all of these come in the near future. I will not criticise anybody for not being in the Assembly. I do not live there and I do not have to deal with the issues which prevent them from going from one side to the other. I pray, however, that they will find a way to sit and talk together. I spoke earlier today to Deputy Adams. The risks men like him, Martin McGuinness and Ian Paisley took, particularly on the nationalist side to meet their unionist brothers on the other side, took fierce courage. We should never ever question it. I ask that we do everything to keep it going.
I thank the Leader for facilitating our request for these important statements. The importance of the legacy of conflict in Ireland did not come to pass 50 years ago. It goes back much further and runs much deeper. Senator Ned O'Sullivan posed the question earlier of what started it in the North all those decades ago. There is not one simple answer to that. It is complex and multilayered. What we can point to, however, is a legacy of the conflict, as well as the neglect and abuse that went before that led to that inevitability. The legacy of conflict has shaped the political institutions here and the political parties which make them up. Whether it is Croke Park, Ballyseedy, Béal na Bláth, Ballymurphy or Birmingham, the legacy of conflict has shaped both of these islands and shapes all of us. I hope that, 22 years after the Good Friday Agreement, it has also encouraged us to move beyond the legacy of conflict and to assist families and all victims to move on to right and proper reconciliation, truth and peace. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade used the word "healing" in his contribution. It struck me because it was right and was also a word used by Patsy Kelly Junior during the briefing today in the AV room. Patsy was not born when his father was murdered. I understand this is a trying day for his family who are present in the Gallery.
The right to truth and justice, or legacy as it has become known, is one of the defining issues of the peace and political process at this point. It is defined by a lack of progress in terms of relatives who lost loved ones in the conflict getting the truth and justice to which they are entitled. It is defined by the extensive measures that the British Government, assisted by the unionist parties, in particular the DUP, has taken to block access to the truth and justice. It is defined by the British Government's deny-and-delay approach to playing its full role in assisting relatives in their search for the truth and justice. It is defined by the negative impact of the British Government's deny-and-delay approach on one of the most crucial parts of the peace process, namely, a new police service.
The PSNI is facing a crisis of confidence within the nationalist community because of the deny-and-delay tactic. The PSNI is regularly in the courts placing obstacles in the way of relatives accessing intelligence files and other information which would help them. This stance of the PSNI is undermining support for it from the nationalist people. It is also hindering it carrying out its duties unrelated to the conflict. The Chief Constable of the PSNI has said publicly that it is not equipped to deal with legacy. This reality is ignored, however, as the British Government uses the courts to prevent relatives from accessing the information they need. In recent weeks, it has been defined by the outrageous comments of the British Secretary of State, Karen Bradley, to which the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade alluded, when she praised the British Army and said its members who killed did not commit crimes but were in fact upholding the rule of law and doing their duty in a dignified and appropriate way.
Ms Bradley’s offensive remarks were followed by the disgraceful and indefensible decision by the Public Prosecution Service, PPS, to prosecute only one para, soldier "F"’, in respect of two murders and four attempted murders on Bloody Sunday, when the British Army shot dead 14 people. All of this is against the backdrop of Britain's Secretary of State for Defence, Gavin Williamson, saying he would introduce legislation to "protect" former members of the British Crown forces from facing prosecution in Ireland, Iraq and Afghanistan. There is only one word for this and that is "amnesty". I am encouraged to hear the strong remarks from the Tánaiste regarding any such suggestion from the British Government. An amnesty for members of the Crown forces will totally undermine the Stormont House Agreement, which a British Government was involved in and agreed to. While the British Government is stating this and is blocking access to the truth, it agreed, after months of negotiations, which involved the Irish Government and all of the parties in the North, the mechanisms of the Stormont House Agreement. Those carefully worked out mechanisms, while not perfect, were designed to provide the truth and justice that relatives need. Instead of the British Government implementing the Stormont House Agreement, however, it is now telling us, six months after the end of the public consultation on the proposals, that it needs more time to respond to the feedback from that consultation. While this delay and prevarication continues, some relatives are frail and ageing. Many have died not knowing why their loved ones were killed or who was involved in the killing.
The British Government is cynically aware that as time passes more and more relatives are passing. Some suspect the British Government is hoping the issue will pass with them. The opposite, however, is the case and the Tánaiste knows that. The next generation is now joining in the campaigns to help find out the truth and get justice. The British Government is not just being criticised by relatives' organisations but also by those political parties which support them. Recently, the European Committee of Ministers, which supervises the execution of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, delivered yet another criticism of the British Government’s failure to honour its international obligations on key legacy issues. It specifically criticised the British Government’s failure to set up the Stormont House Agreement mechanisms and implement their independence.
It also called on the British Government to respond by 21 June to the British Supreme Court's judgment in the Pat Finucane case. Very recently as well, a judge in Belfast prevented the PSNI from being involved in any further investigation into the death of Jean Smith in 1972. He did so on the basis that the PSNI lacks the independence required to conduct such an investigation. I am referring to a judge of the High Court in Belfast stating that. When we reduce all of this down to the reality of why truth and justice are important, we end up with families like that of the late councillor Patsy Kelly. He was a 33 year old father of five children when on 24 July 1974 he was abducted and murdered. Two weeks after he was abducted, Mr. Kelly's body was found in a lake some miles away. It was weighted down by two 56 lb weights tied with polystyrene rope.
The late councillor Kelly's family believe he was abducted and killed by an Ulster Defence Regiment, UDR, patrol. The Kelly family has been campaigning for the truth about Patsy’s death for decades. They have faced many obstacles put in place, initially by the RUC and subsequently by the PSNI, the British Army and the legal system. Today, the family met officials from the Tánaiste's Department and this afternoon they presented Patsy's case in the audiovisual room. It is long past time for the British Government to adopt a wholly different approach to resolving the legacy issue. It is time for it to implement the Stormont House Agreement and allow the families to access truth and justice. I know and appreciate that the Tánaiste and I are on the same page on this matter. Doing that would allow the families to benefit from the peace process as so many others have done over the last 20 years. They could then feel that same tangible benefit.
I will finish by thanking the Tánaiste for taking the time. He never runs away from these issues, to be fair to him. It would be easy to send someone else but he takes the time to not only meet the families but also to address this issue in the House. While we do not always agree on the nuances of all of this, there has been an upsurge in families seeking to engage the Tánaiste and the Government to assert and affirm their rights to be heard as Irish citizens. We have to move beyond simply bringing the families here. It is a great privilege to do so but I do so reluctantly. That is because I am conscious that it retraumatises the families every time they have to come in, tell their stories and relive those scenarios. That is why it is crucially important that these mechanisms are delivered on. We will talk about it and, hopefully, we will agree in these Houses. I have no doubt that we will. It has now reached the point, however, where the Government has to redouble its efforts because of the crucial juncture we are now at. I know we have a friend in the court in the form of the Tánaiste.
Cuirim fáilte roimh na cuairteoirí sa Ghailearaí. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Tánaiste as ucht an díospóireacht seo a shocrú. In welcoming the families to the Gallery this afternoon, it is important that we remember and thank them for their work. One of the things that has struck many of us has been the dignity of the families concerning Bloody Sunday and the way in which they have campaigned with absolute integrity. Former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, spoke on the anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement about how we cannot necessarily forget the past but we can also not let it decide the future. That is why it is important, at the beginning of my contribution, to thank the Tánaiste for the work he has done and is doing. It is imperative we acknowledge that work.
Some of the commentariat make comments about my party’s position regarding the North of our country, but the Tánaiste has been very firm, very clear and very focused in building bridges and engaging with people there. In some cases, he has done that in a very quiet manner that nobody is aware of. He has opened up doors and, on occasion, firmly communicated the viewpoint of the Irish Government. I state that as somebody who has canvassed in the North for members of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, SDLP, and the Alliance Party, and as someone who has forged friendships with members of both parties. In my own case, when I was a seminarian in Maynooth, friends of mine were living in the heart of west Belfast and in other parts of the North. There were many regular visits to the North of our country and engagement with the issues there.
Some 20 years later, the Good Friday Agreement is a living agreement. As the former US President, Bill Clinton, said, the Good Friday Agreement is a priceless gift that has inspired the world. There is a duty on all of us, North and South, east and west, and green, white and orange, to live up to that document and to make the most of it. We can all have different viewpoints on the reports that have come out in recent weeks and we can express our disappointment at the decision to prosecute just one soldier, soldier "F", in regard to Bloody Sunday. We can also talk about other issues and other tragedies and travesties of justice. However, it is ultimately about dealing with the legacy issues, giving justice to the families seeking it and recognising the past.
I watched a documentary on Bobby Sands with a number of people recently. There were three different viewpoints among the people in the room and we all watched the same programme. We were all very strong in our views. In my case, I have always been an incrementalist in what I have tried to do in my political life concerning social change and bringing people with us. That is why it is important we have this debate in the House today. This issue is, ultimately, about truth and reconciliation. As Senator Feighan said, this is about this shared Ireland and this shared vision we all want.
I do not want to be adversarial or disparaging in my remarks, but the Tánaiste was right when he called out the leader of the Sinn Féin Party for marching behind that banner on St Patrick’s Day. That is not leadership. That is playing to one side of an argument. I am not being adversarial in stating that and I do not mean to be in my remarks. This is about all of us coming together and working to achieve what many of us and many of the family members in the Gallery want. That is answers. We can only do that by talking and by engagement and not by polarising and being divisive. I refer to both sides in that respect. We can use the excuses of there being no Assembly in the North or the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, and its engagement with Brexit. If we talk to the ordinary people in many parts of the North of our country, however, they want what we want here in the South. They want to be able to live their lives in peace, have a family, see it grow up, see it reared and have prosperity in whatever shape or form that arrives in.
That is why there must be continuing outreach by all of us to engage. Senator Craughwell is right. There are hurlers on the ditch on social media and in other places who have never been beyond the Border. They have never had an interest in the North other than singing rebel songs after a couple of hours wherever. It is about the exchange of ideas. We had the Lord Mayor of Belfast in the Chamber and she gave a fine contribution. When I was Chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Health we travelled north and met our counterparts in the Assembly in the North.
Senator Craughwell and Senator Conway-Walsh spoke last week about working with women in healing division. That is the ultimate point. It is about healing division.
The Tánaiste referred to the Government continuing to engage. That is imperative for both Governments so that victims and survivors can access whatever truth and justice is possible in their cases. It is vital to support the achievement of a reconciled society in Northern Ireland. I cannot put it better than that.
I welcome the family of Councillor Patsy Kelly to the Chamber today and I support their campaign for truth and justice. I appreciate the Tánaiste coming to the House today, especially in the context of the ongoing challenges presented by Brexit.
To be able to look to the future we have to deal with the past. We know this because we have listened to the families of the Bloody Sunday massacre, whom we met again earlier this week, and the families of the Ballymurphy massacre. We attended the inquest as well. We have listened to the families of the Loughinisland massacre. They came down to the House as well. We have listened to the family of Stephen Travers, who we saw on a Netflix film that was recently released. We have listened to the family of Patsy Kelly - they are here today - as well as to Pat Finucane's family and many more families.
One thing that struck me after the recent Bloody Sunday findings was how the families were seeking justice not revenge. The stories, pain, injury and loss from across the political spectrum have to be acknowledged. The views of these families have informed our approach to engaging with the past and building for the future in a victim-centred and respectful manner rooted in equality, dignity and justice.
During the most recent phase of the Stormont negotiations the British Government agreed with Sinn Féin to release the legacy inquest funding requested by the Lord Chief Justice; to commence the consultation on legacy legislation minus reference to the Statue of Limitations; and to establish the Stormont House legacy mechanisms. We know that the way to honour these commitments is the immediate establishment of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. I call on the Tánaiste to play his part in ensuring that is done.
I commend the great civic engagement and the wonderful work being done across communities by so many different groups on this island and in Britain. One such group is the Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Foundation for Peace founded by Colin and Wendy Parry. I had the privilege of meeting Colin Parry several years ago with Martin McGuinness in London. He was one of the most inspirational human beings I have ever had the honour of meeting. He was able to reconcile the pain that he and his family had gone through and yet bring that forward to do such wonderful work with the peace foundation that he subsequently formed.
The Stormont House Agreement, an agreed template for how we can address issues, needs to be implemented. In the meantime, legacy issues remain painful and combative. Republicans continue to be attacked by unionist politicians for remembering our patriot dead. Our party chairman, Declan Kearney, and others have repeatedly said that we have every right to respectfully remember our patriot dead and we respect the rights of others to do the same.
Acts of war can never be romanticised regardless of the wider context in which they occur. Multiple narratives exist about the political conflict in the North, including those of republicans, the British state, unionism, constitutional nationalism and indeed those who purport to suggest that the conflict was nothing to do with them. Sinn Féin accepts this reality and believes our society must move to a point where we can collectively agree to disagree. We must not create a new battleground to fight a war that no longer exists. Sinn Féin is pursuing the establishment of an independent international truth commission. The actions of British state forces and their agents through the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s are part of the reason the past is so contested today. British state opposition to opening the millions of files that disclose information on the actions of its forces and agents has turned the legacy into the slow waltz described by the families affected. That magnifies the pain and suffering of the victims of the conflict.
I welcome the statement from the Tánaiste. In particular, I welcome his comment that all deaths must be properly investigated and prosecuted in compliance with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights regardless of the perpetrator. I thank the Tánaiste for the work he has done to date. I am encouraged by much of the work he has done. It is our responsibility - by which I mean all of us collectively, including the Irish Government, the British Government and all of us as legislators - to ensure we have peace and reconciliation and prioritise the structures that are needed to put these in place so that people are not bound by the past.
I thank the Tánaiste for coming to the House and taking this important debate. I know the case of Patsy Kelly has been raised already. That is only one of the many legacy issues. They are referred to as legacy issues but they are still murders. They are simply uninvestigated murders in many cases. A historical inquiries team was set up to investigate many of these but they really should be murder inquiries. We saw recently the decision by the British Government to only prosecute one of the paratroopers involved in Bloody Sunday. It is amazing that the British justice system could convict the Birmingham Six, the Guildford Four and the Maguire Seven with no evidence when, with 14 dead bodies, the same system was unable to convict paratroopers involved in Bloody Sunday.
Along with my colleagues I was up in Belfast for the Ballymurphy inquest. It is amazing that an inquest would take so long to be carried out after people were murdered. We will no doubt see a similar farcical process of alleged British justice when it comes to prosecutions in that case. Prosecutions for murder in Northern Ireland seem to depend on whether the person involved was wearing a British uniform.
We also see other legacy issues, including a request from the loyalist side for the Taoiseach to support Raymond McCord. The point is that the Government would not be seen to be partisan in respect of who it seeks justice for because there are people who were murdered in the loyalist community too. Raymond McCord wants the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste to seek a full independent public inquiry into the murder of Raymond McCord Jr., who was killed on the instructions of a paid informer of the RUC special branch. This was done under Operation Ballast, which was a major inquiry by Nuala O’Loan, the then Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. As we all know, it found widespread collusion between the UVF and UDA and the British security services and RUC special branch.
That collusion went all the way to the top. When we are looking for an inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane, we should also seek public inquiries into events such as the murder of Raymond McCord. It is clear that he was murdered. There was a dead body. Everybody knows who carried out the instructions and the murder, yet nothing is happening. Justice is constantly denied to both communities by a system that seems incapable of addressing the most fundamental right of any family which has lost a loved one, namely, that they would get justice and the truth. However, the truth is being denied, as we see in the case of Patsy Kelly, where evidence uncovered in recent years has been withheld from families to ensure that justice is not done.
We need the Government to ensure that there are inquiries into the cases with which we are all familiar such as the Ballymurphy massacre and the murders of Patsy Kelly, Pat Finucane and others. It should also ensure that other families, such as that of Raymond McCord, get the justice they deserve in regard to these issues. We often discuss legacy issues, but these are murders that have never been investigated properly and for which, as a result, there has been a failure to prosecute. This is due to a systematic process within the British Government whereby it is waiting for people who should be prosecuted or who have evidence and would be able to assist in prosecutions to die, with the effect that justice will be denied to the families who are so entitled to it after all these years.
I did not intend to speak on this issue but I wish to say a few words, largely because, thanks to my colleague, Senator Ó Donnghaile, who is beside me, several families of victims have visited the Oireachtas in recent times. It is a privilege to have the family of Patsy Kelly here today. We have met family members affected by the Ballymurphy massacre as well as members of the Finucane family and others. I spoke at the Council of Europe not too long ago on the issue of the heartbreak suffered by families who are waiting and waiting to hear the truth about their loved ones and the fact that, unfortunately, it is clear that there is major obfuscation on the part of the British Government. That is unacceptable on a human basis, apart from anything else.
I wish to acknowledge the contributions of Senators across the Chamber to this debate. The House seems to be, for the most part, at one on this issue. However, the families must continue to wait. I was struck that when I raised the issue at the Council of Europe among my British colleagues, it was met with silence on all sides, which was more than disappointing. Surely, beyond the political challenges there must be a common humanity which we must all embrace. I appeal to the Tánaiste to do everything in his power to ensure that the interminable waiting and suffering does not continue. If he goes about that work, as I am sure he will, he will have the support of all Members of this Chamber.
I thank Senators for the way in which this debate has proceeded. It is appropriate in some ways that members of a family directly involved in this issue are present in the Visitors Gallery. The commentary has been respectful and dignified, which is what we are trying to achieve in this political and cross-community discussion on how we deal with the real challenges of reconciliation which, to be honest, are generational challenges. They will not be met overnight. We need to ensure that the language used in this House and by the Government is balanced and that the examples we use and the victims' families with whom we choose to engage are similarly balanced.
I have had the privilege of meeting families impacted by Bloody Sunday, Ballymurphy and the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, as well as the family of Pat Finucane. Today, I had the privilege of meeting the family of Patsy Kelly. I have also met families affected by the Kingsmill massacre, many of whom do not see me as somebody who wants to help to solve their problem. I have spoken to many unionist families who are deeply concerned by how people who were heavily involved in the Troubles are still commemorated and the language that is used around those commemorations. If we are serious about resolving this issue - and I certainly am - we must bear that in mind. The most important thing in my political career is the impact I hope I can have on Northern Ireland in my current position.
However, we need to try to use different language when we speak to each other because, otherwise, it will remain tribal and identity-based, whereby community members console each other regarding the pain, frustration, anger and sense of injustice that is clearly very strong and genuine within those communities, but that does not reach out across communities. That is very difficult politically. When I speak to unionist or nationalist and republican leaders, I get a deep sense of the obligation they feel to represent the concerns and injustices that apply to many in their communities. When they are set up, the real test of the structures agreed at Stormont House - the historical investigations unit, the independent commission for information retrieval, the oral history archive and the implementation and reconciliation group - will be how communities start talking to each other and how, in time, families can, it is hoped, start relating to each other. That has been evident in some of the work done by victims groups and the ombudsman. However, political parties need to try to also move into that space and think about how the messages they give and reinforce on a weekly and monthly basis are heard by other communities. I do not wish for this to sound like a lecture because it is not meant to be such. The language I use is as important as that used by leaders within communities in political parties.
The Government approach on this issue is as I earlier outlined; it must be equal for everybody. Where possible, we need truth and justice for everybody, regardless of who they are, their background, whether uniforms were worn or in what their families or relations were involved in the past. If we are serious about reconciliation and allowing Northern Ireland to move forward, first and foremost, people have a right to know what happened. As was mentioned, in some cases it will not be possible to secure convictions. However, even in the absence of formal convictions, possibly due to insufficiently strong evidence to secure a conviction, truth is part of the reconciliation process that we need to achieve.
I am deeply committed to this process and will work with the British Government. I will ensure the Irish Government plays its part in terms of the legislation to which we have committed. I am very conscious of the commitments I made to the Kingsmill families regarding legislation which we committed to passing and which will come through this House, as I am very conscious of the commitments I made to the Ballymurphy families and others in terms of supporting comprehensive inquests and structures that can, over time, provide truth, with the funding mechanisms to ensure that happens.
The British Government is committed to that also. I have to say, because it is the truth, that passing legislation on legacy through Westminster is currently complicated and difficult. In some ways, the debate is somewhat one-sided. That poses major dangers and creates genuine concerns, among nationalist communities in particular, because of the lack of a voice to create balance in the debate in Westminster. I am not getting into the issues of taking up seats in Westminster and so on; that is a totally different debate. I accept the perspectives of different people on it. Whatever way one describes it, however, there is not a balanced debate on this issue and, therefore, the Secretary of State faces genuine challenges in ensuring legislation that is fully balanced and fair and takes into account all sides equally. She is committed to achieving that. She knows she made a real mistake but she wants to move on from that and reassure people that she can achieve what is required in a way that is balanced and fair. I have had long conversations with her about that. As I stated before, Ms Karen Bradley is a good person and I can and will work with her.
I reassure all parties in this House that the Government's perspective, which I outlined, is very clear and will be argued very strongly. If the legislation moves in the wrong direction, we will call that out. We have an obligation to do so. We will continue to work with the British Government where we can on other outstanding issues, such as the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, and we will do what we need to do here to try to reassure families who may regard the Irish Government as an entity that has questions to answer in regard to cross-Border co-operation, potential collusion and so on so that we can ensure that we can contribute to the inquests taking place on a cross-Border basis and a cross-jurisdictional basis. This is very difficult to do internationally and there is not much precedent for it but that is what we are doing through the legislation, which would effectively allow a member of An Garda Síochána to give evidence to an inquest taking place in Belfast through a court system in Dublin. We are passing legislation to facilitate that in an effort to be fully transparent and in the spirit of co-operation to try to establish the truth for everybody.
I look forward to working with this House on this issue in future debates. There is a range of other points I could make on Northern Ireland, the need for political leadership on reconciliation, and the re-establishment of devolved institutions. It is very hard for the Good Friday Agreement structures to work without those institutions functioning, without North–South ministerial councils functioning, and without political direction for North–South bodies. All of this is creating stagnation in Northern Ireland at best, and polarisation at worst. We have got to change that together.
As has been said, there will be differences of opinion on certain issues and we will call each other out at different times when we believe stupid things have been said. Ultimately, however, we have got to work together across all parties to try to provide a basis for agreement that can start to create positive momentum in Northern Ireland again. It has been absent for far too long. Northern Ireland and the rest of the island of Ireland are in far too vulnerable a place in the context of decisions that are being taken for us not to do what I describe.
Once again, I thank the Kelly family for being here today and for helping to create a better understanding of its own case, experiences, frustrations and tragedies. I hope that, by working together in this House and in the Dáil, and by working with the British Government, we can ensure the legacy structures that are so badly needed for so many families can be put into operation quickly so more people will not pass away without obtaining the truth and justice in respect of the past.


text:
LCDR General Freight Pack
CLICK ON THE ITEM FOR MORE DETAILS
Freight Vehicle general pack comprising LCDR initials (2mm high), Tonnage, Tare lettering and numerals and running numbering (2mm high). This pack contains the basic requirements for lettering and numbering the vast majority of common freight vehicles.
|Model Type||FREIGHT STOCK|
|Period||PRE GROUPING up to 31 December 1922|
|Transfer Type||FREIGHT NAMES/BRANDING DETAILING|

domain: hobby


text:
Check out The Library of Sacred Technologies when it opens April 21. Laura Vena and I will have a pamphlet as part of the library, that is made up of fragments from our collaborative project on the chronovisor and time travel.
The Chronovisor. [download]
Signify, Sanctify, Believe facilitated by Tanya Rubbak, Adam Overton, and Claire Cronin, and featuring the sacred gifts of dozens of contemporary artists, performers, and visionaries, is invested in the temporary, playful exploration of [semi-]fictional religious technologies. Two very special branches will be in residence this Spring: The Saints and Servants of the Order of [Con]Temporary Religious Observance, and The Library of Sacred Technologies.
The Saints and Servants of the Order of [Con]Temporary Religious Observance We sense something in you, something gentle, wise, alive, and ancient. Come … participate in our project, a new religious center full of centers, a temporary haven for creative religious action and thought, where Believers are made and then cast out into the world, only to later believe again in Something Else. Our shared pursuit is to illuminate the relationship between the religious and the creative. We believe that temporary engagement with real and imagined belief systems can lead to heightened and playful awareness in our daily, secular lives. We hope that you might come and be temporarily converted, inducted, or baptized into numerous invented religious orders during our multi-week state of devotion.
Signify, Sanctify, Believe will feature the services, sermons, and invented religious artifacts of dozens of contemporary artists and performers, mostly from Los Angeles.
Albert Ortega, Adam Overton, Alexis Disselkoen, Alise Spinella, Amanda Yates, Amina Cain, Andrew Cox, Andy Robert, Anna Mayer, Asher Hartman, Ayana Hampton, Brian Getnick & Elijah Crampton, Carl Pomposelli, Chris Basset, Christina Ondrus, Claire Cronin, Corey Fogel, Daniel Brummel, Danielle Adair, Dave Weldzius, Davis & Davis, Dawn Kasper, Ecstatic Energy Consultants Inc. (Steven L. Anderson & Tom McKenzie), Eileen Levinson, Elana Mann, Elizabeth Cline, Elonda Billera, Emily Lacy, Erlkönig, Guan Rong, Hannah Henderson, Holly Gressley, Holly Myers, James Klopfleisch, Janice Lee, Jen Bruce, Johnnie JungleGuts, Jonathan Butt, Kara Tanaka, Karl Erickson, Katie Bachler, Laura Steenberge, Laura Vena, Liz Glynn, Marc Herbst, Marcos Siref, Margaret Wappler, Mathew Timmons & Geneva Skeen with Ariana Petrovijc, Joseph Tepperman, Yecenia Torres; Matias Viegener, Michael Parker & Alyse Emdur, Nathaniel de Large, Neil Holyoak, Niko Solorio, Nisa Schoonhoven, Oona Gardner, Riah Buchanan, Robert Cheatham, Robert Summers, Samara Golden, Samuel White, Sascha Goldhor, Sean Dockray, Simone Gad, Solomon Bothwell & Zen Dochterman, Stephen van Dyck, Steven L. Anderson, Tanya Rubbak, Teresa Carmody, The Eternal Telethon, Vera Brunner-Sung, Victor Hu, Zach Kleyn, and others!

domain: artistic


Posted: Nov 30, 2018
Presque Isle, Maine – UMaine-Farmington women's basketball team was edged out by UMaine-Presque Isle in the Beavers North Atlantic Conference opener by a final score of 46-41.
BY THE NUMBERS
- The Beavers shot 21.2% from the floor, 6.7% from behind the arc and 60% at the free throw line while notching 54 rebounds, five assists, six steals, and four blocks.
- The Owls shot 24.6% from the floor, 27.3% from behind the arc and 65% at the free throw line to go with 41 rebounds, three assists, 19 steals, and four blocks on the night.
HOW IT HAPPENED
- McKenna Brodeur led the Beavers in scoring with 11 points with five rebounds and one assist while Morgan Crocker added eight points.
- Paige Carter added six points while Molly Folsom also added six points.
- Rhylee Wright finished with 11 points while Emmy Churchill added 10 points.
- Marissa Reagle also added 10 points with 12 steals.


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The 23-year-old US national and student of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) today deposed against the six boys accused of gang raping her in April last year.
The victim, who had flown back to the US soon after the incident, today appeared before a special fast track court and deposed against the six arrested accused.
The six accused - Vinamra Soni, Harshvardhan Yadav, Jashkaran Bhullar, Anish Borkataki, Dev Colabawala and Kundanraj Borgohain - are facing trial under section 376 (g) of IPC which deals with gangrape.
The case dates back to April 2009 when the accused first met the victim at a pub near TISS in suburban Deonar and then took her to Borgohain's flat in suburban Andheri where they allegedly raped her.
The victim in her deposition today recounted the incident.
The court will continue recording the victim's deposition tomorrow.

domain: law


text:
AMY Deluxe Big Rips 680 & #8211; Black
Buy AMY Deluxe Big Rips 680 water pipe & #8211; Black / black
The AMY Deluxe Big Rips 680 & #8211; Black is a 78 cm high hookah from the German water pipe brand AMY Deluxe and the big brother of the AMY Deluxe Small Rips. Known for its robust and reliable bongs, AMY Deluxe proves time and again its top position with its special designs. Large, stylish, functional: that is how we can best describe this water pipe. The Big Rips shisha exists just like his little brother Small Rips from a stylish vase with wavy shapes and a wide smoke column for excellent grip and smoke inhalation. From an aesthetic point of view, this model fits well into any interior for the home or on the table in the shisha lounge or restaurant. With z & #8217; n height from 78 centimeters (incl. Hot Screen) and weight of 5.5 kilos this water pipe belongs to the large water pipe models.
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True craftsmanship, a wide range of colors and the click system leave nothing to be desired. This shisha also offers space for LED-lighting to make the water pipe stand out even more. A special feature of this water pipe is the patented multi-chamber system, to which the water pipe vase and the smoke column are connected. With this click system you can completely blow out the smoke in the vase, so that the smoke does not get stuck in the vase. It also prevents a bad taste in your mouth. The water pipe has two connections, so you can expand to a maximum of two hoses, which is useful if you smoke with several people.
Note: This water pipe is made by hand. The glass design can therefore be slightly different from the shisha shown on the image.

domain: design


The 242 MPH Koenigsegg CCR Speeding Ticket Is an Urban Legend
Koenigsegg is no stranger to building hypercars capable of cruising comfortably at 200 mph. So much so that in 2017, a Koenigsegg Agera RS managed to become the world’s fastest production car with an average speed of 277.9 mph. Today we’re focusing on one of its predecessors, the Koenigsegg CCR. According to Road and Track, an urban legend claims that the driver of a CCR managed to get a 242 MPH speeding ticket in 2003 during a rally in Texas.
The Koenigsegg allegedly got its ticket during the 2003 Gumball 3000
According to Road and Track, this urban legend begins with the 2003 Gumball 3000. The first Gumball 3000 took place in 1999, and as the name suggests, it is a rally that covers 3,000 miles. A high cost of entry usually means that only celebrities and the ultra-wealthy can participate. As a result, many of the cars registered are supercars and hypercars. In 2003, the Gumball 3000 saw participants travel from San Francisco to Miami.
Midway through this massive road trip is where the Koenigsegg allegedly received its speeding ticket. As the rally passed through Texas, a competing Koenigsegg CCR allegedly got pulled over for going 242 mph. To make matters worse, the National Motorists Association reports that the ticket was handed out in a 75 mph zone. The result is a speed overage of 167 mph.
According to Road and Track, the urban legend claims that the driver either managed to talk himself out of it or paid up to $650,000 in fines. Given the lack of information surrounding this event, it is hard to tell. However, it seems highly unlikely that someone would be able to get an officer to shrug off a 242 mph speeding ticket. If the ticket was actually handed out, the latter theory is the most likely.
What is a Koenigsegg CCR?
Let’s talk about the Koenigsegg CCR. While reaching 242 mph in 2020 is a massively impressive feat, in 2003, it must’ve been otherworldly. Powering the CCR is a twin-supercharged 4.7-liter Ford-sourced V8 engine. Total output is rated at 806 hp, and it reached the rear wheels via a six-speed manual transmission.
The Koenigsegg’s extremely low 2,600 curb weight also plays a massive role in its incredible speed capabilities. The CCR reached 60 mph in 3.2 seconds and continued onto a theoretical top speed of 245 mph.
Aside from being immensely fast, the Koenigsegg is an incredibly rare car. With just 14 CCR’s ever produced from 2004-2006, chances are we’ll never see one in the flesh.
Here’s why you should be skeptical
As you may have noticed by now, there are a couple of potential faults with this urban legend. It is important to note that this legend picked up tons of steam after it was mentioned during a car review on Top Gear.
For starters, the Koenigsegg CCR went into production in 2004, one year after the rally took place. One theory is that Koegnisegg could’ve sent over a prototype to attend and impress the large group of hypercar owners. In contrast, the Koenigsegg in question could have been the CCR’s predecessor, the CC8S. However, this is unlikely given the CC8S’ lower top speed of 240 mph.
The second cause for skepticism surrounds the radar systems used by police departments. According to UssFletcher, a sergeant with the Oklahoma City Police Department claims that police radars generally top out at around 199 mph. The result is that there would be no reliable way to measure the Koenigsegg’s supposed speed and issue a ticket in response.
Lastly, it took Koenigsegg itself until 2005 to max out the CCR in Italy’s Nardo Ring, where it topped out just over 241 mph. Given this, it seems likely someone would be able to surpass that on the public road. While the urban legend makes for a great story, the likelihood it actually happened is rather small. Regardless, one thing that is certainly not up to debate is Koenigsegg’s relentless pursuit of speed. Its recent Jesko model is set to come eerily close to the 300 mph barrier.


Residents of a housing estate in Craigavon have this week been told that ABC Council refuse workers will no longer be entering the development to empty bins over health and safety concerns.
Instead, residents of Drumford Meadow – a major ongoing housing development just off the Kernan Hill Road – are being forced to bring their rubbish bins to a designated collection point at the site office.
For some, this is a trek of a couple of hundred metres.
Council says this is down to the poor state of the roads within the development – raised metalwork and uneven surfaces – which are a health and safety hazard for their workers.
One resident, who has lived in the development since 2019, contacted Armagh I in a bid to highlight the issue.
“Council put a letter through everyone’s doors on Monday to tell them that they would no longer be entering the development over health and safety concerns.
“We’ve been living here five years and up until this point they had been doing it but we got the letter to say, due to road inspection and health and safety issues, Council will no longer be coming around to the doors. That’s a bit of a trek for some residents on a weekly basis.
“The roads haven’t been finished since we moved in. There are potholes, there are raised manhole covers, the water doesn’t disperse properly; it’s beyond a joke.
“There are a lot of young families, like ourselves. There are kids out playing in the street, cycling around. If the Council has deemed it to be a health and safety issue for grown men out collecting waste, why is it alright for us to cycle, drive and let our kids play out on it?”
Armagh I contacted Antrim Construction Company (ACC), who have been responsible for the building work.
David Magee, Building Director for ACC, told Armagh I that while it was unfortunate Council have, at the eleventh hour, adopted this policy, he understands they have rules and procedures to follow.
He added: “We are working to get this surfacing completed as soon as possible, hopefully in the next few weeks. This has been an ongoing issue with the Department for Infrastructure but thankfully they have now agreed to allow us to construct the road as per the approved drawings, which is probably going to cut about four weeks out of the process.
“I have spoken to a Council representative to see if there was any way possible they could work with us, knowing that we’re going to have surfacing completed in a few weeks time. If they could give the residents the benefit of a few weeks and continue doing what they doing.”
A Council spokesperson said: “The Council is providing a bin collection service to residents at Drumford Meadow. However, as road surfacing work remains unfinished in the current phase of the development, the Council has asked residents to leave their bins at a designated central collection point until this work is complete.
“The housing developer, Antrim Construction Company Ltd, has advised that this work will be completed within the next few weeks and staff are content to pull the bins out to the collection point for any resident who needs assistance during this time. Residents in this area will be notified when bins can be collected from their property.”


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The story lacks vitality, momentum, and intrigue. The film is devoid of genuine joy. Characters and settings come at you all the time, as if you’ve entered a lunch buffet …
Director George Miller’s whimsical follow-up to 'Mad Max: Fury Road' finds him returning to the gentle storytelling he perfected in the 'Babe' films.
China is seen as Africa’s saviour and friend in the film – which is still full of racist stereotypes.
The Akshay Kumar starrer embodies the attitude of an undergrad engineering student: long periods of inaction and then – a night before the exam – feverish anxiety.
Aubrey Plaza’s title character is trapped by crushing student loan debt, a punitive criminal justice system, and low wages. She, like so many other Americans, feels like she’s out of …
With a solid premise about working-class vampire hunters, 'Day Shift' had real potential – but there’s no escaping the Netflix curse.
At the heart of the new film Thirteen Lives lies a paradox. On the one hand, Ron Howard can be boring and annoying. On the other, caves are really cool.

domain: entertainment


Coal Inspectorate | Alert | No.394 V 1 | 22 July 2021
The CMW was between the stationary light vehicle and pallet racking in a workshop when a work colleague was undertaking the prestart checks on the vehicle. The CMW started the engine of the light vehicle while standing beside the driver’s door.
The vehicle transmission was in reverse when the engine was started.
When the engine started, the light vehicle moved backwards, trapping the CMW between the pallet racking and the vehicle tray, causing injuries to the CMW.
The vehicle tow bar hit an upright on the pallet racking and one corner of the cargo tray slid onto an adjacent shelf. This combination stopped the rearward motion of the vehicle, preventing the injury becoming even more severe than that which occurred to the CMW.
All Site Senior Executives should:
All CMWs should:
Investigations are ongoing and further information may be published as it becomes available. The information in this publication is what is known at the time of writing.
We issue Safety Notices to draw attention to the occurrence of a serious incident, raise awareness of risks, and prompt assessment of your existing controls.
Contact: Stephen Smith, Regional Inspector of Mines , +61 7 4999 8510 QldMinesInspectorate@rshq.qld.gov.au
Issued by Resources Safety & Health Queensland
All information on this page (Coal Mine Worker trapped by moving vehicle - https://www.rshq.qld.gov.au/safety-notices/mines/coal-mine-worker-trapped-by-moving-vehicle) is correct as of time of printing (26 Sep 2021 3:53 pm).


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well. I thought they were good! Of course before they hit the ground!
So excited how beautiful my backyard is. There are so many different wildflower sprout
ing up. I am going to be so sad to cut it.. :( I found this little fellow crawling on these adorable little mini snap dragon looking wildflowers. Oh course while trying to snap the perfect lady bug focused shot in the wind.. I wasn't paying attention to well to....
...this little man.. He literally just got out of the bath not even three hours ago.. ugh.. He usually avoids that terrible portion of the yard. My dog runs always to this corner of the yard and I just can't seem to grow grass there because of it..
Most of my yard is actually pretty green.. hehe.. oh well!
Finally got a chance to finish Aspens pants! I am not really thrilled with the first pair.. I used a dark thread and didn't like how it looked.. so i tried to make it fancy and do a double stitch so it stood out on purpose look.. Yeah.. I think it Just made them look worst! Anyhow I am excited to try the finished product on Aspen!


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The Book Fair is Coming!
There is a great deal of clear and consistent research that supports the importance of children reading a variety of fiction and non-fiction texts at a variety of levels of text complexity. In fact, one of the leading indicators of school success (in the early grades and beyond) is the amount of time they spend engaged in reading and writing, both at school and at home.
An important part of our balanced literacy approach is providing students with “choice and voice” in selecting books that are of interest to them. When building a library of options for students, it helps to have a source for affordable, high interest, and high quality books. The Scholastic Book Fair is a great way to build your collection and to help our libraries expand their offerings, as well.
The Miller Book Fair will be held next week; Monday, October 15th through Wednesday, October 17th. Students will have a chance to browse for good books and make “wish lists” on Monday and will return on Tuesday to make purchases (preschool classes will browse and shop the same day). In addition, we will offer a family shopping night on Wednesday, October 17th from 4:30- 7:30 pm. Please make plans to visit our book fair and be involved in shaping your child’s reading habits.
If you are unable to attend the fair on Wednesday evening, we invite you to visit our book fair online at scholastic.com/fair. Our online fair is available from October 15 through November 2, 2018. We will also host another book fair this spring at Craddock School. All purchases benefit our school libraries.

domain: literature


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Today I'm delighted to share photos of our wedding! We hired the amazing Grace and Jaden Photography, and all photos in this post are theirs. We loved working with them and loooooved our photos--they really captured the candid moments and the look and feel of our wedding. We didn't want forced, traditional wedding photos and Grace and Jaden were more than happy to oblige.
Weddings are notoriously expensive, and it was important to Vinny and me that our money was going towards small, local businesses whenever we could. We are also very active, outdoorsy people with a lot of respect for Mother Nature, so we were very thoughtful about the choices we made to try to lessen the environmental impact of our wedding. Lastly, we've fallen in love with Portland and wanted to help our guests (most of whom were traveling from out of state) understand just what makes this area so great.
With all of those things in mind, we held our ceremony at the Grotto, which is one of very few places in the US where you can get married in the Catholic church in an outdoor venue. The Grotto is drop-dead gorgeous and made for beautiful photos. All of our guests have been raving about what jaw-dropping venue it was!
We did a first look, which in retrospect was a great choice as I didn't realize how nervous I was to see Vinny until I was power-walking towards him! All of my nerves settled once we saw each other and I was able to really enjoy the rest of the day.
I'd recommend my seamstress, Tatyana's Wedding Alterations, to anyone. All of the reviews about her are accurate, in that her home is hard to find, her accent is hard to understand, you feel like maaaaaaybe she didn't really understand what you were asking for, but in the end she does a great job for a very reasonable price!
- Eco tip: thrift/consign/ebay your dress! Some people don't love this idea but it was great for my budget and my eco-friendly values!
For my jewelry, Enclave Gems made me a custom pair of earrings so I could add my own aquamarines (Vinny's birthstone). I made the necklace myself loosely based on a design from Anthropologie that I loved but couldn't afford. I used this smaller moonstone strand, this larger moonstone strand, these aquamarines, these jump rings, these clasps, and this magnetic clasp. I bought my brown leather wedges for our engagement photos and they still look brand new, so I rewore them at our wedding.
- Eco tip: buy local and get something he can rewear. Vinny actually wore his suit for the first time in our engagement photos, but it looked totally different for our wedding just based on his dress shirt and accessories.
Our flowers were designed by my wonderful mom! Although she lives half a country away, I wanted her to be a special part of our wedding planning. We decided to use faux florals for the bouquets so my mom could make them in Minnesota and bring them out. They were so beautiful and people didn't know they were fake unless they literally touched them! We got each piece from Afloral, Michael's, and Hobby Lobby, then my mom worked her magic. Half my bridesmaids took them home with them!
My 'something old, borrowed, and blue' all took the form of a handkerchief from my grandfather, who passed away several years ago. We tucked the handkerchief, which had blue stitching, into my bouquet and it came in handy during my dad's speech! :)
I loved how our bridal party looked together. We gave each bridesmaid a different fabric swatch from Azazie and asked them to just pick a long dress (from any store of their choice) that matched the swatch. I'm under no illusion that any of them will rewear their dresses, but at least they had the option to wear something in their chosen price point that made them feel comfortable and beautiful. From left to right: "Orchid": local bridal shop (similar), "Spa": Amazon (similar), "Jade": Azazie (note: although this is not a maternity dress, it fit my friend's six-month-pregnant belly really beautifully), "Ink Blue": Azazie, "Grape": David's Bridal (sold out, similar), "Wisteria": Azazie.
For their gifts, I made each bridesmaid a custom piece of jewelry using the lost wax casting method I learned from a friend. It was so fun to think up how to personalize each gift to the recipient's style--a lot of love went into each gift! Vinny gifted the boys their ties and a nice thermos.
- Eco tip: Diamond and gold extraction is highly damaging to the earth and the workers extracting them. We tried to alleviate this problem in four ways: used non-diamond stones (white sapphire for my engagement ring), lab-created stones (moissanite for my wedding ring), recycled diamonds (as accents to the wedding ring), and recycled metals (white gold for my wedding ring, rose gold for my engagement ring). On moissanite: it's a lab-created stone that's just slightly less hard than a diamond but with more brilliant refraction pattern that's prettier than a diamond, in my opinion. People don't know it's moissanite unless I tell them, which I make a point to do because I think it's a beautiful stone that helps avoid destruction of natural resources!
My talented husband designed all of our paper goods (Save the Dates, programs, invites, wedding signage...) and his employer (he works at a graphic design/manufacturing company) graciously gifted printing and materials of everything to us. It was a fun process--I'd bring Vinny my ideas of what would look good, he'd put together his spin on the ideas, then we'd tweak until it felt just right!
We decorated the ceremony venue very simply, given the enormous beauty of the Grotto. We lined the aisle with a set of glass lanterns (large and small) which we filled with jade stones, a battery-operated candle (large and small), and the larger lanterns also received a large faux succulent.
Although the Grotto was an amazing place visually to be married, I feel like I have to be honest in my review of them: overall they were the biggest stressor of our wedding by far. Their communication was very poor (I often had to send 3-4 emails over the course of a month before getting a response), and the coordinators they provided seemed intent on throwing up roadblocks rather than accommodations. I actually just found out yesterday that they never filed our marriage license with the county! To be continued on that nightmare... Because of all this bullshit incompetence, I honestly don't know if I'd go through the Grotto if we were to do it all over again.
After the ceremony the entire wedding headed to Urban Studio for the reception. The bridal party arrived in hilarious style, as we rented a bus from Eco Shuttle that ended up looking exactly like a city transit bus! Eco Shuttle was great and affordable.
- Eco tip: cut flowers are incredibly destructive to the environment, especially if they're not local and in season. Instead of floral arrangements, we decided to use potted plants, many of which went home with friends and family at the end of the night, and the ones that didn't are beautifying our home.
- Eco tip: what you don't do is just as important as what you do. Originally we wanted to make coasters like these (#4 in the article), but ultimately we didn't think people would reuse them and they seemed too wasteful so we opted for a simple recyclable escort chart.
- Eco tip: before you buy an item, think about whether it can be reused later. We decided against certain types of fabric for the runners, favoring cheesecloth that will be reused in the kitchen and for cleaning/car maintenance.
I wanted our flower girl and ring bearer to feel special, so I made them little crayon/coloring book/sticker kits. I got these clipboards and added a DIY coloring book using line art from Google, then tossed some crayons in to these spice jars and tied it all up with a ribbon to look cute. Bonus: they brought them with on their flight home to keep the kids entertained.
In lieu of a traditional guestbook we framed this stump print on Etsy; guests then signed the print's mat. The artist creates these stamped prints from slices of fallen logs. This particular tree fell in the Uinta mountains of Utah, where Vinny and I met and spent a lot of beautiful weekends camping.
- Eco tip: put your own spin on traditions to make them work for you. We didn't think we'd ever use/look at an actual guest book, but we plan to hang our print in our house where we can enjoy it daily!
Aren't my parents the cutest??!
I came up with the idea of making these 'dance ambassadors' sashes, which ended up being one of the funniest parts of our wedding. People passed the sashes around the entire party and got people dancing who would normally sideline themselves :)
- Hair and Makeup: I worked with Jasmine and her assistant Amy from Blossom and Beauty. They were great--very sweet, relaxed people with really reasonable pricing for Portland. The bridal fee included a trial, which went so great and really put my mind at ease about how I would look on the big day. Then they came to my house to get everyone ready (so much more relaxing than going to a salon!) and got through my hair/makeup plus 5 bridesmaid's hair and a bridesmaid's makeup all between 9:30AM-12PM.
- Reception venue and caterers: We held the reception at Urban Studio, which is the event space for our caterer Pearl Catering. We researched a ton of caterers and event spaces and Urban ended up being the most affordable and easy option. The space itself is sort of an industrial blank space that you can really make your own. The food was delicious (people told me the Chicken Saltimbocca was the best wedding food they've ever had) and it was very easy to customize and to allow for specialized diets. They were very easy-going and overall very easy to communicate with.
- Rentals: Urban Studio provided most of the dishware (glasses, silverware, serveware) and they offered to arrange for the rest of our rentals, but we ended up using Party Place for our table/chair/linen/special plates because it was cheaper to do so through our wedding coordinator. Party Place was great. For a small fee ($60) they dropped off and picked everything up and they were even able to add on a tent canopy last-minute when it looked like there might be rain during our ceremony.
- DJ: We found DJ Sir Kenneth through our wedding coordinator, and he was very easy to work with. We met with him once briefly at the start of our planning then sent him a list of song requests a few days before the wedding. The dancefloor was packed the whole time and he was just really great and friendly!
- Wedding Coordinator: Last but certainly not least, our wedding coordinator was Kim at Your Perfect Bridesmaid. If I had one piece of advice for newly engaged couples I'd say to factor a wedding coordinator into your budget, because she was hands-down the best money spent on our wedding and I honestly can't say enough good things about Kim and her staff. They say every wedding has something go wrong, but if that happened at ours I didn't know about it because Kim dealt with everything beautifully. Her fee is very reasonable for the amount of work she did. We hired her as a 'day of' coordinator, but the package included several meetings during the planning stage including a meeting with Urban Studio to ensure we were all on the same page. She also set our timeline (which I could probably do myself but it saved me a ton of stress and deliberation about whether I did it correctly) and we received a discount on our rentals through YPB, which made her reasonable fee even more reasonable!


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I’ve seen this “school trip to Kyoto” storyline done a number of times in manga but Kimengumi has the earliest example that I can think of.
And off they go.
New school term, same funny faces.
A rather important episode that features a rare instance of the Ide addressing the characters directly. Another interesting detail is how the narrator’s voice gets cut off by the meteor at the end of the episode; supposedly voice actor Kaneto Shiozawa himself commented that “not even the narrator is safe in this show”.
Will the graduation ceremony mark the end of “Third Year” Kimengumi? Of course not since we haven’t even reached the halfway point of the series, but hey, at least try to act surprised!


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Money and Financial Markets
Although long-term interest rates have trended upward from their 2003 trough, they remain low by historical standards. Some view this as the consequence of a savings glut in developing countries, especially in Asia.
Suggested citation: “Money and Financial Markets,” Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Economic Trends, no. 06-07, pp. 06-07, 07.15.2006.

domain: economics