text:
Talk:Rajputisation

Improving article
Improved ur article.hope it was helpful. Heba Aisha (talk) 02:48, 18 August 2020 (UTC)
 * the bibliography u added is not used as refrence in article.The article still rely upon the sources used earlier only and they are just kept here without any use.If you want to keep it here use it along with the points for which they are placed here.Heba Aisha (talk) 00:33, 16 September 2020 (UTC)
 * Adding nonsense source of other communities to malign a particular grp is not a job of Wikipedia. Nonia samaj and Daroga are different to Rajput group
 * Noniya comes under OBC. Rana of Bharat (talk) 13:21, 19 November 2020 (UTC)
 * Heba Aisha. Please do not revert and remove my sources with whom I made a edit. The sources which I have used  are more genuine and worthwhile and 110 years old. I can understand you are great contributer but please without going through my sources and supporting your deeds is unfair. Do not be frogs of well! The ocean is very big.
 * I have posted a new discuss ion go through its contents refute my claims then do whatsoever you wish to do. Aishtomar (talk) 18:18, 2 January 2021 (UTC)
 * Lord editors,have you lost your human nature so you described 'opium' consuming, alcoholic, practises, polygamy and all the evils as defining characteristics of Rajputs in comparing between Sanskritisation and Rajputisation. Which author had told you that all Rajputs are or were Opium consumers, alcoholic, polygamous,you are portraying a whole community by using a poor-personal source. Would you will accept 'Hammira mahakavya' and ' Prithviraj Raso' as purely historical if not then how can you say Rajput as 'Opium consumers' and ' alcoholic' just by citing source which suits your personal agenda.
 * I am going to make edits with full sources and if you dare; refute my claims on 'academic grounds' not on your 'reverting capacities'.

With Great Hope That you people will Understand. Aishtomar (talk) 18:34, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

 * Nothing says that older sources are more "genuine". We depend on modern historical scholarship to explain the historical facts. See WP:HISTRS. Older sources are in fact considered inferior. Knowledge progresses with time.
 * As for the "evils" that have been covered, I am sure ample WP:RS have been provided. Please read them, and come back if the content is misrepresenting them in any way. Voicing personal opinions will not get you anywhere. -- Kautilya3 (talk) 18:58, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

This concept is not widely accepted concept and needs balancing
Providing contrast to this concept of Koyal Shivaji

Encyclopedia Britannica describes Rajput origins as "The Rajputs’ origins seem to date from a great breakup of Indian society in the northern and northwestern Indian subcontinent under the impact of the Hephthalites (White Huns) and associated tribes from the mid-5th century CE onward. Following the breakup of the Gupta empire (late 6th century), invading groups were probably integrated within the existing society, with the present pattern of northwestern Indian society being the result. Tribal leaders and nobles were accepted as Kshatriyas, the second order of the Hindus, while their followers entered the fourth (Shudra, or cultivating) order to form the basis of tribal castes, such as the Jats, the Gujars, and the Ahirs." Ref.

Hi. Can you please elaborate which part of WP:RS does book by C S Varma violate? Also, how about Encyclopedia Britannica, is that also not acceptable?
 * You have been explained this by several editors. Please see User:Sitush/Common for Varma. Britannica is a tertiary source and not a scholarly academic source - it is often edited online by editors not expert in the subject matter - it is no match for Oxford and Cambridge sources or peer reviewed journals - see the wikipedia page on it for comments about it. Please read WP:HISTRS in detail. Please can you sign your comments on talk page? Thanks LukeEmily (talk) 23:04, 11 December 2020 (UTC)

Rajputization vs Rajputisation
User:Hemant Dabral,, Heba Aisha, Chariotrider555, I did not follow the change from 'z' to 's'.[] I did a search in google books and did not find any instance of "Rajputisation" but found plenty of hits for "rajputization". Indian, British American and even German(Herman Kulke) use the word with a z not s. Should this be changed back to Rajputization?LukeEmily (talk) 21:43, 18 December 2020 (UTC)

 * I just checked and some sources do indeed call it Rajputisation. Since we have to use Indian English, I think it would be fine to leave it as Rajputisation, as Wikipedia uses Sanskritisation, Indianisation, Indo-Aryanisation, Tamilisation, Pakistanisation, etc. Chariotrider555 (talk) 22:41, 18 December 2020 (UTC)
 * Agreed with, LE its not a big issue.Some of the latest addition also have 's'.Heba Aisha (talk) 04:47, 19 December 2020 (UTC)
 * It has lot to do with MOS:ENGVAR, in this case Commonwealth/Indian/South Asian English. 'Organization' → 'Organisation' for example. - Fylindfotberserk (talk) 06:50, 19 December 2020 (UTC)
 * Thanks Chariotrider555, Heba Aisha, Fylindfotberserk ! LukeEmily (talk) 07:50, 19 December 2020 (UTC)

Bihari Rajputs as Pseudo Rajputs Issue
Heba Aisha, Chariotrider555, Hello and regards, this is in reference to the image posted on the article which says "Bihari Rajputs who are also designated as Pseudo Rajputs by their western counterparts", as far as I know, this is not the common practice or notion as for eg. Raja Kameshwar Singh of Shakarpura, Bihar was married to the esteemed house of Maharaja Kanthad Wala of Bilkha (Gujrat), then there were several Thikanas (Zamindaris) of Purabiya Rajputs in Mewar, the noblest house among Rajputs in west India, So i Would like to seek a clarification for this, which superceeds the common on-ground realities before removing this. RegardsBhojpal1234 (talk) 08:32, 2 January 2021 (UTC)
 * Wikipedia publishes only already written source by scholars which are written by editors in their own way.What you know about kameswar singh and his status is considered as WP:OR, which are not allowed to be written on wiki.The source regarding pseudo Rajput is present there with preview.Heba Aisha (talk) 09:45, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

Image of The Rajpoot cultivators from Dehradun
Heba Aisha, Chariotrider555, I saw this image as the first image of the Rajputisation page, at first I am amazed as I have never seen this image and have never read about this in my life, me doing a PHD on Rajput history, should have been aware of it though, had it been a real rajput clan, so I would request you to provide the source from where it is taken and context of it. There are many communities who have sufficed the Rajput title after them like the Lodis who started calling themselves as Lodi rajputs, but they aren't considered to be the real rajputs in society, providing an article for your reference (https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/The-flight-of-the-backward-castes/article11640693.ece), so I want two things from the administrators here: 1. Source which says these are Rajputs. 2. The relevance of this photo as the face of Rajput community of India, because this is not how they ar viewed, so unless someone wants to deliberately demean a community, I see no relevance of this photo to be projected as the face of Rajput community. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Bhojpal1234 (talk • contribs) 08:46, 2 January 2021 (UTC)
 * You can read the talk page of Rajput article about the source of the image. Already extensive discussion about it has been done there and specially the comment of explains the whole thing clearly.Also, the source is written in footnoteHeba Aisha (talk) 09:41, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

No such thing called Rajputisation.
Later I will add content Alexander the Kshatriya (talk) 06:23, 3 January 2021 (UTC)
 * , there are pretty extensive sources that disagree with your unsourced viewpoint. Please read Wikipedia's WP:NPOV policy.  Ravensfire  (talk) 20:50, 3 January 2021 (UTC)

wrong history it's all gujjar shudra history all caste are shudra only brahman and rajput pure blood
it's wrong history plzz delete this page Historicallychiefs (talk) 06:44, 7 March 2021 (UTC)

Strong example of fabrication of pedigree(Genealogy) for Rajputization process
I present a strong example of Rajputisation here.

If we look at Jadeja's genealogy, they have shown in their genealogy that Buddha is the ancestor of Rama and Krishna is Rama's descendant. That's why it is Proved that the genealogy is fabricated.

If you study history and read the Chachnama and If you read the historian C. V. Vaidya, you will come to know that Jadeja has mixed the genealogy of Lohana and Bhatia dynasties. Historian Chintaman Vinayak Vaidya and Historian Henry Miers Elliot exposed them.

They are the ones who try to prove themselves as Kshatriyas by accusing others of not being Kshatriyas. Like brass has to shine more to sell than gold.

Here I will refer you to the History of Sindh Volume II by the historian Mirza Kalich Beg. Study this then see what kind of Fictional story is run by Jadejas with help of Barots. — Preceding unsigned comment added by <IP_ADDRESS> (talk) 13:12, 7 March 2021 (UTC)

Where did Henry Miers Elliott exposed them ? You haven't provided anything. Last what I have read Lohana and Bhatia were mercantile communities.

Well CV Vaidya calls Rajputs as Aryans, similar case with Henry Miers Elliott. Please do read, and Barot was employed by everyone. RS6784 (talk) 18:59, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

Dear (User:RS6784), First of all, I want to ask question, why you remove those links which I had mentioned here. Now again I am putting these source here. don't remove it. Hinguladri khanda(Up-purana of Skanda purana) Lohana were descend of Rathore.[url=https://archive.org/details/jatibhaskar-satymarg/page/n223/mode/1up|year=1970]

Second link: Book of H. M. Elliot Page 362. Lohana had two branches, Lakha and Samma

Third Link: Book C. V. Vaidya clearly mentioned on page 189 that Samma were Lohanas.

Forth Link: History Of Sindh Volume II By Mirza Kalichbeg, Page 28: Chapter - Sindh tribes descendand of Arab in Jadeja were descedand of Arab — Preceding unsigned comment added by <IP_ADDRESS> (talk) 09:44, 23 October 2021 (UTC)

Don't remove above links

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 06:02, 9 May 2021 (UTC)
 * Bihari Rajput villagers watching Mallah fishermen.jpg

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 11:19, 12 May 2021 (UTC)
 * Group photograph of a Maratha family (c. 1880).jpg

My explanation for removal of Bundelas
I removed section titled "Rajputisation of Bundelas" here. Though I explained my edit thoroughly, but still I am re-explaining the matter here. The inclusion of Bundela in the article is due to misinterpretation of the term "Rajputisation". It means the upliftment of Shudra people to Rajputs. The section dedicated to Bundelas doesn't discuss anything like that. The source doesn't contain term "Rajputisation" or anything remotely close to that. It simply says that the Rajputs of Rajasthan ignored the Rajput status of Bundelas in Bundelkhand. There is no such thing that Rajputs of Rajasthan have some authority to decide the Rajput status of people. They simply regarded themselves superior to Bundelas due to their history of resisting Islamic invasions from west. The section completely fails WP:REL and hence should be removed. Shinjoya (talk) 18:05, 5 June 2021 (UTC)

"explains" versus "is"
In the lead we have "Rajputisation (or Rajputization) explains the process by which such diverse communities coalesced into the Rajput community." Then in the first section of the body we have "Rajputisation is the study of formation of the community over the centuries." This seems wrong: surely Rajputisation is the process in question, not the study of the process? Like, if I'm a sociologist writing about how the Rajput identity coalesced, I'm not engaged in Rajputisation, am I? --JBL (talk) 16:30, 30 June 2021 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 13 July 2021 to fix a typo
On the last paragraph of the section Formation, change the typo "supporters.They" to "supporters. They" CodeMyGame Wiki (talk) 22:55, 13 July 2021 (UTC)
 * ✅. Thank you, . –– F ORMAL D UDE ( talk ) 03:25, 14 July 2021 (UTC)

Removal of insensitive image of Bihari Rajput
Dear admin

I don't know who has added the image, but it is very insensitive. Not even the source of the image says that these guys are Rajputs of that state. It looks like personal image has been to score political point. This looks like a case of promoting hate based and very agenda driven addition. Kindly please look into it and remove that photo. RS6784 (talk) 18:52, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

Would request some senior editor to look into it. Certain editors with malafide intention have edited this page, Wikipedia asks WP: Assume Good Faith when writing the article from neutral point of view, it is missing on this page. The image representing Bihari Rajput is not mentioned in any journal pointing that it belongs to this community. One editor with wrong intention has tried to portray all this here. I think it needs to be corrected to bring it under WP:NPOV RS6784 (talk) 07:18, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

This is not a case of MOS:OMIMG, as the image which has been added there is itself unrelated to the community and is not present in any reputed journals, book etc. This is a purely unverified image and added with demeaning intentions. Now, considering the fact that this is an encyclopaedia article on a particular subject, I think adding an unverified image to give it a community tag is nothing short of stigmatising a group of peopl. This goes against WP:DGF which all editors should follow when writing an article. RS6784(talk) 07:32, 1 March 2022 (UTC)

 * RS6784, Please see discussion at Talk:Rajput/Archive_30 and Mallah Fishermen deletion nomination page.LukeEmily (talk) 19:13, 14 April 2022 (UTC)

The discussion can be opened if other editors want it. I haven't found the photo in any reputed sources, book etc. I think this purely case of malafide intention to malign a grp of people, WP:DGF is missing. Anyways it is an encyclopaedia article, if there is no image from reputed sources, no need to add any image. It seems that the purpose of adding fake image is to give wrong impression to the readers as well as malign a grp of people. RS6784 (talk) 04:40, 15 April 2022 (UTC)

There is no reference which says these people are related to the community. This is classic case of WP:STONEWALL by particular quarters to have certain unverified things inserted in the encyclopaedia article. This type of activity lacks WP:Good faith. RS6784 (talk) 04:42, 15 April 2022 (UTC)

Pls provide WP:RS for the image as this is an encyclopaedia article covering a bigger subject. If there is none available, then this image is fake and should be removed, anyways there is no requirement of unverified image if none is available. RS6784 (talk) 04:46, 15 April 2022 (UTC)

 * Admin has agreed that such unverifiable images cannot be used for caste pages. Please see Talk:Koeri. Let us not use this image. But, RS6784, please do not assume lack of WP:Good faith or purely case of malafide intention to malign a grp of people(as you said) on part of Heba, especially as she also mentioned the full name of a person in the description itself. Anyway, this image cannot be used. Thanks LukeEmily (talk) 00:16, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

nobody is accusing here but I had informed that editor. The editors contrary behaviour in two cases is in front of everyone and even that editor accepted it on his/her talk page. In one case the editor was trying to insert fake image by any means and on the another case as per contribution page of the editor suggests he/she was trying to remove it using my  points for the first one. Looks like you are too much into defending than introspecting a mistake. I hope similar behaviour contradicting WP:DGF is not repeated again otherwise I am well within my rights on Wikipedia to point it out and it doesn't mean I am accusing anyone. Thanks and Best RS6784 (talk) 05:00, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

there is also a discussion going on wrt some Raj-Era photos. So, the matter now also include another selected picture inserted on this page describing Dehradun - Russia used as Lead image. Thanks and Best RS6784 (talk) 05:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

Rajputization of Chudasama dynasty
Graharipu of Chudasama dynasty was mentioned as Abhira jati's king in Dvashraya Mahakavya, an historical poem written by Hemachandra, a kulguru of Kumarapala (Chaulukya dynasty).

Many historians confirms this.

That's Why chudasama, saravaiya, rayjhada and jadeja who Gahripu's descendand are originally Abhir(Ahir)

Please verify sources and add in a page. Thank. — Preceding unsigned comment added by <IP_ADDRESS> (talk) 09:48, 23 October 2021 (UTC)

Please verify sources and add in a page. Thankss.

According to Hindu scriptures Rajputs are Shudra
According to Hindu scriptures Rajputs are Shudra

According to Brahma Vaivarta Purana क्षत्रात्करणकन्यायां राजपुत्रो बभूव ह ।। राजपुत्र्यां तु करणादागरीति प्रकीर्तितः।।  1/10/110

सद्य क्षत्रिय बीजेन राजपुत्रस्य योषितः भूव तीवरश्चैव पतितो जारदोषतः।। ९९।। (ब्रह्मवैवर्तपुराणम्/खण्डः प्रथम (ब्रह्मखण्डः)/अध्यायः १०/श्लोकः ९९ भावार्थ:-क्षत्रिय के बीज (वीर्य )से राजपुत्र की स्त्री में तीवर (धींवर) उत्पन्न हुआ। वह भी व्याभिचार दोष के कारण पतित कहलाया। with the union of Kshatriya men and Karan kanya(girls) Rajput was born.

According to Skanda Purana]

शूद्रायां क्षत्रियादुग्रः क्रूरकर्मा प्रजायते।।४७।। शस्त्रविद्यासु कुशल: संग्रामकुशलो भवेत्। तया वृत्त्या स जीवेद्यो शूद्रधर्मा प्रजायते।।४८।। रजपूत इति ख्यातो युद्धकर्मविशारदः।

Skanda purana's Sahyadri khanda's 26th cahpter says that Rajputs are born from Shudra women by Kshatriya father.

पराशर स्मृति

वैश्यादंबष्ठ कन्यायां राजपुत्र प्रजायते

अमरकोष

मूर्धाभिषिक्तो राजन्यो क्षत्रियो बाहुजो विराट्। राजा राट् पार्थिवक्ष्मा भृन्नृपभूपमहीक्षित:।। (संस्कृत अमरकोष)

अर्थात:-मूर्धाभिषिक्त,राजन्य, बाहुज, क्षत्रिय,विराट्,राजा,राट्,पार्थिव, क्ष्माभृत्, नृप, भूप,और महिक्षित ये क्षत्रिय शब्द के पर्यायवाची हैं। इसमें 'राजपूत' शब्द या तदर्थक कोई अन्य शब्द नहीं आया है।

शब्दकल्पद्रुम

( वर्णसङ्करभेदे (रजपुत) वैश्यादम्बष्ठकन्यायां राजपुत्रस्य सम्भवः इति पराशरः स्मृति ।

अर्थात:- वैश्य पुरुष के द्वारा अम्बष्ठ कन्या में राजपूत उत्पन्न होता है।

 * Please see reply here. LukeEmily (talk) 00:30, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

Misleading edit summaries
I have noticed a trend on this and other articles where you will use an unrelated edit to justify a revert to your preferred version of the article. An example of this can be seen here:

Please refrain from attempting to mislead us and other editors. Thank you.RuudVanClerk (talk) 07:28, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
 * I don't know this is needed here, as I have already notified the editor for their good faith edits. I would say this is after latest Admin's instruction, may be it was in good intentions but such repetitive behaviours are problematic in my view. RS6784 (talk) 08:02, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
 * The image was removed earlier and no ground was mentioned here for it's removal from this article that's why i reinstated it here. Please note, from Rajput article it was removed because, you said in your edit summary that it is yet to be confirmed that "russia" group belong to Rajput caste or not. But,the subject of this article is entirely different. Here, it is about attempt of lower caste to seek Rajput status and same argument is not admissible here. Tagging both users and .Heba Aisha (talk) 18:46, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
 * But then the short description including certain content of the article needs a change. Do remember there is WP:POINT wrt image as it is undergoing discussion on an another page and latest admin directions are very clear cut.  All sudden actions on this particular image topic by any editors are under observations. RS6784 (talk) 20:05, 6 May 2022 (UTC)

Removal of Russia Rajputs
The sources says similar thing about this image. It can be used here .Heba Aisha (talk) 16:18, 10 May 2022 (UTC)

 * Please specify whether Russia grp are part of this community, Please give proper WP: V for the same. RS6784 (talk) 16:20, 10 May 2022 (UTC)

 * Please remember the antecedents are  doubted  by the photographer. Doesn't fulfill WP:V, if you have any other references for Russia group then you may add it RS6784 (talk) 16:22, 10 May 2022 (UTC)
 * Brother, this article is not about Rajput caste. It's about various communities seeking Rajput status. Many non Rajput communities and there images are displayed here. Why to remove this one then. You are involved in "off topic" comment and please don't make the discussion there on Rajput as a reason to remove this image from here. You are about to involve in WP:BFN, by doing this.`Heba Aisha (talk) 16:29, 10 May 2022 (UTC)

 * I have removed this "photo" many days back so no question of WP:BFN, on the other hand see WP:POINTY by making changes, the edit comes under it. And please do remember the short desc and lead content openly drags this particular social grp. So, you cannot say that it isn't getting related. I request no WP:OR, if you have verifiable references of writers regarding Russia grp, please put here. The photographer isn't sure about their antecedents. RS6784 (talk) 16:38, 10 May 2022 (UTC)

 * And I request no accusations, also do read WP:POINTy, I had removed the images some days back and not when you set up the RfC or discussion. The discussion started post the removal. Don't engage into wrong accusations. RS6784 (talk) 16:41, 10 May 2022 (UTC)

Rajputisation of Punjabi groups
A section is required on the Rajputisation of Punjabi groups as noted by Denzil Ibbetson and commented upon by Susan Bayly who noted that Rajput in Punjab was merely a status based title and that many traditional “shudra” groups like Jats would be termed as Rajput after amassing a certain amount of wealth and/or land. This is detailed in page 139 of Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, Part 4, Volume 3 (2001). I do not have extended confirmed privileges at this point however I shall add the relevant section when I am or another interested editor can do so.RuudVanClerk (talk) 13:09, 12 May 2022 (UTC)

 * at the least please read what the writer says, she says Jats and Rajputs were status groups not what you are doing here. Your points here equal to WP:OR, she isn't saying the same no Original research please. And as the page suggests there is attempt section in the article wrt jats of Punjab. Their chief houses tried to make new connections but it didn't changed their caste as the content of it says. RS6784 (talk) 13:32, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * Not necessarily. The adoption of Rajput status by various groups is exactly what the article is about and the ongoing adoption of Rajput as a title by various groups in Punjab is very much relevant to the article. At the very least, it can be added that the attempted Rajputisation by Jats is not just limited to Bharatpur but occurred in Punjab as well. RuudVanClerk (talk) 14:39, 12 May 2022 (UTC)

 * , there is a section of attempted case wrt Sikhs ( particularly Jat Sikhs) as well in the article, please look at it. Kindly see into it. Rest, I request for no WP:OR here. Secondly, this process not necessarily led to be Rajputs as Lucia Michuletti in her book had explicitly explained in case of Rewari Ahirs and some other Ahir groups. It was of a perceptional thing, I would say "Rajput like" culture adoptions. RS6784 (talk) 15:07, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * If there is already a section then it would not constitute OR. In fact, it can be added to the existing section. RuudVanClerk (talk) 15:10, 12 May 2022 (UTC)

 * it is already added there, but the reference that you shared only says a writer opinion taking words of Denzil Ibbettson that the social groups were status groups or had such an element as well. It doesn't says what you are saying here. Rest of your points are already there in attempted section by Jats and Sikhs ( here Jatt Sikhs). See that section in the article. RS6784 (talk) 15:17, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * That covers Sikhs only. Susan Bayly applies it to Punjabi society more generally. RuudVanClerk (talk) 15:21, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * Bayly's reference says that all communities were status groups ( it is applicable to all as she took names of all the groups on the page 139). She hasn't gone further to that in the book. I think the other part what you say is covered in section with respect to Jats, Sikhs etc. RS6784 (talk) 15:27, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * , For your points above that "Jats is not just limited to Bharatpur but occurred in Punjab as well", it can be expanded there in that particular attempted section though IMO a lot is covered. RS6784 (talk) 15:33, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
 * I have no issue if it’s added to an existing section. However the fluid nature of status groups like Rajputs in Punjab warrants a mention in this article. RuudVanClerk (talk) 19:10, 12 May 2022 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 4 March 2023
the Rajputs of both division of present-day Uttarakhand–Garhwal and Kumaon and show how they were formally Shudra but had successfully converted to Rajput at different times. This statement is baseless.

They are not shudra formally. Spata007 (talk) 05:49, 4 March 2023 (UTC)

 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: please provide reliable sources that support the change you want to be made. Lizthegrey (talk) 08:55, 5 March 2023 (UTC)

Good faith misunderstanding about the term "Rajputisation"
Hello, I feel based on the edits made on this page that there is a good faith misunderstanding by some editors of the term "Rajputisation". I partially take responsibility for this misunderstanding because I could have worded the definition of Rajputisation in a better way in the lead itself. Probably the page needs fixing or rewording in the lead. The misunderstanding is that claiming to be of Rajput descent is rajputisation. IMHO, that is not true. As the sources in the body indicate, Rajputisation is a complex socio-political process. Also, I think we dont need any image on this page - including that of the Hill Porter. Quote from J.J.L. Gommans "The repeated emergence of new groups of Rajputs, i.e. 'sons of kings', reflects an ongoing process of rajputisation that involved the gradual transition of mobile, open, exogamous war–bands into settled, closed, endogamous castes who..." This means Rajputisation explains how Rajput clans were formed. Also, the other castes that are not currently Rajput being mentioned on this page is WP:UNDUE as they failed in getting Rajputized.LukeEmily (talk) 03:31, 20 June 2023 (UTC)

It is well clear from the references like this that it is a broad topic, here-

 * On Ms Reena Dube, she has been summarised by Shail Mayaram in a better reference, anyways it is book on female infanticide, rather than specifically on the subject. But if you look at the reference she openly admit this doesn't applies to a only one caste- first line point this out. Interestingly, in between she also writes how some of them adopted lifestyle which was traditionally recognised as Rajputs, this makes it very clear that isn't restricted to any one social group., I don't know why you added this when same lines summarised by Shail Mayaram. And lastly, in the same reference Ms Dube also talked about other communities like here from the same book -, here another from same book- which you have been carefully ignoring. Akalanka820 (talk)

 * Please stop WP:OR in comments,,we can't decide ourselves as we are not historian. The references I have shared very clear and they exactly contradict to what you want to do with Lede and Title Summary, like the way you are doing now, you cannot decide yourself. I have quoted from summarised version of the refs. Many writers are very clear with lines like here for Rajputisation of Sikhs using word 'adopted the...characteristics
 * Akalanka820 (talk) 08:16, 2 July 2023 (UTC)
 * What part is WP:OR? So was the Rajputisation of these particular sikhs successful or not? I dont understand your  objection. What is the motivation for adopting the characteristics of Rajputs? The motivation is to become Rajput and be accepted as part as the commnity. Otherwise it is meaningless. Some pastoralist people adopted some customs and slowly became Rajputs. Some did not succeed. If you are saying that some tried Rajputisation but did not become Rajputs, I agree with you. But the other side is also true. Some tried Rajputisation and became rajputs. How were Rajputs clans formed if not by Rajputisation of tribal pastoralists who became sedentary? LukeEmily (talk) 14:37, 2 July 2023 (UTC)

On the subject line
Luke, Please stop WP:OR in comments,we can't decide ourselves as who became what, we are not historian. The references I have shared very clear and they exactly contradict to what you want to do with Lede and Title Summary, like the way you have been doing, you cannot decide yourself. I had quoted from summarised version of the refs you like a lot. Many writers are very clear with lines like here for Rajputisation of Sikhs using word adopted the...characteristics,Here:, Sikh families and the leading families of Bharatpur state along with leading family of Rewari zamindari could not become Rajputs despite all their attempts but did they followed Rajputisation? like adopting way of life, it does point to that in case of Sikhs. The above references are example of it.Akalanka820 (talk) 08:24, 2 July 2023 (UTC)
 * , you are free to add this. Just dont remove anything that is sourced and please don't remove quotes from citation please. In the above case it is also Rajputisation. Did they end up being Rajputs? Or they remained Jats? Rajputisation means replicating Rajput customs trying to show Rajput origin etc. in order to become part of Rajput community. Otherwise it is pointless to simply follow Rajput customs. Rajputisation can be successful or unsuccessful(incomplete). The lead covers both. If the former happens(successful), they become part of Rajput clans. If not, they are not considered Rajputs. Think of it like conversion to some religion except it depends on the acceptance of others. Maratha caste is formed in a very similar way from Kunbis the same way Rajputs are formed. This is not WP:OR but has been mentioned by Gordon. LukeEmily (talk) 13:11, 2 July 2023 (UTC)

 * Akalanka820, If some Ahirs(for example) Rajputize and are successful, they become Rajputs. If they fail, they dont become Rajputs. Some communities succeeded some failed. But without Rajputisation there would be no Rajputs. From Deube, you left out or ignored:  . And this quote
 * And this Ishita Banerjee-Dube (2010). Caste in History. Oxford University Press. p. xxiii. ISBN 978-0-19-806678-1.

 * The other examples you are giving are of tribes that tried to associate with Rajputs but were not fully successful. Some Ahirs became Rajputs, some did not. Some Jats became Rajputs some did not. I had to add the original quote from Dube because you are not understanding the summary. The author is saying that many members from many castes became Rajputs(obviously some were not successful). You are confusing Kshatritization with Rajputisation. I am not saying that all Ahirs became Rajputs(that does not make sense because there would be no ahirs left). There is no WP:OR.LukeEmily (talk) 15:15, 3 July 2023 (UTC)
 * You are again missing some of the points which she talked about in her own words from the book-, the point is her work which is primarily based on female infanticide has been summarised by Shail Mayaram and  that covers the lede as this topic covers vast numbers of groups not only Rajputs based on examples and the references of Rajputisation of Sikh etc, that I have shared. Please read a similar topic Pashtunisation and just see how the page lede and short summary is written. You can't just have your own way. Here is another example from the same Ms Reena Dube reference, she hasn't even used the word some: again here it is very clear from a notable reference for Rajputisation of Sikhs using word adopted the...characteristics, these are writer's word not my own:Akalanka820 (talk) 10:07, 4 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Luke, I think please see WP:TLDR, dumping long paragraphs of quotes on talk page or even in article probably not followed. I remember we were told to avoid it by FF ( Fowler&fowler) in last November. You were part of that discussion. Akalanka820 (talk) 10:42, 4 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Focus on the topic and article not on my behavior. The quotes I have given clearly show that Rajputisation was also (but not always) responsible for creation of Rajputs. Do you disagree? How did the Rajput clans develop according to you if not by Rajputisation? Your quotes only show that Rajputisation was not always successful i.e. caste did not become Rajuts. For example, the Sikhs mentioned in the quote did not become Rajput. That is already undisputed and I agree with it.LukeEmily (talk) 05:18, 5 July 2023 (UTC)
 * You can't decide the terminology yourself ( what is so problematic in it?), This is what was happening. I have shown you the reference it specifically talks about Rajputisation of Sikhs where writer pointed adopting the characteristics... Nowhere it is written that this terminology only deals with a formation of a particular caste and not with cultural immitation by others. The above references shows the cultural immitation part by others which also form important part of this topic. We cannot ignore that. This makes it important that we use summarised reference, Dr Shail Mayaram covers it. Akalanka820 (talk) 05:26, 6 July 2023 (UTC)

Luke, maybe according to Akalanka, they emerged from fire (Agnikul theory) or were descendant of Rama and Krishna (which is claimed by many people). But, these theories are rejected by most historians. One editor was topic banned recently for holding the same views. PS: Akalanka, most of the scholars agree that they emerged from the castes like Gurjar, Mer, Rabari, Mali, and also some of the foreign tribes. This article is about how Rajput clans came into existence, not about various social groups claiming higher status and trying to emulate the practices of twice born. That thing is covered in Sanskritisation. -Admantine123 (talk) 07:41, 5 July 2023 (UTC)

 * Please avoid your own research in the comments WP:OR, and discussion on some editor is not allowed. I have explained the reasonings with references. You are no one to decide what I think or not.Akalanka820 (talk) 05:14, 6 July 2023 (UTC)

Slow motion edit warring
Hello and anyone I forgot. It looks like there's a slow motion edit war going on. I'd just like to encourage everyone to use the talk page, and to leave the article on the oldest stable revision before disputed text was added until things are decided on the talk page. This is an important part of WP:BRD. Failure to do this is likely to result in full protection for awhile, and nobody likes full protection. Thanks for listening. Happy editing. – Novem Linguae (talk) 12:36, 2 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Yes, . Will revert to the revision you suggested before disputed text was added. Thanks.LukeEmily (talk) 13:13, 2 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Dear, admin I do understand it and have restored the page to the point before dispute started. Thank you Akalanka820 (talk) 09:56, 4 July 2023 (UTC)
 * If you all get stuck in your talk page discussion and can't reach a consensus, don't forget you can start a WP:RFC, which will place a template on the section that attracts neutral editors from other pages to visit here and weigh in. And you can request formal closure of RFCs by neutral third party editors at WP:ANRFC. – Novem Linguae (talk) 10:59, 4 July 2023 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 15 March 2024
In the Yadavs section -It is mentioned that Rajputization of Yadavs It is factually wrong. No historical book record says Yadavs used Rajputization idioms. so please remove this section.

please Add Rajputization of Ahirs.

Ahirs are among the "older, pastoralist tradition" of peasants who used a Rajputizing idiom to express their values, but who were regarded as " spurious ' Rajputs " by those who stressed genealogical ascription over achievement. 2409:4085:918B:3092:0:0:254B:E0A5 (talk) 21:49, 14 March 2024 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 28 April 2024
{{subst:trim|1=

The ‘Rajputization of Jats’ is false information, Sikhs converted to royal surnames ‘Singh’ & ‘Kaur’ as they are royal, not because it is Rajput. Sikhi does not believe in caste so they have no reason to believe in Rajputs either, it is not the Rajputization, it is simply leaving their own surnames behind for a royal surname to show that last name doesn’t matter and that anyone can be royal, for Jat Sikhs specifically, as they were low-caste they were likely less attached to their last names so were more keen to switch to Singh/Kaur compared to high caste Sikhs, though to a true Sikh it wouldn’t matter anyways, I request for the Rajputization of Jat section to be removed from this page, as it is simply anti-Sikh propaganda.
 * {{Nd}} Personal opinion doesn't matter here in Wikipedia; the suggested change is a classic example of WP:OR! Reliably sourced content can't be removed through such edit requests! Ekdalian (talk) 13:38, 28 April 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Rajputisation


text:
Emma Katz

Emma Katz is a UK-based domestic violence researcher. Katz has contributed to policy and popular cultural discussion on coercive control, in particular in the UK, the United States, and Australia.

Policy
Katz was a member of the expert advisory panel for Research England's Domestic Abuse Policy Guidance for UK Universities 2021.

Media
In March 2020 Katz's research was cited in a Guardian article by Jess Hill on the murder of Hannah Clarke in Brisbane, Australia. In the same month Katz featured in an ITV News report on the Coronation Street coercive control storyline involving the characters Yasmeen Nazir and Geoff Metcalfe. In November 2022 an article published on the Bristol Cable news website included quotes from Katz criticising the use of parental alienation counter-accusations by parents accused of domestic violence or child abuse in family courts.

source: wikimedia

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Emma Katz


text:
Rudkhaneh-ye Qal'eh Chay

Rudkhaneh-ye Qal'eh Chay (رودخانِۀ قَلعِه چای) is a river in northwest Iran.

It is located at 36° 57' 13"N and 47° 40' 09" E east of Zanjan, Iran.

title: Rudkhaneh-ye Qal'eh Chay


text:
Talk:Gai-Jin

Unfinished article
Anyone want to, you know, write the rest of this thing? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by <IP_ADDRESS> (talk) 14:32, 9 May 2007 (UTC).

Fair use rationale for Image:JamesClavell Gai-Jin.jpg
Image:JamesClavell Gai-Jin.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 09:45, 5 June 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Gai-Jin


text:
callout

Etymology
.

Noun

 * 1)  An outgoing telephone call.
 * 2) An instance of being summoned to visit a certain place in order to provide assistance; an instance of summoning someone who is on call.
 * 3)  A meeting or rally held in order to find interested participants, e.g. for an activity or sports team.
 * 4)  An invitation to fight.
 * 5) A request for people to join or take part.
 * 6)  A pull quote: an excerpt from an article (such as in a news magazine) that is duplicated in a large font alongside the article so as to grab a reader's attention and indicate the article's topic.
 * 7) An annotation that pertains to a specific location in a body of text or a graphic, and that is visually linked to that location by a mark or a matching pair of marks.
 * 8) The act of calling out from work, i.e. announcing that one cannot attend; the act of calling in sick.
 * 9)  A form of verbal abuse with the intention to make the victim feel guilty.
 * 10)  The invocation of an external third-party component.
 * 11) * 2011, Wes Nolte, Jeff Douglas, Salesforce Handbook (page 300)
 * 12) * One of the great benefits is that it allows you to perform callouts during trigger executions.
 * 1)  A form of verbal abuse with the intention to make the victim feel guilty.
 * 2)  The invocation of an external third-party component.
 * 3) * 2011, Wes Nolte, Jeff Douglas, Salesforce Handbook (page 300)
 * 4) * One of the great benefits is that it allows you to perform callouts during trigger executions.
 * 1) * One of the great benefits is that it allows you to perform callouts during trigger executions.

Derived terms

 * callout culture

Translations

 * Hungarian:, , , kivezénylés
 * Russian:

 * French:

title: callout


text:
Conflict tactics scale

The conflict tactics scale (CTS), created by Murray A. Straus in 1979, is used in the research of family violence." There are two versions of the CTS; the CTS2 (an expanded and modified version of the original CTS) and the CTSPC (CTS Parent-Child). As of 2005, the CTS has been used in about 600 peer reviewed scientific or scholarly papers, including longitudinal birth-cohort studies. National surveys conducted in the USA include two National Family Violence Surveys (1975 and 1985), the National Violence Against Women Survey (1998), which, according to Straus, used a "feminist version" of the CTS in order to minimize data on female perpetration of intimate partner violence (IPV), and the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being. A major international survey to use the CTS was the 2006 International Dating Violence Study, which investigated IPV amongst 13,601 college students across thirty-two different countries.

In a 2005 article in the Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Jennifer Langhinrichsen-Rohling listed the CTS amongst the most important advances in the field of IPV research, stating it "was revolutionary because it allowed researchers to quantitatively study events that had often been ignored culturally and typically took place in private."

However, the CTS is one of the most widely criticized domestic violence measurement instruments due to its exclusion of context variables and motivational factors in understanding acts of violence. The National Institute of Justice cautions that the CTS may not be appropriate for IPV research "because it does not measure control, coercion, or the motives for conflict tactics."

Structure
The scales are based on the premise that conflict is an inevitable aspect of all human association, but that the use of coercion (including force and violence) as a conflict-resolution tactic is harmful. The CTS focuses on "conflict tactics" – the method used to advance one's own interest within a conflict – as a behavior, and measures the conflict tactic behaviors of both the respondent and their partner/primary caregiver. However, the CTS "deliberately excludes attitudes, emotions, and cognitive appraisal of the behaviors" measured. This is because many victims of IPV do not see themselves as suffering abuse, and as such, their cognitive appraisal of their situation can affect the measurements of the CTS. Straus explains that the "discrepancy between the behavior and the cognitive appraisal of the behavior is important for understanding family violence and for designing programs of prevention and treatment. However, it is possible to identify the discrepancy only if there is an instrument such as the CTS which obtains the behavioral data."

A CTS-based study would ideally include data from respondents and their partners/primary caregivers in order to investigate the degree of symmetry or asymmetry between their responses. The CTS can be administered through an in-person interview, telephone interview, self-administered questionnaire, and/or computer-administered questionnaire.

Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2)
The revised CTS2 measures a total of 39 behaviors. Each of these behaviors, or "items", is divided into five categories: "Negotiation", "Psychological Aggression", "Physical Assault", "Sexual Coercion" and "Injury." Each of the five categories is then further subdivided into two subscales: "Negotiation" is subdivided into "Cognitive" and "Emotional", while the other four categories are subdivided into "Minor" and "Severe." There are six items in "Negotiation", eight in "Psychological Aggression," twelve in "Physical Assault," seven in "Sexual Coercion," and six in "Injury."

Examples from each category include:

 * Negotiation: "I showed I cared about my partner even though we disagreed" (emotional); "Suggested a compromise to a disagreement" (cognitive).
 * Psychological Aggression: "Shouted or yelled at my partner" (minor); "Threatened to hit or throw something at my partner" (severe).
 * Physical Assault: "Slapped my partner" (minor); "Kicked my partner" (severe)
 * Sexual Coercion: "Insisted on sex when my partner did not want to (but did not use physical force)" (minor); "Used force (like hitting, holding down, or using a weapon) to make my partner have sex" (severe)
 * Injury: "Had a sprain, bruise, or small cut because of a fight with my partner" (minor); "Needed to see a doctor because of a fight with my partner, but I didn't" (severe).

CTS2 questions are presented in pairs. The first question in the pair asks respondents to indicate how often they carried out each item, in a range from "never" to "more than 20 times," in the referent period. The second asks how often the partner carried out each item within the same referent period. Default referent periods are usually 12 months, but other spans of time can be used. Subscales measuring the degree of severity of "less severe" and "more severe" behaviors are included for all CTS scales, "based on the presumed greater harm resulting from acts in the severe subscale." The severity of behaviors can also be measured by analyzing the frequency of the acts and by whether an injury was reported by the respondent.

CTSPC
The CTSPC (parent-child relationships) has scales to measure: The CTSPC also includes supplementary questions on instances of neglect, sexual abuse, and discipline in the past week.
 * physical assault (with subscales for corporal punishment and physical abuse),
 * psychological aggression,
 * non-violent discipline techniques.

Scoring
There are many ways to score the CTS.

Common scoring methods include:

 * Prevalence: Results in the percentage of respondents who reported being a victim of or perpetrating an item (or items) one or more times.
 * Frequency: Results in the number of times an item occurred in the past year. A limitation of this score is that, for general population samples, "the distribution is so skewed that the mean is not an appropriate measure of central tendency." However, a sample of known offenders or victims will have a much higher frequency score "that can be very useful for measuring the chronicity of maltreatment."
 * Severity level and mutuality types: The severity level classifies each case into three categories: "none", "minor only", or "severe". The mutuality types classify each case as "respondent only", "partner only", or "both". Straus writes "the mutuality types may be particularly useful in couples therapy because over a hundred studies have found that when there is violence, 50 percent or more of the time it is by both partners."

Criticism
Critics of the CTS argue it is an ineffective tool with which to measure IPV rate because, although it counts the number of acts of violence, it does not provide information about the context in which such acts occur (including the initiation, intention, history, or pattern of violence). Critics say such contexts cannot be divorced from the act itself, and therefore the CTS misrepresents the characteristics of violence between partners. Straus responds to this criticism by stating "the idea that the CTS physical assault scale is defective because it does not take into account the context, meaning, causes, and consequences of the violent acts is analogous to declaring a reading ability test invalid because it does not provide data on why a child reads poorly (such as limited exposure to books at home or test anxiety), or for not measuring the harmful effects of reading difficulty (such as low self-esteem or dropping out of school)." Michael Kimmel says of this argument, "such an analogy is utterly inadequate. It is more akin to a teacher who doesn't look at how far off the spelling mistakes are or whether there is a pattern in the mistakes that might point to a physiological problem like dyslexia or some other learning disability, as compared to academic laziness, and thus leaving the learning problems untouched and misdirecting funds away from towards punitive after-school programs for lazy students."

Another common criticism is that the CTS carries ideological assumptions about domestic violence, such as the notion that partner violence is the result of an "argument" rather than an attempt to control one's partner. Furthermore, the CTS asks about frequency only in the past twelve months and fails to detect ongoing systematic patterns of abuse. It also excludes incidents of violence that occur after separation and divorce. The CTS also does not measure economic abuse, manipulation involving children, isolation, or intimidation – all common measures of violence from a victim-advocacy perspective.

Another methodological problem is that interobserver reliability (the likelihood that the two members of the measured dyad respond similarly) is near zero for tested husband and wife couples. That is, the chances of a given couple reporting similar answers about events they both experienced is no greater than chance. On the most severe CTS items, husband-wife agreement is actually below chance: "On the item "beat up," concordance was nil: although there were respondents of both sexes who claimed to have administered beatings and respondents of both sexes who claimed to have been on the receiving end, there was not a single couple in which one party claimed to have administered and the other to have received such a beating."

title: Conflict tactics scale


text:
Maymunah Kadiri

Maymunah Yusuf Kadiri is a Nigerian mental health advocate, Psychiatrist, and psychotherapist. She advocates for mental health by speaking at events,       television shows     and as a columnist at the Guardian Newspapers. She produced Little Drops Of Happy in 2017 to create awareness about mental health in Nigeria. She is the founder of Pinnacle Medical Services Limited.

Education
Maymunah trained at Federal Neuro-Psychiatric Hospital, Yaba until 2012. She is a graduate of the China European International Business School. She is also a trained rational emotive and cognitive behavioural therapist from Albert Ellis Institute, New York, USA. She is a Goldman Sachs scholar in Entrepreneurial management and a Fellow of the National Post-Graduate Medical College of Physicians (FMCPsych).

title: Maymunah Kadiri


text:
User:Vettrithiru

sir! this is one the mostimportant encyclopedia in the world i think .i never seen before like this!thanks for ur services!............... regards thirumurugan.a--thiru 09:17, 11 August 2006 (UTC)

title: User:Vettrithiru


text:
Limiting probabilities

The probability that a continuous-time Markov chain will be in state j at time t often converges to a limiting value which is independent of the intial state. We call this value Pj where Pj is equal to:

$$ \frac{(\lambda_0)(\lambda_1)(\lambda_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\lambda_{n-1})}{(\mu_1)(\mu_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\mu_n)(1+\sum_{n=1}^\infty \frac{(\lambda_0)(\lambda_1)(\lambda_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\lambda_{n-1})}{(\mu_1)(\mu_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\mu_n)})},$$

For a limiting probability to exist, it is necessary that

$$\sum_{k=1}^\infty \frac{(\lambda_0)(\lambda_1)(\lambda_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\lambda_{n-1})}{(\mu_1)(\mu_2)\cdot\cdot\cdot(\mu_n)}< \infty,$$

This condition may be shown to be sufficient.

We can determine the limiting probabilities for a birth and death process using these equations and equating the rate at which the process leaves a state with the rate at which it enters the state.

title: Limiting probabilities


text:
Talk:Baldwin (abbot and physician)

Merge
I agree that Baldwin (abbot) and Baldwin (abbot and physician) should be merged as they are the same person Hugo999 (talk) 02:53, 14 February 2016 (UTC)

 * I prefer the title Baldwin (abbot) as it's more succinct. The merger should thus be from the longer title to the shorter. Andrew D. (talk) 09:43, 14 February 2016 (UTC)

 * See also Talk:Baldwin (abbot).  Jolly  Ω   Janner  09:45, 14 February 2016 (UTC)

Agree with merge. Boleyn (talk) 10:21, 14 February 2016 (UTC)

 * I think we can redirect this title to the other one. This article is based on an older source, and the other one can be expanded with the newer ODNB article. However, a histmerge is probably in order if somebody knows how to arrange it. Srnec (talk) 04:17, 25 February 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:Baldwin (abbot and physician)


text:
Isaar

Isaar or ISAAR may refer to:
 * Isaar, Wisconsin, an unincorporated community in the USA
 * International Standard Archival Authority Record, or ISAAR, a form of authority control record

title: Isaar


text:
Talk:Civ/Sid Meier's Alpha Centauri/Facility Index

I'm confused. The Recycling Tanks says it costs no maintenance, then "(0 with Adv. Ecological Engineering)" -- so it still costs no maintenance. I checked this with Prima's strategy guide which seems to say the same thing... --Furrykef 00:55, 3 Jun 2004 (UTC)

alphax.txt said the same thing, too, so I'm willing to bet that the game is actually wasting CPU cycles checking to see if your Rec Tanks are "Free" or just cost 0 ECs to upkeep. --Anarchie 04:20, 6 Jun 2004 (UTC)

What does the temple of planet do? The effect isn't written.


text:
User:Vuara/The Bandwidth Capital of the World

RE: Réf. : RE: [MUD-Dev] Mass customization in MM*** s From : "John Buehler"  To :  Subject : RE: Réf. : RE: [MUD-Dev] Mass customization in MM*** s Date : Thu, 25 Jul 2002 07:13:47 -0400 Jeff Lindsey writes: > John Buehler wrote:

>> Recall that we have a pretty ugly barrier to entry for >> socialization - the inability to talk. I don't know what Koreans >> use to talk to each other, but I suspect that it's either painful >> to enter it as text or they use English. That is, their barrier >> may be greater than in cultures that fit the ISO-LATIN 1 'culture'.

> Actually, there's a pretty good article in the latest Wired ("The > Bandwidth Capital of the World", August 2002) that indicates many > Korean players actually do talk while playing, as they tend to > group up based on being in the same 'internet cafe'. It's a very > interesting read if you get the time.

It was an interesting read and only goes to support my theory that players want to communicate verbally. Well, South Korean players, anyway. The South Koreans are very social players and they like to play together in the same room. As you mention, groups of players tend to take over an Internet cafe in order to play Lineage as a group and they don't message each other - they yell at each other. This is a model that I've speculated on for American gamers so that we can socialize effectively during gameplay, but we're a different society. It might just be a bad idea for Americans.

Here's a link to the article that you referenced:

http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/10.08/korea.html

JB

-- -- The Bandwidth Capital of the World

In Seoul, the broadband age is in full swing - online games have become a national sport, and cybercafes are the new singles bars.

By J. C. Herz

AT FIRST GLANCE, Seoul seems like just another sprawling metropolis: Its buildings, hastily constructed with dubious financing in the months leading up to South Korea's 1997 economic crisis, are the sort of blocky, concrete-and-glass high-rises that give many modern cities the air of prefab homogeneity. Wide boulevards are choked with the oppressive traffic common in East Asia or, for that matter, Silicon Valley. Megamalls and underground shopping centers filled with Body Shops and Burger Kings cater to teens and young professionals. There's none of the high tech visual overload you see in Tokyo, or the clean-scrubbed, old-meets-new urbanism of Scandinavia - nothing to indicate that Seoul is the most wired city on the planet.

Burrow a bit, though, down the alleys, up flights of stairs, or into the corners of malls, and you find something that sets Seoul apart and fosters its passion for broadband: online game rooms, or PC baangs, as they are called here. There are 26,000 of them, tucked into every spare sliver of real estate. Filled with late-model PCs packed tightly into rows, these rabbit warrens of high-bandwidth connectivity are where young adults gather to play games, video-chat, hang out, and hook up.

They are known as "third places" - not home, not work - where teens and twentysomethings go to socialize, to be part of a group in a culture where group interaction is overwhelmingly important. As elsewhere, technology scratches a cultural itch. It is the social infrastructure, as much as the hardware and software infrastructure, that's driving the statistics.

And the numbers are impressive - South Korea has the highest per capita broadband penetration in the world. Slightly more than half of its households have high-bandwidth connections, compared to less than 10 percent in the US. The growth in broadband has surged in the last three years from a few hundred thousand subscribers to 8.5 million.

When it comes to rolling out bandwidth, South Korea's population density is an advantage. Seventy percent of its citizens live in the seven largest cities, in residential towers nestled close to DSL switching stations. The capital city of Seoul itself accounts for a quarter of the population. To put this in perspective, consider that South Korea's national communications backbone consists of 13,670 miles of optical fiber. Last year, Verizon laid down 20,500 miles of optical fiber in West Virginia alone. This fact doesn't make the Korean information infrastructure any less impressive. But the country does have an easier job on its hands than say, Indonesia, or the Philippines, or Mexico.

As luck would have it, urban apartment dwellers have a lot of broadband capacity right under their noses, courtesy of Kepco, the public power utility, which developed a network of fiber-optic cables for its own use years ago. In 1996, South Korea allowed Kepco to lease the unused 90 percent of its capacity, giving upstart providers a cheap, instant last-mile solution. Sharp competition with Korea Telecom, which the government forced to open its network in the early '90s, has driven broadband prices down to the world's lowest levels. All-you-can-eat service is available for as little as $25 a month.

The government has even set up a certification program to rate buildings based on the quality of their data lines. Developers who install fatter pipes take the opportunity to bump up their prices - not an insignificant policy in a country where 50 percent of the population lives in large apartment complexes. Fast connections are even getting bundled into the rent, as construction companies repackage minuscule high-rise people-boxes as cyber-apartments. (A typical four-bedroom is 1,150 square feet and costs $2,000 a month, not counting utilities, cyber or otherwise). Built by conglomerates like Daelim Industrial and Samsung in partnership with broadband carriers and content providers, the sales pitch is oddly reminiscent of 1950s American suburbia - except that instead of lawns and trees, developers promise an endless expanse of bandwidth allowing residents to buy flowers, chat with neighbors, and search for the perfect kimchi recipe on the local Ethernet. It's all very Epcot.

DESPITE THIS UTOPIAN vision of e-domesticity, the real allure of high-rise broadband is escape from the constraints of real estate. Escape into the wide horizons of a computer game, or into the welcoming company of other micro-apartment dwellers - preferably at the same time. Not only is South Korea a more wired country than the US, it is also a more gregarious one. Even if most Koreans had an American-style mega home-theater cocoon, they would still go out. These people do not bowl alone, particularly if they're single (most don't move out of their parents' place until they get married). They want to be with their friends.

And right now, the place to be with your friends is a PC baang in downtown Seoul upholstered in Romper Room hues. A hundred monitors glow with the candy colors of computer games. There are also a handful of "love seat" stations, outfitted with two computers and a double-wide bench. Theoretically, this is so guys can play videogames while their girlfriends video-chat with pals.

If you really watch the love seats, though, it becomes apparent that they're not so much a porch swing as an Internet-mediated bar stool. Every so often a girl will saunter by one of the stations, eye the occupant, and then sit down - or not. As it turns out, singles are video-chatting in game rooms all over town. If they hit it off, the guy says something like, "I'm sitting at love seat number 47 at this particular PC baang, if you'd care to join me." If the girl is sufficiently intrigued, she hops on the subway or walks - nothing is more than 20 minutes away in central Seoul. She cruises by, checks him out, and if she likes the look of him in person she sits down, hoping the lighting and shading algorithms she used to enhance her features in the video chat don't make her seem unglamorous in person.

Young-Baek Kim, 50, the proprietor of this PC baang, spends his days watching these scenarios play out. A former pharmacist, Kim used to work in a PC baang as a second job. Now he's the boss, and the business has expanded to seven locations staffed by his aunt, uncle, and cousins. Overhead is low, and margins are high - two years ago, South Korea's PC baangs raked in $6 billion. They are a great small-business opportunity.

But they are also the product of a huge business crisis. In 1997, when the Korean economy imploded, thousands of middle managers were laid off, with no hope of finding new suit-and-tie jobs. They had tightly knit extended families, though, and as a result, access to moderate amounts of capital from relatives (the cornerstone of the nation's small-business culture). A lot of them opened PC baangs - it cost the same as opening a restaurant, and it was less sweaty. Their out-of-work compatriots needed an inexpensive way to spend time. Tech-savvy students wanted to get out of the house. All the PC baang owners needed was something to draw people in groups and keep them paying a buck an hour while laying down extra cash for sodas and instant noodles.

THAT SOMETHING was online computer games. Because Korea was a Japanese colony for 40 years, until the end of World War II, it has had an acrimonious relationship with Japan. The latter's consumer electronics have traditionally been all but verboten thanks to both trade policy and cultural resentment. No PlayStations, no Sega, no Nintendo. As a result, PCs have become the dominant game platform in South Korea - unlike in the rest of the world, where consoles rule. And in 1998, with Starcraft the most popular game on the market, PC baang owners started hosting tournaments to boost business.

That snowball has now reached the bottom of the hill. Starcraft is not just a game in South Korea, it is a national sport, what football was in America in the 1970s. Five million people - equivalent to 30 million in the US - play. And three cable stations broadcast competitive gaming full-time to a TV audience.

Why watch gaming on TV? Partly for the same reason millions of fans tune in for golf - if you play, it's compelling to see the pros do their thing. But largely it's about production values. There is so much insane enthusiasm staged around an event, it takes on a kind of obsessive allure - seeing a subject this arcane, broadcast with such a degree of adrenaline, described in frenzied, masterful detail, is riveting.

As an Enigma-esque theme song introduces the broadcast, a three-camera studio crew stands by in a PC baang in the basement of one of Seoul's largest malls. Two opponents decked out in metallic vinyl armor face each other across flat-screen workstations, steeling themselves for a five-game session of Kingdom Under Fire. Dry-ice fog rolls across the floor. As the music builds to a gothic intensity, YES or NO appears on the TV screen, giving at-home viewers a chance to vote online for the contestants: Maxim, a two-time winner from the Cherry Clan, versus Fusion, a rising star from the Saint Clan. Their faces zoom briefly onto the screen as the commentator, sequestered in an adjacent room, announces the Korean equivalent of "Let's get ready to rumble."

Kingdom Under Fire, like many real-time strategy games, is a mixture of Tolkienesque imagery and resource allocation. Players micromanage supply chains staffed by tiny serfs while casting flashy magical spells to vanquish their opponents. Televised games are played in fast-forward, like speed chess, creating a spectacle of medieval Europe on Benzedrine: villagers frantically mining, keystone-cop masons bricking up buildings in seconds, antlike armies on the march. The excitement builds. The villagers are smelting! Six minutes in, swarms of little soldiers are wreaking micromayhem. Flocks of bats and fire-breathing dragons are on the wing - all accompanied by color commentary and a soundtrack.

The music reaches a crescendo as the challenger finishes off the defending champion in round one. Cut to a commercial: sexy teens on the run, snacking on Atlas candy bars. Then the commentators are back, trading banter and postgame analysis, replaying the highlights and gearing up for round two. More music. More frenzied medieval villagers. One hour and 55 minutes later, the defending champ prevails.

"We had a 41 share last week of people who watch cable TV at that time," says Chong Il Hun, 32, the lead announcer, who has become a celebrity TV personality in the three years he's been covering game tournaments. His station also airs online tutorials - playback footage of pro players along with voice-over commentary ("In this situation, I chose to go for the Yamato Gun, as opposed to the Optic Flare").

Chong points out a 20-year-old in an orange sweatshirt, immersed in online tactical warfare. "He's a pro gamer. Most of them practice 10 hours every day, like musicians," he says. "In Korea, people play games using the Internet like that. It's a kind of boom. It's the culture, it accelerates things. The first person gets something, other people get jealous, it spreads to the mainstream." Seventy percent of the country's Internet users are also online gamers, as opposed to 20 percent in the US.

SOUTH KOREA'S hypersocial culture affects how people connect in virtual space. Lineage, a homegrown online world, is a testament to the overlay of virtual and physical environments. It hosts more than 3 million players. On any given night, 150,000 of them are signed on simultaneously. Most play from PC baangs, which buy Lineage access for 20 cents an hour and sell it for a dollar, but an increasing number - those with wives and families - pay $25 a month to subscribe from home.

Like its Western counterparts EverQuest and Ultima Online, Lineage is a role-playing game set in the Middle Ages. Based on a comic book, the story involves the efforts of an evil king's stepson (the rightful heir) to rally a group of faithful followers (the Blood Pledge) and topple the usurper. In practice, it unfolds like a massively multiplayer king of the hill. The goal is to capture the castle, which allows you to raise money by levying tariffs on chain mail and mead. That enables you to buy more weapons and recruit soldiers to guard the castle against the onslaught of other attackers who want to do the same thing. Competing Blood Pledges - large gangs of players that can number in the hundreds - lay siege to one another's castles for hours at a time on fat broadband connections that allow the battles to play out in full glory.

What makes Lineage a distinctively Korean experience is that when players assemble to take down a castle, they do so in person, commandeering a local PC baang for as long as it takes. In the middle of a battle, these people aren't text-chatting. They're yelling across the room. Platoons sit at adjacent computers, coordinating among themselves and taking orders from the Blood Pledge leader. Lineage has a fixed hierarchy, unlike American role-playing games, in which leadership structures emerge organically. At the outset, you choose to be either royalty or a commoner. If you're a prince or princess, your job is to put together an army and lead it. If you're a commoner, your job is to find a leader. You pledge loyalty and fight to take over castles, and no matter how great you are at it, you can never be in charge.

This kind of tightly defined clan structure, which mirrors the Confucian hierarchy of Korean society, would be anathema to American players, who generally want to be the hero-king Lone Ranger. "In Korea, everyone is very comfortable with taking on subordinate roles," says Richard Garriott, who created Ultima and now runs the US division of Lineage's developer, NCsoft. "Their groups are extremely well structured, to the point where they march in lines, attack in waves, and have a style of coordination that you could not possible match in the United States."

Arguably, it is the tight-knittedness of Korean society, and its people's tendency to physically gather around technology, that makes Lineage and the PC baangs a success. Unsurprisingly, Lineage hasn't taken off in North America, partly because it's a game in which not everyone can be the boss. More fundamentally, the distance between Americans, physically and socially, makes it impossible to replicate the contagiousness of the game, which is also the contagiousness of PC baangs in South Korea and of broadband overall in the country. In the US, going online is not generally a group social experience and almost never a face-to-face social experience - in fact, we presume that if you're online, you're not talking to someone who's in the room.

The merging of virtual and physical space has huge implications, not just for the players but also for the way companies operate and where their costs are carried. NCsoft has only a few dozen customer-service reps to deal with 3 million gamers. Why? Because if a guy in a PC baang has a question, he can turn to someone next to him and ask "What is this about?" or "How do you do that?" If the person doesn't know, there's always the proprietor, who's been trained by NCsoft to troubleshoot. Afterward, not only has the question been answered, but the person who asked it is that much more of an expert, in case the player next to him ever has the same question. Essentially, customer support has been completely decentralized, because players help one another - and also market to one another. Buzz across the room sells broadband better than any targeted advertisement can.

IN THE US and Europe, where media companies are obsessed with pumping copyrighted content into living rooms, online games are not acknowledged as the market driver for broadband. But in other parts of the world, especially where population density is high and PC game rooms are giving millions of people their first taste of connectivity, online games are becoming the hottest high-bandwidth ticket in town.

"We're talking to Singapore, Thailand, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, South America," says Heo Hong, NCsoft's CFO. In Taiwan, there are a million Lineage players, most of whom play from home. In Japan, NCsoft has a joint venture with Yahoo! and Softbank to package Lineage as a subscription service. Last year, the game launched in Hong Kong. This year, a Chinese partner will roll it out in Beijing.

In Asia, where copyright law is only loosely enforced, massively multiplayer online games are less risky for media developers than movies, music, TV programs, or console games. Unlike freestanding content, online worlds are almost impossible to pirate. Someone could copy the client application, but the game itself lives on a centrally maintained network. Even if that person were able to duplicate the backend system (it costs millions to run Lineage as a reliable service), there is no way to replicate the presence of 2 million people and the dynamics that occur in a human system of that scale. The value isn't bound up in the content. It's bound up in the interactions - in the group experience.

South Korea's broadband commons challenges North American assumptions about what bandwidth is for and why it's relevant. In the US, cable, telephone, and media companies spin visions of set-top boxes and online jukeboxes, trying to "leverage content" and turn old archives into new media streams. There is a profound fear of empowering consumers to share media in a self-organizing way on a mass scale. Yet this is precisely what makes South Korea the broadband capital of the world. It's not a futuristic fantasy that caters to alienated couch potatoes; it's a present-day reality that meets the needs of a culture of joiners - a place where physical and virtual are not mutually exclusive categories.

When NCsoft, originally a systems integrator, decided to move into broadband media, it could have chosen to distribute "webisodes," or online animation. After all, South Korea is the third-largest producer of animation after the US and Japan. Instead, NCsoft's Heo says, the company "wanted to focus on interaction. And what is more interactive than games? We made this market. We made new sectors. American media companies were just using online capacity to distribute offline media."

So what about those of us in channel-surfing American cocoon-land? The vision of streaming media piped into the home, video-on-demand 24/7, and needle-narrow target markets is heralded as the way forward. Yet it is possible that this vision is holding us back. Perhaps the real market opportunities have nothing to do with connecting people to the Universal back catalog and everything to do with connecting people to each other. If Seoul is any kind of signpost, the way forward does not lie in the single servings of media we consume but in the playgrounds we share - no matter who's manning the turrets and storming the castles.

J. C. Herz<EMAIL_ADDRESS>wrote about Star Wars Galaxies in Wired 10.06. -- --


text:
Franz Erwein von Schönborn-Wiesentheid

Franz Erwein, Count of Schönborn-Wiesentheid (1776–1840) was a German art collector and politician from the House of Schönborn.

Life
His parents were the Damian Hugo Erwein Franz von Schönborn (1738–1817), a chamberlain and member of the counsel from Aschaffenburg, and his wife Maria Anna (1746–1817), who had been countess of Stadion zu Thannhausen und Warthausen. From 1792 onwards he studied at Jura and the University of Würzburg. In 1802 he married Fernandine, Countess of Westphalia, from Hildesheim (1781-1813). She was the daughter of the imperial envoy Clemens August of Westphalia. That year Franz also took over the entail on the Schönborn-Besitzungen in the Holy Roman Empire.

In 1806 the county of Wiesentheid was handed over to the Kingdom of Bavaria as part of German Mediatisation. As a result, Franz Erwein von Schönborn mainly focused on administering his Frankish estates and those in the wine-growing areas of Rheingau. In 1811 he and his family moved to Munich, where he met Ludwig, Crown Prince of Bavaria the following year. He was given the rank of major general in the Bavarian army and began to operate as an art collector, making contact with several major artists.

On his wife's death in 1813, Schönborn moved to Schloss Gaibach, rebuilding it between 1800 and 1830. He also added a park in the English style, in which he built a Constitution Column. The column was designed by Schönborn's friend Leo von Klenze and commemorated Maximilian I Joseph's 1818 grant of a Constitution to the Kingdom of Bavaria. In 1828 he also completed a Constitution Hall in the castle, painted at von Klenze's suggestion by Carl Heinrich Hermann and Jakob Götzenberger, two of Peter von Cornelius's pupils. Schönborn's collection ranked alongside Ludwig's own as two of the most notable ones in southern Germany.

As a state counselor of Bavaria, Schönborn was a member of the state's Imperial Council from 1819 until his death. He sometimes served as Vice President of the Privy Council, in which capacity he represented the Council at the 1819 funeral of Anton Eggstein, the first Bavarian member of parliament to die in office. Schönborn was also hereditarily appointed as a member of the first chamber of the Nassau Landstände according to the Nassau Ducal Edict of 29 October 1831. He was elected from 1832 to 1837.

title: Franz Erwein von Schönborn-Wiesentheid


text:
Sir William Lithgow, 2nd Baronet

Sir William James Lithgow, 2nd Baronet (10 May 1934 – 28 February 2022) was a Scottish industrialist and vice-chairman of Lithgow Group. In 1952 he inherited the Scottish shipbuilding company, Lithgows, which was established by his grandfather, William Lithgow. Economic and political changes, especially the nationalisation of British shipbuilding in the 1970s, prevented Sir William from simply continuing the family business, and he therefore led it in new directions, including engineering, salmon farming and other marine and agricultural matters. He described himself as an "industrialist and farmer". Since 1999 his son James has been chairman of the Lithgow Group.

Early life
Lithgow was the son of Sir James Lithgow, 1st Baronet, and Lady Lithgow, whose family homes were Gleddoch House, at Langbank on the Clyde, a few miles from their shipyards at Port Glasgow, and Ormsary, their country estate in Knapdale. He was educated at Winchester College, and was a Chartered Engineer and Fellow of the Royal Academy of Engineering. His father died when he was eighteen, and his mother acted as chairman of the family company until 1959. In 1967 he married Mary Claire Hill and they have a daughter and two sons.

Change of direction
In the 1960s British shipbuilding was facing serious competition from the Far East, as well as other challenges. In the late 1960s a government enquiry into the UK shipbuilding industry led to a merger between Lithgows Ltd. and Scotts Shipbuilding & Engineering Co Ltd. of Greenock. This became Scott Lithgow Ltd. in 1970, but in 1977 the government nationalised the company under the control of the British Shipbuilders Corporation by the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Act 1977.

Lithgow and others involved challenged the amount of compensation they were offered and ended up taking their case to the European Court of Human Rights. The press reported his views about the wider implications of his experience, which he related to the Thatcher government's privatisation policies, and the forthcoming expiry of the British lease on Hong Kong. When he finally lost his legal battle in 1986 he told The Times that his claim had started as a "squalid argument about money" but had come to be about "fundamental property rights which are part of the basis of the free world". On other occasions he has expressed strong views publicly on subjects ranging from the importance of wealth creation to weaknesses in ferry services to the Scottish islands.

After nationalisation
Meanwhile, Lithgows was diversifying. In 1980 they moved into salmon farming through their subsidiary Landcatch. Their Campbeltown boatyard producing fishing vessels closed in 1997, but they still build fishing boats at Buckie in Moray. Engineering interests include firms producing off-road vehicles and rifles. Many of the conglomerate's interests are related to rural and coastal life, not least their land management and agricultural activities on the Ormsary estate and on the nearby Isle of Jura.

The many public bodies on which he has served include some connected with shipbuilding and agriculture, and he also has links with Strathclyde University which made him an honorary Doctor of Laws (LLD) in 1979. He was a member of the Royal Company of Archers.

In 1999, Lithgow passed on the chairmanship to his son James, around the time of his 65th birthday. At the time, the press reported his belief that many of British shipbuilding's problems in the 1960s and 1970s could be attributed to government policies stemming from the Treasury. He had apparently "seriously considered relocating to Australia".

The Lithgow Group still have offices at Langbank, close to the house the first William Lithgow moved to in 1883.

Personal life
Lithgow listed his hobbies as including "rural life, invention and photography". In 2006, he held an address in Western Australia, but Ormsary remained his home, as well part of his title as 2nd Baronet of Ormsary.

Lithgow died on 28 February 2022, at the age of 87.

title: Sir William Lithgow, 2nd Baronet


text:
Wikipedia:WikiProject Spam/LinkReports/corientbs.co.uk

Links

 * corientbs.co.uk resolves to [//<IP_ADDRESS> <IP_ADDRESS>]
 * Link is not on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the domainredlist.
 * Link is not on the Monitorlist.
 * None of the mentioned users is on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the whitelist.
 * Link is not on the monitor list.
 * None of the mentioned users is on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the whitelist.
 * Link is not on the monitor list.

Additions

 * Displayed all 1 additions.


text:
Jung Mi-ran

Jung Mi-ran (born 20 March 1985) is a South Korean former basketball player who competed in the 2004 Summer Olympics. She made her Women's Korean Basketball League debut later that year with Guri Kumho Life Insurance, and later played for the Cheongju KB Stars in the same league. In 2017 she was diagnosed with breast cancer, and took time off to recover until 2018. She announced her retirement in 2019.

title: Jung Mi-ran


text:
hatun

Adjective

 * 1) big, tall, grand, high, large, long, great, important
 * 2) serious

Noun

 * 1) size, height

Etymology
From, from. Long vowel, preservation of h-, lack of voicing and labial harmony suggest it is a borrowing rather than inheritance. see for more information.

.

Noun

 * 1)  an attractive young woman
 * 2)  wife
 * 3)  lady, noble woman

title: hatun


text:
User:Hallock618/sandbox

Advanced Placement Courses

There are currently 34 courses and exams available through the AP Program. A complete list can be found on CollegeBoard.com. Completing AP courses help students qualify for various types of scholarships. According to The College Board, 31 percent of colleges and universities look at AP experience when making scholarship decisions. Students enrolling in a college or university with AP course credit are more likely to graduate from college in four years or less. If enough AP courses are taken and passed, it is possible to graduate from college up to a year early, which can save a lot of money otherwise spent attending a college for those courses.Taking AP courses in High School, can not only save time and money, it can also help give a competitive edge in being accepted during the admissions process and in receiving scholarships.

title: User:Hallock618/sandbox


text:
Winton C. Hoch

Winton C. Hoch, A.S.C. (July 31, 1905 – March 20, 1979) was an American cinematographer. He was earlier a lab technician who contributed to the development of Technicolor before becoming a cinematographer in 1936. His understanding of the color process quickly led to his being hailed as one of Hollywood's premier color cinematographers. Hoch never made a film in black and white.

Biography and filmography
Hoch was born July 31, 1905, in Storm Lake, Iowa. Moving to California in 1924 and graduating in 1931 as a chemist from the California Institute of Technology, Hoch was a research physicist who joined the Technicolor company in 1934. His developing and familiarity with the three-color Technicolor process led to work as a cinematographer in the James A. Fitzpatrick travelogues.

He won a technical award from the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences in 1940 for his contributions to the development of improved equipment for process projection.

Hoch's first feature film as an associate cinematographer/Technicolor consultant was Dr. Cyclops, followed by the live-action portions of The Reluctant Dragon and aviation films Dive Bomber and Captains of the Clouds. During World War II, Hoch enlisted in the United States Navy, filming many top secret activities, including work at the atomic testing facilities at Los Alamos.

Following the war, Hoch returned to Hollywood features beginning with Tap Roots. He made his first collaboration with director John Ford in 1948 with 3 Godfathers.

This was followed with back-to-back Academy Awards for the expensive religious epic Joan of Arc in 1948, and then the elegiac John Ford western She Wore a Yellow Ribbon in 1949 (an achievement that went unmatched until John Toll picked up Oscars for Legends of the Fall in 1994 and Braveheart in 1995).

He received his third Oscar in 1952 for another collaboration with John Ford, this time on the film The Quiet Man, which made him the only cinematographer to share an Oscar with a credited second unit cinematographer, Archie Stout. Filming of The Quiet Man was done during intensive cloudy weather. Ford said of Hoch's work and attention to detail: "Never employ a cameraman to direct a film because he never sees what's going on." The two former Navy men also filmed Mister Roberts and The Searchers, his final collaboration with Ford.

In 1959, Hoch began his collaboration with producer-director Irwin Allen, photographing The Big Circus, The Lost World, Five Weeks in a Balloon and both Voyage to the Bottom of the Sea and Voyage to the Bottom of the Sea (TV series) where Hoch was awarded an Emmy Award. He also photographed episodes of Lost in Space and The Time Tunnel.

Hoch's films included the war films Halls of Montezuma and The Green Berets, the westerns The Redhead from Wyoming, The Young Land and Sergeants 3, a return to Ireland and Walt Disney for Darby O'Gill and the Little People and the science fiction classic Robinson Crusoe on Mars filmed in Death Valley. However, Hoch stated that cinematography didn't matter in a comedy because the subject matter didn't lend itself to dramatic lighting and overview.

Hoch finished his career on the American television series The Banana Splits and Nanny and the Professor.

Hoch was elected president of the American Society of Cinematographers. Hoch died following a stroke on March 20, 1979, in Santa Monica.

title: Winton C. Hoch


text:
resistless

Etymology
From.

Adjective

 * 1) That cannot be resisted; irresistible.
 * 2) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.
 * 1) Putting up no resistance; unresisting.

title: resistless


text:
kjapp

Etymology
From (toss, whip); from.

Adjective

 * 1) fast, quick

Etymology
From (toss, whip); from.

Adjective

 * 1) fast, quick

title: kjapp


text:
Talk:Garfield Elementary School (Garfield, Arkansas)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Garfield Elementary School (Garfield, Arkansas). Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20150207205223/http://www.arkansaspreservation.com/!userfiles/BE3146.nr.pdf to http://www.arkansaspreservation.com/!userfiles/BE3146.nr.pdf

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 01:39, 8 January 2017 (UTC)


text:
Help talk:Wikitext quick reference

'Contents' section anomaly
I noticed that 2nd item/section-link of Help:Wikitext quick reference's 'Contents' section which should read... "2 Just show what I typed" ...is displaying... "2 Section Heading Embed File File link [[Media:Button media.png]] Media:Button media.png Mathematical Formulas (LaTeX) $2^3$ Ignore wiki markup $2^3$ $2^3$ Signature Thanks guys -- ~ Thanks guys --Karl Wick 07:46, 27 November 2005 (UTC) Horizontal line Page Redirect #redirect Help:Editing Help:Editing#Basic text formatting For a list of HTML tags that are allowed, see HTML in wikitext. However, you should avoid HTML in favor of Wiki markup whenever possible. Just show what I typed" ...as a hyperlink.

Unraveling this exceeds my current skills. Help from a more experienced/knowledgable editor/admin would be great.

--Kevjonesin (discuss • contribs) 22:16, 21 April 2013 (UTC)

Hear hear! Apparently, this has partly to do with failure of the nowiki tag on the demo of heading markup, but the rest of it is beyond me, likewise how to fix it.--Alkhowarizmi (discuss • contribs) 08:22, 29 March 2016 (UTC)

 * Now corrected. Note that these pages are not regularly monitored. That's why the issue has remained for more than three years, and likely much longer. Please ask questions about Wikiversity in the Colloquium for a faster response. -- Dave Braunschweig (discuss • contribs) 13:03, 29 March 2016 (UTC)

title: Help talk:Wikitext quick reference


text:
1984: Spring / A Choice of Futures

1984: Spring / A Choice of Futures is a book by Arthur C. Clarke published in 1984.

Plot summary
1984: Spring / A Choice of Futures is a book consisting of 31 non-fiction pieces.

Reception
Dave Langford reviewed 1984: Spring / A Choice of Futures for White Dwarf #68, and stated that "Plenty of good things here: too many, really, as Clarke reprints several speeches which make points in the same words. Where was his editor?"

Reviews

 * Review by Dan Chow (1984) in Locus, #277 February 1984
 * Review by Robert Coulson (1984) in Amazing Stories, July 1984
 * Review by Richard D. Erlich (1984) in Fantasy Review, July 1984
 * Review by Tom Easton (1984) in Analog Science Fiction/Science Fact, September 1984

title: 1984: Spring / A Choice of Futures


text:
Talk:ratu

I'm sorry, I can't agree that "ratu" is a Sanskrit derivation. Ratu is a Javanese word which means a monarch who rules a country. This word obviously has an Austronesian root as it has a similar meaning in another language in Austronesian family, Fijian. "Ratu" in Fijian is a chief nobility title for male monarchs. In Javanese it is a genderless term, but when Bahasa Indonesia adopt the word, it's usually used to address female monarch. The editor is obviously doesn't know anything about Indonesian language as he/she thinks that we call one of queen of the chess piece as "ratu", when in truth we call it "menteri". I think there should be more investigation on other Indonesian words also labeled as Sanskrit derivations of the same editor, because it really needs verifications.Jiwa Matahari 07:53, 29 October 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:ratu