text:
Talk:Derek Beackon

Date of birth?
If he's an elected politician, his date and place of birth must be in the public domain. Valetude (talk) 01:05, 4 December 2013 (UTC)

 * He's no longer an elected politician. But why do you think this would put his date and place of birth in the public domain? The only possible source I can imagine would be the nomination papers and notices for the elections, which, as far as I'm aware, require name, address, party affiliation, nominators and supporters, agent, but not birth details. Emeraude (talk) 12:31, 5 December 2013 (UTC)

 * It's something people often want to know. Certainly in Scotland, they demand to know which side of the Tweed you were born. I just thought it would have been documented automatically. Certainly a Wiki profile looks strange without it. Valetude (talk) 17:43, 5 December 2013 (UTC)
 * (PS) There must be a minimum age to stand for Parliament. Valetude (talk) 00:55, 25 December 2013 (UTC)
 * Well, yes, there is. It's 21. But that would only allow you to say that Beackon is over 21, or was over 21 when he stood for Parliament. Which he didn't, anyway. Emeraude (talk) 14:50, 27 December 2013 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Derek Beackon


text:
2003 in Greece

Events in the year 2003 in Greece.

Undated

 * My Excuse alternative modern rock band release their first album.

Deaths

 * July 6 – Nikos Psyroukis, Greek writer, journalist and historian (b. 1926)

source: wikimedia

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: 2003 in Greece


text:
Tim Bogar

Timothy Paul Bogar (born October 28, 1966) is an American former infielder, coach, manager, and front-office executive in Major League Baseball (MLB). He played in MLB for the New York Mets, Houston Astros and Los Angeles Dodgers, coached for the Tampa Bay Rays, Boston Red Sox, Texas Rangers, Seattle Mariners and Washington Nationals and managed the Rangers.

Born in Indianapolis, Indiana, Bogar graduated from Buffalo Grove High School in Illinois and attended Eastern Illinois University, before being drafted by the New York Mets in the eighth round of the 1988 Major League Baseball Draft. He threw and batted right-handed, and is listed at 6 ft tall and 198 lb.

Playing career
Bogar played for three different teams during his nine-year career: the Mets (1993–96), Houston Astros (1997–2000), and Los Angeles Dodgers (2001). He made his Major League Baseball debut on April 21, 1993, and played his final game on July 1, 2001. For his career, Bogar hit .228 (345-for-1,516) with 69 doubles, nine triples, 24 home runs, 180 runs scored, 161 runs batted in and 13 stolen bases.

Because of his last name, Bogar gained distinction as one of the Astros' "Killer B's", which included first baseman Jeff Bagwell and second baseman Craig Biggio, two formidable veteran players who helped established the Astros as perennial playoff contenders in the 1990s and 2000s. In fact, journalist Dayn Perry jocosely noted the 1999 Astros, "in pursuit of arcane history, used eight players whose last names began with 'B.'" The eight included Bagwell, Paul Bako, Glen Barker, Derek Bell, Sean Bergman, Lance Berkman, Biggio, and Bogar.

His only postseason appearance came as a member of the Astros in the 1999 National League Division Series. Although Houston lost the NLDS three games to one to the Atlanta Braves, Bogar went three for four (.750) in two games played during the series.

Minor league managing career
Bogar has been named manager of the year in three different minor leagues.

He started his managerial career in 2004 with the Greeneville Astros of the Rookie-level Appalachian League. Greeneville finished with a 41–26 (.612) record and won the Appalachian League championship and Bogar was selected as manager of the year. He was promoted in 2005 to the Astros' low Class-A affiliate, the Lexington Legends of the South Atlantic League, where he led the Legends to a league best 82–57 mark and was named the 2005 SAL's top skipper.

He then switched to the Cleveland Indians' organization as pilot of the Akron Aeros, the Tribe's Double-A affiliate. In 2006, his first year with Akron, Bogar led the team to a league best 87–55 record and came within one game of winning the Eastern League title, captured that season by the Portland Sea Dogs. Bogar was named Eastern League manager of the year, and was selected to coach as part of Major League Baseball's 2006 All Star Futures Game. He was also selected by Baseball America as the "Best Manager Prospect" in the Eastern League in 2006. In 2007, Bogar's Aeros finished 80–61 and again made the final playoff round, losing to the Trenton Thunder, three games to one. He was also selected as a coach in the 2007 MLB All Star Futures Game in San Francisco.

After five seasons (2008–12) as a Major League coach, Bogar was hired to manage the Los Angeles Angels' Double-A affiliate, the Arkansas Travelers of the Texas League, on November 9, 2012. He led the 2013 Travelers to a 73–66 overall record and the second-half championship of the loop's Northern Division. The Travelers reached the final round of the Texas League playoffs before bowing to the San Antonio Missions.

Bogar was named manager of the Amarillo Sod Poodles for the 2024 season.

Bogar owns a five-year (2004–07; 2013) career minor-league managerial win–loss record of 362–266 (.576).

MLB coaching career
Bogar spent the 2008 season as a coaching assistant on the staff of Tampa Bay Rays manager Joe Maddon, as the Rays captured their first American League pennant.

On November 28, 2008 the Boston Red Sox announced that Bogar would join their coaching staff as the first base coach. After the 2009 season, he moved to the third base coach job, and then served one season, 2012, as the bench coach on Bobby Valentine's staff. However, Bogar was among several veteran Red Sox coaches who had previously worked under Terry Francona with whom Valentine did not get along, and Bogar departed the Boston organization on October 26, 2012, three weeks after Valentine's firing on October 4.

After his one-season tenure managing in the Texas League, Bogar was hired by the Texas Rangers as their bench coach on October 21, 2013, joining his fellow former Red Sox coach Dave Magadan in Arlington.

On September 5, 2014, Bogar was named interim manager for the remainder of the season by the Rangers, following the sudden resignation of Ron Washington after almost eight full seasons at the Rangers' helm. The Rangers went 14–8 (.636) during Bogar's stewardship. During their off-season search, the Rangers hired Jeff Banister, a veteran of the Pittsburgh Pirates' system, as manager. It was then announced that Bogar would not serve as bench coach under the new manager in 2015 and would pursue jobs outside the Rangers organization.

Bogar spent 2015 as special assistant to the general manager of the Angels, working under Jerry Dipoto, who was his teammate on the 1995–96 Mets. After Dipoto resigned from the Angels in June 2015, Bogar remained at his post in Anaheim. Dipoto became general manager of the Seattle Mariners at the close of the 2015 season. On October 23, he hired Scott Servais, the Angels' former director of player development, as the Mariners' 2016 manager, with Bogar appointed as Servais' bench coach.

He served two seasons with the Mariners before his dismissal at the close of the season. Bogar joined Martinez' staff five weeks later; the two worked together under Maddon in Tampa Bay in 2008.

title: Tim Bogar


text:
User:Ori Livneh (WMF)/Sandbox

The case against Gerrit

 * Primary editor: David Schoonover. Others should feel free to contribute.

 * Gerrit does not have an official API. Existing tools work by reverse-engineering Gerrit's internal APIs, which are largely undocumented.
 * It is not possible to alter the sort order in which changes are listed. Changes are listed by last update date, so the changes that have been neglected the longest are also the hardest to see. A feature request for parametrizing the sort order was accepted in 2010, but no progress has been made as of July 2012.
 * Gerrit's developers want to move away from using a relational database as a data store. As a result, they are reluctant to invest time in improving Gerrit's query interface. Such a change would entail a costly migration for us.
 * Gerrit's codebase is written in Java and Prolog(!) and uses Google Web Toolkit. Few (if any) engineers at the foundation are proficient with this stack. Large swaths of code in the Gerrit codebase are undocumented, making it hard to understand or modify.

title: User:Ori Livneh (WMF)/Sandbox


text:
2017 CUHK democracy wall standoff

In September 2017, tensions arose between different parties over the content of posters put up on Democracy wall in the Chinese University of Hong Kong. This has led to increased tensions in Hong Kong society, due to the interpretations of freedom of speech of certain content of the posters. This has also led to copycats incidents occurring in other universities in Hong Kong as well reigniting Hong Kong Independence debate within Hong Kong Kong society. The standoff, which has manifested in a series of protests and counterprotests on campuses, is reflective of the wider disconnect between mainlanders and Hongkongers, fanned by a host of reasons from politics and language barriers to state-fuelled propaganda and competition for scarce resources.

Rise of Localism in Hong Kong
Since the end of 2014 Hong Kong Protests and the failure of 2014–15 Hong Kong electoral reform, led to changes to new political changes within Hong Kong society. Public dissatisfaction (among Hong Kong Youth) with Pro-democracy camp for their lack of progress in introducing democracy and the Pro-Beijing camp for not looking out for Hong Kong's interests, led to new "localist" parties being formed to challenge the status quo.

Localism has been gaining popularity within Hong Kong youth, some rejecting their identity as "Chinese", with many new political parties and organisations, with different interpretations, some Localist parties have promoted a "Hong Kong first" agenda, while others promote the notion of Hong Kong Independence, believing that only when Hong Kong is Independent from Mainland China, Hong Kong can reach its true potential.

Student activism
Universities in Hong Kong have always had a strong pretense in Student activism, with involvement in many different causes as well responding to certain events and policies throughout the years, with Hong Kong Federation of Students being the main organisation. Examples include Cultural Revolution, Action Committee for Defending the Diaoyu Islands, 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, Memorials for the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, Hong Kong 1 July marches, Moral and national education protests, 2013 Hong Kong dock strike, 2014 Hong Kong protests. There has been divide between Hong Kong students and Mainland students in Hong Kong, due differences in their cultural upbringing. There are two distinct types of Mainland students, undergraduates and postgraduates. Mainland students who are undergraduates in Hong Kong universities, tend to understand the context of such problems and be bit more sympathetic in their responses as they do mingle more with Hong Kong local students. Then there are Mainland students who are one-year postgraduates, have little time to gain deep knowledge and understanding of Hong Kong and few of them will become proficient in Cantonese as most of them fresh out of university in the mainland. Hence most will be patriotic and nationalistic and most of their friend groups will be fellow Mainlanders.

Hong Kong-Mainland China Conflict
Xinqi Su, writing for South China Morning Post explains that "Tainted baby milk formula imported from the mainland, mainland mothers flooding city hospitals in a bid to give their children residency rights, tax breaks for mainland traders, the so-called “anti-locust” protests against mainland visitors, failed political reforms and, most recently, disqualification of pan-democratic lawmakers with Beijing's new interpretation of the Basic Law, have all worked to create a sense of mistrust." Both sides have poor connections/bridges between the two as well different communication. For example differences can be seen on social media, where there are “two echo chambers”, Mainland students tend to use QQ, Weibo and WeChat, while Hong Kong students tend to use Facebook and Instagram, thus deepened the segregation as well languages use, Mandarin for Mainland students and Cantonese for local students.

In an editorial, South China Morning Post explained "Pro-independence banners appeared across the city's higher education institutes on the National Day in 2016. Provocative and unwise as they are, the gestures are unsurprising, though. They stem from the negative sentiments arising from what some see as an erosion of the city's high degree of autonomy, the setback over political reform and the unlawful Occupy protests in 2014. The sentiments became even stronger after a court ruled in favour of the government's bid to throw three former student activists behind bars."

September 4
A series of banners and posters displaying the messages related to "Hong Kong Independence" sprung up around the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Nobody claimed responsibility for the acts, it is believed that they put by some unknown CUHK students, the banners and posters were later taken down. As the posters were taken down, the CUHK student union condemned the act as "suppression of freedom of speech", however university argued that the banners were hung at several spots on campus without any prior permission, hence were removed.

The chair of the university's student union, Justin Au, admitted that he and other some activists had wrapped a banner, covered with the names of Pro-democracy activists jailed or facing prosecution such as Joshua Wong Chi-fung, Nathan Law Kwun-chung and Alex Chow Yong-kang, around the Goddess of Democracy statue at the campus.

September 5 (First standoff)
On Tuesday, three more 'Hong Kong Independence' banners appeared around CUHK. The university responded by accusing the CUHK student union for not enforcing rules, issuing a letter the union stating "We have noted the posters and banners advocating Hong Kong independence. Such ideas have constituted a breach of relevant provisions of the law, and go against the university's stance of absolute disagreement to independence". The union responded with encouraging students to stand up for the right to defend free speech, warning the university plans to remove the banners by force. Lee Chen-yung, vice chairperson of the Students Association, and 20 other students decided to protect the banner after being told that it was going to be removed later that day.

Later that evening, a standoff (captured on video), occurred between a Mainland female student and representatives from CUSU at Democracy wall as the student attempted to take down Independence posters (“Fight for our homeland. Fight for Hong Kong independence”). She left after being told she could post messages expressing her disagreement, she could not remove existing signage.

Similar pro-independence banners and solidarity messages for CUHK appeared in various places including the democracy wall in Hong Kong University (HKU) and Education University of Hong Kong (EdUHK). EdUHKSU reported that the banner disappeared less than an hour after being put up. It also stopped a Putonghua-speaking woman from taking down and destroying the banner, but that she had subsequently left the scene. The union issued a statement "We denounce the woman's actions. Students have the right to express their opinions, but even if they do not agree, to destroy others’ property due to a difference in political opinion is barbaric".

September 6 (First joint statement)
More pro-independence and solidarity with CUSU banners and posters has spread and appeared in City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Polytechnic University and Shue Yan University. Some were put up by the student unions, while others were done anonymous students. The unions from City University, Hang Seng Management College, Lingnan University, Polytechnic University, Education University, Open University and Chinese University issued a joint open letter condemning the removal of such material by campus authorities as a 'serious erosion' of academic freedom. Independence posters in Chinese University, City University, Hong Kong Polytechnic and Education University were later removed at night. The Universities of Education and City cited 'advocating illegal action' and 'violation of the Basic Law' as reasons for the removal. The four respective student unions slammed the removal as 'intervening in the students right to freedom of speech'.

September 7 (Second Standoff/First offensive poster about 'congratulating' death/First public protest)
Despite the removal of Independence posters and banners, more reappeared, with messages also appearing in Hong Kong Baptist University and the rest of universities in Hong Kong.

The mainland Chinese student captured on film on September 5 tearing down posters advocating Hong Kong independence has been called a hero by Communist Youth League. On social media, she was widely praised on Mainland China, while she widely condemned in Hong Kong.

At 5pm, a group of middle-aged pro-Beijing protesters also showed up condemning the CUHK student union and urging the university management to remove all the offensive posters. At 6pm, another standoff occurred at CUHK's democracy wall between 100 Hong Kong students and Mainland students, with heated scattered quarrels broke out for completing space to put up posters and taking opposing ideological stands on freedom of speech. Posters declaring “CUSU is not CU”, “Sorry we refuse to be represented”, “Get out of Chinese soil if supporting independence”, "We don't want the anthem law" and many others appeared. The standoff lasted for an hour, before both groups dispersed. CUSU leader, Au Tsz-Ho said “We respect opposing opinions of students and will safeguard freedom of speech,” and the union agreed to clear three out of four boards of pro-independence posters, stating they would remove all such material without signatures as posters without signatures breached regulations. Shue Yan University also said posters could stay up on its democracy as long as space was also provided for other views.

An offensive post was seen on the democracy wall of the Education University of Hong Kong, after news of the death of Poon Hong-yan, a son of Undersecretary for Education Christine Choi Yuk-lin was reported.

September 8 (Second public protest)
Chinese University of Hong Kong said that it will investigate a student, who was later identified as former student union leader Ernie Chow for allegedly using derogatory language (the word “Chee-na”), after receiving multiple internal and external complaints. The incident occurred during a standoff with mainland students over banners advocating independence at Democracy wall, on September 7. The university issued a statement: “The university strongly condemns the student's use of a derogatory slur against China to engage malicious personal attacks."

At around 2.30pm, about 30 members of the student unions of Chinese University, the University of Hong Kong, Baptist University and Shue Yan University held a protest outside the Chinese University's student affairs office demanding a dialogue. They demanded protection for freedom of speech, regardless of differing political stances and a promise that banners or posters would not be taken down. At around 8.30pm, the university vice-president Dennis Ng Kee-pui agreed not to take any posters or banners down without talking to the students.

A poster "congratulating" Undersecretary for Education Christine Choi Yuk-lin on her son, Peter Poon "going to heaven" appearing on Education University, received widespread condemnation. The Education University president, Stephen Cheung Yan-leung said he was angry and upset over the posters, and two people have been captured on surveillance cameras with the university trying to identify the perpetrators. A disciplinary committee will decide the seriousness of the offense if they are students. Education University council chairman Frederick Ma Si-hang remarked “I would like to ask everyone in Hong Kong to answer one question: if they were parents, would they want their children to be educated by the two young persons?” Carrie Lam issued a statement saying “I deeply regret and condemn such behaviour. The remarks are entirely disrespectful, against the moral values of society and cold-blooded. The whole community are shocked, grieved, and enraged by the appearance of such remarks in a tertiary institution in Hong Kong.” Activists from around 40 groups demonstrated outside a library at Education University to protest over a poster that appeared to mock the death of a government official's son. The protesters demanded that university officials punish those responsible for the poster if they are found to be students there. The Education University student union leader, Lala Lai Hiu-Ching said the poster was removed soon after as insults, personal attacks and libel are forbidden on the democracy wall. The union stated “The student union will not condemn the remarks because freedom of speech and respect for others are both important.” Student union leaders from the University of Hong Kong, Baptist University, Chinese University, Shue Yan University and City University made similar remarks. Lala Lai Hiu-Ching warned of serious consequences if the university tracks down and punishes the people who put up a controversial poster, as it creates 'white terror'.

September 9 (Second offensive poster about 'congratulating' death)
Posters mocking the death of the son of Choi appeared at City University of Hong Kong's democracy wall overnight. CityU's student union took down the posters as the wordings were deemed to insulting. An offensive poster mocking the death of mainland dissent, Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, and the detention of his wife appeared at the Education University of Hong Kong's Democracy wall. The latest poster, written in simplified Chinese characters, read: "Congratulate rebel Liu Xiaobo has died. Celebrate Liu Xia being under house arrest by our party forever." It was later taken down by the student union. The university's management condemned the latest incident and said CCTV footage would be reviewed and the culprits identified, and if necessary seek police help.

Rumours have surfaced that Education University students have lost their internships and potential graduate jobs due a banner "congratulating" the death of a top education official's son appearing at the campus.

September 10 (Second joint statement)
Prof. Henry Wong Nai-ching, who heads New Asia College of the Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Senate Committee on Student Discipline have launched an investigation against Ernie Chow Shue-fung, a former head of the school's student union for using offensive languages against some mainlanders during a standoff on September 7. In response, the student union accused Wong of violating the university's rules on disciplinary probes, saying that he had openly declared Chow guilty even before a trial was held, thus threatening Chow's personal safety. Ernie Chow Shue-fung said that he is very disappointed at both the college and the university, saying he was the one who suffered open humiliation and some Mainlanders at the standoff also hurled insults

CCTV footage showing two alleged suspects behind the poster against Choi and two people wearing caps and hoodie behind the poster against Liu Xiaobo were leaked to the public. A joint statement issued by the student unions of 13 tertiary education institutions accused the government of “exerting pressure on university authorities to punish those whose speech may have intimidated the people in power. Universities are where thoughts and opinions are exchanged, and democracy walls are platforms for students to speak their minds. The regime is now making an explicit effort to limit our freedom of expression,” it said. “While such slogans are inappropriate, we also find them excusable.Student unions condemn the authorities of EdU for creating white terror and request the authorities give a proper response regarding the leak of the CCTV footage.”

September 11 (Third joint statement)
The president of the Education University, Stephen Cheung said that even if the perpetrators behind offensive posters are found to be students at the institution, he will not report them to police, rather he will let the institution's disciplinary committee deal with them. The university has informed the Privacy Commissioner about the leakage of CCTV footage and will also look at whether better procedures can be adopted to prevent such leaks in the future.

EdU council chair Frederick Ma Si-hang responded to backlash that EDU students have been blacklisted from potential employment opportunities, stating that these were isolated incidents and that should not implicate other students, the education sector shouldn't perceive that there are problems with all students at this university and promised to communicate with the education sector. He also urged lawmakers not to pressure school authorities over the issue of Hong Kong Independence banners and posters.

Tsoi Pui- keung, a pro-independence advocate and Hong Kong National Party supporter had admitted putting up a notice at City University mocking Undersecretary for Education Christine Choi Yuk-lin after she lost her son and challenging the authorities to arrest him.

All 39 pro-Beijing Legislative Council members have submitted a joint petition to Secretary for Education Kevin Yeung Yun-hung, urging the government and university authorities to implement policies to prevent similar incidents from occurring and to issue a ban on material advocating independence. They also issued a statement saying “It is indisputable that Hong Kong independence violates the Basic Law. Opposing Hong Kong independence is the wish of the general public, and society is concerned that if this incident continues, there will be a negative effect on universities and even the whole of society.”

A group of district councillors from the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong filed a report at the police headquarters in Wan Chai urging the police to enforce the law for those who put up Independence banners on university campuses.

A man was seen tearing down posters at Lingnan University of Hong Kong. The posters said that people should respect others’ freedom of speech, even if they do not support Hong Kong independence. A student took photographs of the incident and reported it to the police. The police said they are handling the case as criminal damage and no-one yet been arrested.

September 12 (Third public protest)
Several groups, including the Hong Kong Youth Against Independence, have staged protests outside the High Court and the Police Headquarters, demanding the police take action against people putting up pro-independence banners on university campuses. They said the banners are a violation of the Basic Law and the Crimes Ordinance and separatism calls have crossed the line of academic freedom and freedom of speech

The student union of Shue Yan University reported that pro-independence posters on its student noticeboard had been removed in the morning, nobody claimed responsibility.

September 13 (Fourth public protest)
Student union vice-president of Lingnan university Issac Chan Tsun-hin said anonymous posters bearing the words “Hong Kong independence” appeared on the democracy wall last week but later mysteriously removed. Posters supporting 'Hunan Independence' were seen at Lingnan's Democracy wall with the late Communist leader Mao Zedong declaring his home province in mainland China, must become an independent state.

At Hong Kong Polytechnic University, a dozen student union members staged a protest demanding an open dialogue with the management, while holding a banner stating: "The management should stop hiding and offer us an explanation. Defend our campus against dictatorial rule." They were unhappy with the removal of posters bearing the words “Hong Kong independence”, “No guilt to advocate Hong Kong independence”, and “Support Chinese University students”. PolyU management replied, saying: “To respect and observe the Basic Law, we do not support Hong Kong independence. Based on the same principle, the management of PolyU will remove all related slogans and publicity materials on campus. The removal of such items was meant to protect students from potentially breaking the law”.

September 14 (Third offensive poster about 'congratulating' death)
Tang Lipei, a Mainland student in Chinese University of Hong Kong, was accused of being a traitor and separatist by Mainland media and netizens after defending freedom of speech in Hong Kong and not praising the Mainland girl who was involved in a democracy wall standoff on September 5. He was forced to apologise publicly twice and pledge allegiance to People's Republic of China. He also contacted a lawyer over a possible lawsuit against those who called him a separatist or a treasonous person.

Pro-Beijing legislator Junius Ho announced he will organize a rally at Admiralty on September 17, to protest against independence advocacy & Professor Benny Tai as well as "cold-blooded" messages mocking the suicide of the eldest son of cation Christine Choi Yuk-lin appearing in universities. He expects around 2000 people will turn up to show their support.

A poster "celebrating" the 16th anniversary of the September 11 attacks appeared at University of Hong Kong's Democracy wall. The HKU students' union, which said it did not agree with the poster's message, but would leave it alone to respect freedom of speech.

September 15 (Fourth joint statement)
Chinese University president Joseph Sung, demanded the student union to remove materials advocating Hong Kong independence and if the student union doesn't remove the materials from areas of the campus it manages, staff officials will tear down the banners and posters. The Student union president Justin Au Tsz-hoIf responded “the school tries to remove the banners by force, we will spare no effort to protect students’ right of expression. We strongly condemn the university for refusing to communicate with students. Sung is conducting self-censorship in the school, reducing himself to a political pawn.”

In a joint statement, the ten university heads in Hong Kong stated “We treasure freedom of expression, but we condemn its recent abuses. Freedom of expression is not absolute, and like all freedoms it comes with responsibilities. All universities undersigned agree that we do not support Hong Kong independence, which contravenes the Basic Law.” Timothy O’Leary, the head of the University of Hong Kong's School of Humanities and head of concern group HKU Vigilance, questioned the statement asking “It would have been nice to know what argument they have for the banners being an ‘abuse’ of freedom of expression.”

September 16 (Fifth joint statement)
In response to the September 15th joint statement from 10 university heads, the student unions of 12 Hong Kong universities issued their own statement: “We treasure freedom of expression, which is the right that we are born with. The universities do not support Hong Kong independence, but teachers and students still enjoy the freedom of speech to discuss Hong Kong independence. All students’ unions undersigned agree that discussion on Hong Kong independence is protected under Article 27 of the Basic Law. We urge the universities to stop misleading the public.”

September 17 (Third Standoff/Fifth public protest)
Another standoff occurred at CUHK's democracy wall. Lee Man-yiu, external affairs secretary of the university's student union, confronted a few people tearing down pro-independence posters around 1.30pm, they quickly left in a car, calling Lee a "British traitor" while Lee pasted the posters back up. About an hour later, around 10 middle aged to elderly members from pro-Beijing group Caring Hong Kong Power, led by Lee Ka-Ka, returned threatened to tear down independence-themed posters. Lee called more students and security guards to maintain order. Quarrels took place between the student union members and the pro-Beijing group, with scuffles between security and Caring Hong Kong Power members as the latter put up their "This place is China" posters on the democracy wall. Police were later called by CUHK management to assist in the standoff, they arrived at 5pm, but nobody was arrested. Both groups stood off against each other with pro and anti-Independence posters still on the democracy wall, with Caring Hong Kong Power chanting "Hong Kong is China" after few hours they left.

Around 2100-4000 people turned up a protest rally in Tamar Park, organised by Junius Ho. He with other prominent Pro-Beijing figures such as  Holden Chow, Tsang Shu-wo, Hau Chi-keung, Ben Chan, Peter Shiu and Chris Wat, and the protesters called HKU to fire Benny Tai, claiming he is responsible for growing calls for Hong Kong independence. During the rally, Junius Ho publicly called for killing of people who support Hong Kong Independence.

September 18 (Sixth joint statement)
The Lingnan University Student Union says it is ready to protect freedom of speech by assisting other universities if anyone forcefully removes Hong Kong independence banners.

The 22 pro-democracy lawmakers issued a joint statement condemning Junius Ho's remarks on September 17. “Ho, as a legislator and lawyer, expressed hate speech involving murder at a public event, crossing the bottom lines of free speech and morality and severely breaching professional conduct.” The statement also cited sections 17B and 26 of the Public Order Ordinance, which respectively criminalise causing disorder in public places and proposing violence at public gatherings, and urge the police and Department of Justice to take action. Ronny Tong also believes that Ho may broken the law citing Public Order Ordinance. Benny Tai said that publicly calling for other people's deaths had crossed the bottom line of freedom of speech. Secretary for Justice, Rimsky Yuen responded that they will look at Ho's call 'to kill' to see if it broke any law. Ho responded by saying "What is wrong with killing someone during a war?"

September 19
Both Secretary for Education Kevin Yeung and Chief Executive Carrie Lam expressed support for the anti-independence statement jointly issued by the heads of 10 universities on September 15.

In response to Junius Ho's public remarks to 'kill', Executive Council member Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee, in criticised Julius Ho stating "Loving our country does not mean acting or speaking in a stupid way, like Junius Ho yesterday. It will do our country no good to have stupid ‘patriots’, including possibly quite a few hired to become ‘patriots.’ " Carrie Lam also criticised Junius Ho, indirectly, stating “Hong Kong is a civilised society, we have moral bottom line in a civilised society. Any rude, insulting, threatening speeches cannot be accepted. I urge society to calm down, approve what is right and condemn what is wrong – do not push Hong Kong to harm the country's sovereign safety, challenge the power of the central government, the authority of the Hong Kong Basic Law, destroy the peacefulness of society, and bring us to boundary of a civilised society.” Ho responded by claiming that “kill” has multiple meanings. The North District Parallel Imports Concern Group reported Ho's remarks to the Hong Kong Police.

At Chinese University, student union representatives were around guarding the banners from the removal threat issued on September 15. The student union also hung a new black banner bearing the words “Oppose Article 23 legislation”. At Lingnan University's Democracy wall, posters bearings the words “Support Hong Kong Independent Media” were on display, but the word “independent” later ripped off. The union vice-president Issac Chan Tsun-hin said he did not think university staff did it.

September 20 (Sixth public protest)
The Privacy Commissioner said that the Education University of Hong Kong had violated data protection principles by enabling the release of CCTV camera footage of two people suspected of putting up an offensive posters on September 10. The university was slammed for failing to take steps to safeguard unauthorized access to personal data, which is a violation of a data security principle under the city's privacy laws, however as violating a data protection principle is not a punishable offence. EdUHK students’ union president Lai Hiu-ching criticized school officials for failing to protect student rights and demanded an apology.

Security chief, John Lee, said that the police are looking into threatening comments made by pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho Alex Lo, a columnist for the South China Morning Post, urged Junius Ho to issue a public apology. The Tuen Mun Community Network, has collected over 13,000 signatures demanding Ho resign from the Legislative Council and Tuen Mun District Council. Regina Ip further criticized Junius Ho by saying "Should you bite the dog that bites you? Then you also become a dog. People feel the Cultural Revolution is being revived in Hong Kong, Hongkongers dislike this most intensely." Ho responded by saying "my purpose is correct".

Around 40 protesters, including members from Demosisto, the League of Social Democrats and People Power marched from Legco to the Law Society demanding a disciplinary hearing into one of its members, Junius Ho. Prominent Pro-democracy figures Avery Ng, Tam Tak-chi, Claudia Mo, Raymond Chan Chi-chuen, Eddie Chu, Edward Yiu, Leung Kwok-hung, Tiff Yuen, Agnes Chow, and Derek Lam and protesters demanded Ho to publicly apologise and resign from his positions within the legislature, District Council and the governing board of Lingnan University. The protestors said if the authorities fail to take action against Ho for his remarks, the public will be left with the impression that the rich and powerful can get away with anything. Alan Wong Hok-ming, a member of the Progressive Lawyers Group said Ho's controversial remark has perhaps damaged the professional reputation of lawyers as a whole.

A freedom of expression concern group, has been established by CUHK students in response to the standoff involving pro-independence banners on university campuses.

September 21
Chinese University's student union took down a controversial pro-independence banner. The union decided to take it down because people hanging the banner didn't use proper procedures for that space. But the union warned it would put up the same banner again if Chinese University failed to hold talks with teachers and students to set out clear rules regarding using the space at the Cultural Square, CUHK said it welcomed the student union's move to remove the banner and that it will continue communicating with the union on the rules regarding Cultural Square. Chinese University student union accused the university of having double standards as it had not called for banner saying ‘Oppose Article 23’ to be removed, while demanding the removal banner 'Hong Kong Independence'. It stated “Clearly the school has a double standard – everything is political censorship,” University management has become the regime's puppet – freedom of expression will be destroyed.” It accused the university of creating “white terror” by “misleading the public in saying that contravening the constitution is equal to violating criminal laws.”

A pro-Beijing group, The Defend Hong Kong Campaign staged a rally in Wan Chai supporting Junius Ho. They also filed a police report saying Ho allegedly has been bullied online. Junius Ho also reported to the police about allegedly being bullied online.

September 22
Police confirmed they are looking into the case of Junius Ho allegedly being a victim of cyberbullying.

September 25
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University admitted that it will continue to tear down pro-independence material on campus, even on the democracy wall (managed by the student union) "to prevent students from potentially violating the law." The university's management held talks with members of the student organization, Poly U Pavilion, they discussed the recent removal of material from the "democracy wall" notice board. The student union accused the university of suppressing free speech.

September 26
In an interview with Scottish newspaper The Scotsman, University of Hong Kong vice-chancellor Professor Peter Mathieson made a clarification about the joint statement made on September 15 by 10 local universities. He stated “I have at no time said that discussion of Hong Kong independence is an abuse of freedom of expression. the first part of the joint statement was directed at specific instances of “hate speech”, one of which referred to the death of the son of Undersecretary for Education Christine Choi Yuk-lin, and another suggested the anniversary of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Centre in New York should be celebrated. The second part of the statement restated a position that I and other universities have taken before, that as institutional leaders we do not support Hong Kong independence. Sometimes different political camps here exploit the same words or events to mean different things according to their own aims and wishes.”

Aftermath
Due to recent media coverage over the standoff at Democracy Wall and removal and reappearance of independence banners and posters at Hong Kong universities, students have been posting posters commenting on a range of topics, testing the limits of freedom of speech, some resulting in harsh condemnations (see timeline above). Some of the other posters' content include: Mockery of Liu Xiaobo's death, independence for Hunan, Mao Zedong teachings on democracy and patriotism, Vladivostok reunification and celebrating the 9/11 attacks.

Albert Cheng, a political commentator, accuses the Hong Kong government of Carrie Lam and her ministers of double standards when dealing with people of different political views. He notes that they have come down hard on the democrats and independence advocates, but appear to delay or mildly or indirectly condemn pro-Beijing lawmakers and activists for their 'rogue activities'. If Lam continues with this pro-Beijing tolerance and fails to address and fix the problem in a proper manner, her governance will be doomed.

After publicly calling to 'kill' Hong Kong independence advocates, reports surfaced that Junius Ho reportedly lied about having his legal qualifications in England and Wales and Singapore, as according to the Solicitors Regulation Authority Ho's name does not exist in the authority's record. Kwok Cheuk-kin, known as 'king of judicial reviews', wants the court to disqualify him from the Legislative Council. Kwok said there might be evidence of electoral fraud by claiming he was a solicitor in Singapore, and England and Wales, when campaigning in the latest Legco election. Junius Ho later admitted using "unfortunate choice of words" during his September 17 protest rally. The Hong Kong Social Workers General Union said that they would write to The Law Society of Singapore to protest about Ho's fraudulent behaviour and would consider a penalty for his misconduct. The Neo Democrats reported Junius Ho's alleged false statements about his qualifications to the Independent Commission Against Corruption. The ICAC says they are investigating the matter. The pro-democracy camp in Legco are tabling a motion seeking to censure and impeach pro-Beijing legislator Junius Ho, over his call for the death of independence advocates, they argue that advocated killing and incites violence is already a crime and a breach of his oath of office.

Carrie Lam's popularity rating and the level of public confidence in her were at a record low since she became Chief Executive, according to the latest edition of the University of Hong Kong's public opinion programme, done from September 12 to 15. Her public confidence plunged 8 percentage points to 7 per cent compared at late August, with an approval rate of about 47 per cent and a disapproval rate of about 41 per cent. Her popularity also dropped by 2.6 marks, to 56.4 out of 100 due to the standoff.

Impact
The standoff has fuelled fears that freedoms are being squeezed by Beijing, with Hong Kong students accusing their universities of suppressing freedom of speech and that Pro-Beijing camp is expanding its influence in a range of areas, from politics to media and education.

Pundits and commentators remarked that this one of Carrie Lam's first tests in dealing with a 'political affair', as she has to convince central leaders not to overreact to the independence banners, prevent large scale political stifle and assuring Hong Kong population that their freedom of speech is protected. SC Yeung writing for Eiinsight, remarks that Beijing loyalists appear to have an agenda against the pro-democracy camp and Independence advocates and are mobilizing their supporters to achieve their own political goals. The pro-Beijing camp is linking leaders of the Occupy Movement to those who support Hong Kong's breaking away from the mainland. This harms Carrie Lam's efforts to heal the divisions in society.

Sociology academic Minnie Li Ming said local and mainland students were too emotional in the recent standoff and urged Hong Kong students and residents to consider their mainland counterparts’ feelings during political campaigns, as isolating them could mean losing a large group of pro-democracy supporters.

The provocative messages banners and posters have continued to fuel tension and distrust between the city and the mainland.

Frang Cheng, writing for Ejinisight, advises "If Beijing really wants to kill talk of independence, all it has to do is to hold out hope of meaningful political reform in Hong Kong. Young people, and others, need to feel that they are masters of their own home. Once that happens, the idea of Hong Kong independence will lose attraction."

University officials
The vice-chancellor of Hong Kong Baptist University, Roland Chin stated that he would allow students to discuss Hong Kong independence on campus, as long as they don't do anything illegal or dangerous. But as long they stay within the law and will bear the consequences if they violate it.

Vice-chancellor Joseph Sung of the Chinese University said the university should not be turned into a political arena. “The idea of an independent Hong Kong is not only in breach of the Basic Law of Hong Kong but also contrary to what I personally believe. Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China; this is beyond dispute. When discussing and debating political issues, our students should always do so peacefully and rationally, and conduct the discussion or debate in a respectful and patient manner.”

Chan Chi-sum, a vice-chairman of the board of trustees of the New Asia College at Chinese University, believes students should have freedom to discuss different issues, including Hong Kong independence however putting up banners advocating it is a step too far.

Lingnan University of Hong Kong President Leonard Cheng said that discussions on Hong Kong independence will be allowed on campus, even though the university is not in support of the idea itself. The democracy wall is managed by the University's students union and the university had nothing to do with the poster being torn down.

Ho Lok Sang, the dean of business at Chu Hai College of Higher Education remarked "Challenging China's sovereignty over Hong Kong challenges the Chinese Constitution. Hong Kong enjoys privileges explicitly spelled out in the Basic Law, but is otherwise is still governed by the Chinese Constitution. Advocating Hong Kong independence will jeopardise the basic interests of its people, who desire a stable society."

Professor Johannes Chan urged the acts such as posting banners and posters, without violence, were protected within the scope of free speech and advocacy of issues including same-sex marriage and legalising euthanasia were also against the Basic Law, yet city residents were free to discuss them.

Arthur Li, The chairman of the University of Hong Kong's governing council, theorises the motivation of students supporting Hong Kong Independence: “Why do people still want Hong Kong independence? It's very simple. Our young people in the university cannot compete with our mainland students in terms of scholarships, in terms of prizes, mainland students are winning all the way. Instead of saying let's lift our game, let's compete, they are saying we don't want to play with you any more, we want to run away, we want to be independent from you. It's basically the mentality of losers.”

University student unions representatives
Lai Hiu-ching, chair of the EdUHK student union said "the democracy board on the campus should be a place where teachers and students could express their views freely. If they believe the students have broken the law, they should definitely call the police instead of removing the banners themselves."

New Asia College's students' union responded by stating the issue was not whether calls for independence should be supported, but whether its discussion should be permitted on campus and that peaceful acts such as putting up banners and posters should be allowed.

Tommy Cheung, a former student union president has called for discussions and conciliation to resolve the standoff over controversial posters and banners on university campuses.

Ryan Lee, the president of Lingnan University Students’ Union remarked “I am worried that the heads of ten universities have become political puppets.” He also said that there was a widespread consensus among students that the governing bodies of universities were being controlled by pro-Beijing appointees, hence not looking out for students' interests, but the Hong Kong government's and the Central government's.

Hong Kong Government
Chief Executive of the Hong Kong, Carrie Lam condemned the "Hong Kong independence" slogans which were displayed in Hong Kong's universities, saying such remarks had "overstepped the bottom line of society" and were in violation of the country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and development interests.

The Police commissioner Stephen Lo stated “If advocates of independence violate the laws of Hong Kong, police will take solemn and just law enforcement action for sure.”

Chief Executive Carrie Lam stated “All I want to say is that this is not a question of freedom of speech. It is a question of whether we are respecting ‘one country, two systems’, and a constitutional question of whether we care if Hong Kong can continue to have our rights and freedoms protected under ‘one country, two systems’, so that we can develop and our people can live in a stable and prosperous city. There is no question of curbing students’ freedom of speech or universities’ academic and institutional autonomy. There is no need to muddle things up. There is no room for any discussion on the independence of Hong Kong because that breaches "one country, two systems,” which underlines the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. That violates the Basic Law, and is absolutely not in the overall interest of Hong Kong. So that position is very clear."

Matthew Cheung, Chief Secretary described the joint statement (The heads of 10 Hong Kong universities condemning the “abuses” of free speech) as explicit and correct. Freedom of speech has its limits and there is absolutely no room for discussing the city's independence and any advocacy of independence challenges national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and cannot be tolerated.

Paul Chan Mo-po, the Financial Secretary expressed hope that the people of Hong Kong would stop the wrangling, as it leads to polarization.

Chinese government
Wang Zhimin, the new director of China Liaison Office said “Across all of China's 9.6 million square kilometres of land, around the whole globe, the whole world – there is zero room for Hong Kong independence. There is zero tolerance among all Chinese nationals including the seven-odd million Hong Kong compatriots.”

Mainland Media
On September 8, the People's Daily lashed out at the student unions of Hong Kong universities for promoting the idea of Hong Kong independence.

On September 9, an editorial in China Daily, denounces the Separatists in Hong Kong for launching a campaign of “pro-independence” posters and banners across university campuses. It states that Hong Kong Independence forces are linking up with Taiwan Independence forces and encourages the SAR government and Hong Kong patriotic forces to exorcise those brainwashed youths possessed by evil forces.

On September 11, the People Daily ran a commentary suggesting Hong Kong authorities must “take legal action” to forbid residents from advocating Hong Kong Independence. Using Germany as an example, the promotion of Nazism is illegal and considered a criminal offense, Hong Kong should do the same for Hong Kong Independence.

Executive Council of Hong Kong members
Executive Councillor Ronny Tong warned that students at the Chinese University could have broken the law by putting up banners and posters advocating Hong Kong independence, as it infringes upon on section 9 of the Crimes Ordinance that any publication is published with seditious intent then it may well be an offence. He later called the city's laws should be amended to better address calls for independence. He said “If people are simply hanging up banners or handing out leaflets about independence, without advocating for it through violence or by illegal means, then the offence of sedition shouldn't apply. However, it doesn't mean the law should have no control over the spreading of political beliefs which threaten national security.”

Executive Council convener Bernard Charnwut Chan said the government should not interfere too much in affairs on campus and these should be handled by the universities' management themselves. The bottom line is that students should not break the law. He later said the issue of Hong Kong independence should be discussed not just between students and universities, but also in the wider community. But the purpose of the discussions would not be to advocate independence, but to clarify why it just can't be done and how it is against Hong Kong's best interests.

Politicians
Maggie Chan Man-ki, a former DAB member said "promotion of independence could be considered a 'seditious intention,' which is against the Crimes Ordinance."

Civic Party leader Alan Leong Kah-kit remarked that some of the laws and provisions are set during colonial times and are not suited in modern-day context.

Ip Kin-yuen, the education sector Legislative Council member called for EdUHK to handle ‘democracy wall’ incident, because the incident will continue to snowball if some members of the public and outside organizations to continue get involved. He later called for universities to allow debates on Hong Kong independence, even if the idea is unconstitutional. Students should be allowed to discuss things that may be illegal so that they can understand why it's wrong.

Regina Ip, leader of New People's Party, theorizes that Pro-independence posters on campuses are the most radical expression of widespread disaffection in retaliation for government's successful appeal in the Court of Appeal jailing three student leaders who stormed government headquarters in September 2014. She notes that "Beijing and the Hong Kong government have much work to do to win over young people's hearts."

Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong lawmaker Edward Law Kwok-fun said discussing and promoting independence were two things.

Tam Yiu-chung, DAB former chairman says the pro-independence banners that recently appeared on university campuses were the work of a small group of attention-seeking students, and that most people here don't support Hong Kong independence. Those students were just looking for an excuse to oppose the central government and were wasting their energy.

Other organisations
Kevin Yam Kin-fung, founder of the Progressive Lawyers Group, argued no law was broken as the flyers and posters had merely discussed the issues and did not insinuate or encourage others to cause harm, and found it strange that CUHK is setting limits on free speech.

Alan Hoo, the chairman of the Basic Law Institute, called on the Hong Kong government to clear up ambiguity on whether such actions (displaying Hong Kong Independence banners) necessitated criminal prosecution.

Chris Yeung, a journalist and founder of Voice of Hong Kong, remarked that "The Government has stepped up acts against advocacy for pro-independence, in both deeds and words. One major initiative was to kick out pan-democrat legislators who deviated from the oath-taking ordinance when they were sworn in. Pro-independence groups were given warnings that their activities might breach the law. Schools were cautioned by the education authorities not to hold discussion on independence in classrooms. It is against the background of a hard-hit approach by the mainland and Hong Kong governments to stifle public discussion on the issue of Hong Kong independence that those posters had been put on, presumably by students. It is obvious that their acts could also be seen as a show of defiance against the authorities’ move to muzzle any talk about independence. To students, their universities campuses could perhaps be the last corner in the city where they can discuss anything freely without any restrictions. The row between students and the management of universities over the room for free debate in campuses when it comes to the issue of independence is a prelude to sharper conflicts in the months to come. The return of the issue of Hong Kong independence to public limelight has flared up fresh conflicts between mainlanders and Hongkongers. Universities have emerged as the battlefields of highly-sensitive political ideas and sharply-conflicting values. They have never been a quiet and peaceful days. But like our society, they will be getting more noisy and chaotic."

Tian Feilong, an associate professor at Beihang University's Law School in Beijing, and a director of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau Studies, reflected "The radicalisation of student unions impedes rational discussion and the blooming of a true diversity of views, thus hindering the development of democracy on campus. The Hong Kong government must shoulder its constitutional responsibility and prosecute those who flout the sedition clauses in the Crimes Ordinance, to create court precedents that would plug the loopholes in the city's national security law, before Article 23 legislation is enacted. Pro-independence students have broken the law to cause serious damage to Hong Kong and themselves as they misunderstand the legal boundaries of free speech. One logical solution is to clearly define the legal boundaries and liabilities of free speech."

Lau Ming-wai, the head of the government's Youth Commission has accused the public and the media of overreacting to the recent unfurling of Hong Kong independence banners at local universities, while calling the action both immature and frivolous. There's a need to respect freedom of speech and that right also comes with responsibilities. The recent standoff showed that young people have a weak civic and moral awareness and pro-independence banners shouldn't be encouraged.

Winnie Tam, the former chairwoman of the Hong Kong Bar Association said people who put up materials advocating Hong Kong independence on university campuses are testing the limits of their freedoms and the law. It is acceptable to discuss Hong Kong independence in an academic way, debating the pros and cons, but Pro-independence banners that appeared at various universities may have constituted seditious intent and might have violated the crimes ordinance.

Ho Hon-kuen, the chairman of Education Convergence, said that he will not defend the freedom to discuss independence because advocating independence is against Article One of the Basic Law which states that Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China.

Chi Wang, the president of the U.S. China Policy Foundation reflected “Dissatisfaction with China's government is understandable, but angrily calling for independence is not an actual solution. The most this movement can do is to grab media attention, anger Beijing and incite division. Hong Kong has maintained its unique identity even while the world around them changed. Instead of hanging signs and chanting empty slogans, the youth of Hong Kong should be learning from their city's past. They should find ways to keep their city and identity strong and unique, regardless of what flag flies from their government buildings.”

Lau Siu-kai, the vice chairman of the Chinese Association on Hong Kong and Macau Studies said to protect the institutional autonomy of local tertiary institutions, university chiefs must take steps to control the situation themselves or in future various "forces" could enter university campuses to counter calls for independence.

Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers expressed their sadness witnessing the recent standoff at the universities and vowed to stand firm on what is right in teaching Hong Kong's next generation.

Socialist Action stated it "stands firmly for the defence of the democratic rights and freedom of speech of students and all other groups. We say debating independence is a democratic right, not a crime. To resist new repressive restrictions students need to organise actively on campus – a one-day strike of university students would be the most effective response as a way to launch mass resistance to the political crackdown."

Other
University of Hong Kong principal law lecturer Eric Cheung Tat-ming remarked that some of the laws and provisions are outdated that they are not applicable in modern-day context.

Michael Chugani, a Hong Kong-based commentator and journalist reflected that "Hong Kong's politics have become so divisive that finding common ground on anything is impossible. A civilized society should know how to put politics aside when compassion is called for. Hong Kong's young should also know civilized societies have moral lines. Crossing those lines come with a cost. If there are no consequences, free speech will have no limits."

Reverend Peter Koon Ho-ming, the Anglican Church's provincial secretary general in Hong Kong, said the controversial topic of advocating Hong Kong's Independence from China should not be discussed in schools without telling students about the bloodshed it would likely unleash. Also the issue might be too sensitive at the moment for university academics to research, without being accused of advocating it.

Chris Patten, Hong Kong's last colonial governor said “They should start talking and not shouting at one another. So I very much hope the students will get into a dialogue with their vice chancellor and I hope the reverse is true as well. I made clear I was also very much against allowing the campaign for democracy to morph into a campaign for independence, which isn't going to happen, which is provocative, and which dilutes support for democracy.” He also theories that “I think the calls for independence were a consequence of not talking to people about greater democratic reform”.

Subsequent events
Dozens of Lingnan University students staged a protest on September 27, calling for Junius Ho be banned from entering the institution's campus, in order to ensure people's safety. Ho is a member of the university's governing council and the students say the council should consider penalising him for the controversial comment. They also said the university should publicly condemn Ho's remark and make it clear that it doesn't share his view. Around 800 students and lecturers have submitted a petition of their demands to a university representative. The organiser of the rally, Chen Pui-hing, warned that if the institution fails properly, the protesters may organise a "campus occupation" or storm some of its buildings. On October 3, a group of 20 students staged an “occupy” campaign by camping on the campus and covered three of the university's emblems at the campus with black cloths and hung black banners bearing words blaming the management for staying silent and mocking Ho. The university responded by saying Junius Ho's comments were unrelated to Lingnan, as they were made in his own personal capacity.

At the end of September 2017, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University president Timothy Tong Wai-cheung announced he will soon retire at the end of 2018. He declined to renew his contract for another five years. He has been the president since 2008.

In October 2017, Junius Ho claims that there are one million Hong Kong residents who are Hong Kong Independence supporters as they don't have a Home Return Permit.

On October 10, Republic of China (Taiwan) flags and other celebrating posters appeared on New Asia College campus at Chinese University of Hong Kong, to celebrate Double Ten Day, however the university management removed the flags, but not other promotional posters, including the areas managed by the Student union. The Student union did not put up such materials. The union issued the following statement “The college's attitude in ignoring students is unacceptable. The flags caused no safety issues, there were also no protest slogans – the union cannot understand why the college removed them.” They demanded an apology as university did not communicate with the union beforehand and they may raise the flags again in protest.

On October 28, the student discipline committee of New Asia College punished Ernie Chow Shue-fung, the former CUHK student union president. He received a removable demerit on his record and has to perform 40 hours of college service for using foul language (“Chee-na”) against others on campus during the September 7th standoff with Mainland students at CUHK's democracy wall.

On January 18, 2018, the Pro-Beijing camp, in control of the Legislative Council, protected Junius Ho from being reprimand over his incitement to "kill without mercy" during a public rally in September 2017. Gary Chan representing the pro-Beijing camp, claims that the motion was meaningless as its outdated and silly. Ray Chan representing the Pro-democracy camp disagrees with the reasoning, and states that Gary Chan and his colleagues are diverting attention and indirectly supporting hate speech. In response to these events, Junius Ho challenged the public by saying "If you want to be my enemy, please come to Leung Tin Village, I will deal with you there"

In April 2018, the Hong Kong Police Force claimed there was "insufficient evidence" to prosecute Junius Ho over his incitement to "kill without mercy" during a public rally in September 2017.

title: 2017 CUHK democracy wall standoff


text:
Aristotle/On the Soul: Outline

This is a short outline of "Peri Psyche", an attempt to provide one summary sentence for each paragraph in the Lawson-Tancred translation.

Key: B1C1p1 means Book 1, Chapter 1, paragraph 1.

Note: the word "psyche" (ψυχή) is left untranslated so as to let the reader attempt to discover what Aristotle meant by the word.

Chapter 1
B1C1p1: Aristotle was thinking of “psyche” as a fundamental principle of living things and an important part of the natural world.

B1C1p2: Aristotle points out the fact that it is not clear how best to try to understand the fundamental principles of living things.

B1C1p3: Aristotle notes that while many people try to understand the fundamental principles of living things by thinking about people, we should not ignore the fact that there are many types of living organisms and we can explore which types of organisms share the various human abilities such as perception and thinking.

Chapter 2
B1C2p4: Aristotle asks if “psyche” is something that only exists as a feature of a living organism or is it something that can exist independent of a particular body and concludes that we have no way of studying “psyche” outside of the context of the actual physical bodies of living things. B1C2p1: Aristotle identifies self-generated movement and perception as two key aspects of “psyche” and reviews some previously published ideas about how “elements” such as fire might make it possible for living things to produce movement.

B1C2p2: Aristotle mentions past discussions by people such as Anaxagoras about the idea that mind or “psyche” might be the source of self-generated movement produced by living things.

B1C2p3: Aristotle reviews the Platonic theory that perception and knowing have a fundamental geometrical basis in that the “elements” are formed from numbers and the elements combine to make perception, knowledge and mind.

B1C2p4: Aristotle moves from the specific suggestion that the “psyche” is in some fundamental way reducible to numbers to a general discussion comparing 1) the idea that the “psyche” is non-physical to 2) the alternative that if it is physical then it must be composed of the most disembodied of the “elements”: fire.

B1C2p5: Aristotle mentions the theories of several people including Democritus who had tried to account for “psyche” in terms of special components such as a type of atom that is “productive of motion” or one of the “elements” such as air or water.

B1C2p6: Summarizing the views of others, Aristotle concludes that many commentators have associated “psyche” with the self-generation of movement, perception, cognition and the idea of an existence beyond the physical.

Chapter 3
B1C3p1: Having outlined the ideas of others, Aristotle begins his analysis by asking if generation of movement is something that is fundamentally associated with “psyche”, or if movement might just be something that we mistakenly attribute to “psyche”.

B1C3p2: Aristotle starts by noting that anything intimately involved with movement must exist in space and be subject to some force that controls the movement.

B1C3p3: Aristotle suggests that if the “psyche” is the source of movement of the bodies of living things then we should wonder if the “psyche” itself can move, say out of and then back into a dead body.

B1C3p4: Aristotle asks if “psyche” produces the motion of living things by means of thought and the making of choices or if “psyche” is itself moved in response to perceptions.

B1C3p5: Aristotle explores the theory of mind and motion from the Timaeus, raising several objections to Plato’s analogy between the movement of heavenly bodies and the production of movement and thought in living things.

B1C3p6: Aristotle concludes that all dualistic theories that attribute self-generated motion of the bodies of living things to the motion of the “psyche” are not adequate because they explain nothing about how the “psyche” interacts with the body nor how motion of the “psyche” is transferred to motion of a body.

Chapter 4
B1C4p1. Introduction to the theory that “psyche” is in some way explained as a mixture of components that produce a balanced system.

B1C4p2. Aristotle suggests that a theory of balance is more suited to health than to supposed functions of “psyche” such as the production of movement.

B1C4p3. Aristotle also expresses doubt that perception and thought can be produced by some correctly adjusted balance of component parts.

B1C4p4. Aristotle wonders if it is the case that is “psyche” is a correct ratio of components, that what prevents that ratio from being produced multiple times in several different places in the same body.

B1C4p5. Rather than say that "psyche" moves, Aristotle suggests that perception might involve a movement of something towards the “psyche” and that memories might come from the “psyche” and help drive motion in the body.

B1C4p6. Aristotle discusses the idea that thought might be based on a fundamental dualism of an eternal part that is associated with a body (and possibly cannot be destroyed) and a second part that depends on the health of the body and can decline with age as the body (a vehicle for the "psyche") decays.

B1C4p7. Aristotle suggests that we do not need to assume that the “psyche” itself moves and he concludes in particular that it is silly to say that “psyche” is a self-moving number.

B1C4p8. Aristotle expresses doubt that some simple atom can account for motion and “psyche”, asking what would keep all bodies from containing these atoms and having “psyche”.

B1C4p9. Aristotle concludes that neither some sort of special atom or some special number can account for the self-generation of movement in living things, let alone perception and reasoning.

Chapter 5
B1C5p1. Aristotle turns to consideration of the idea that “psyche” must be composed of the elements because it requires something made from the elements in order to perceive objects made from the elements.

B1C5p2. Aristotle dismisses the idea that “psyche” allows us to perceive “like by like” because it would seem to require that that “psyche” come equipped not just with all of the elements but also copies of the patterns and formulae that describe exactly how the elements exist in all objects we can perceive.

B1C5p3. Aristotle wonders how it would be possible for a “psyche” composed of all things to avoid being a complex substance that would have to fit into a body.

B1C5p4. Aristotle wonders, if “psyche” is produced by a composite of the elements, then why do all things composed of elements not have “psyche”.

B1C5p5. Aristotle makes the point that various living things have different abilities (only some move, breath or perceive) and wonders then how if being composed of the elements can account for “psyche”, how it would also account for differences between living things.

B1C5p6. Aristotle dismisses the idea that “psyche” is in every part of the universe, suggesting that if it were, then it would have to be homogeneous and unable to account for the different behaviors of different living things.

B1C5p7. Aristotle says that “psyche” is the source of growth, perception, thought, belief, appetite and desire and wonders what would hold all of the parts of “psyche” together if “psyche” itself has parts.

B1C5p8. Aristotle again mentions the fact that the bodies of some plants and animals can be divided into parts, each of which continue to live, suggesting that “psyche” can not be associated with any particular part of the body.

B1C5p9. Aristotle repeats the idea that plants have a kind of “psyche” that does not include perception.

Chapter 1
B2C1p1. Aristotle introduces his own conceptualization of “psyche” as the fundamental organizing principle of potentially living things.

B2C1p2. As a general statement about all types of “psyche”, Aristotle suggests the formula that “psyche” is the fundamental organizing principle any body with organs.

B2C1p3. Aristotle insists that “psyche” is a substance that is distinct from matter; that which is needed in addition to the matter of a living body.

Chapter 2
B2C2p1. Aristotle starts to define the parts of “psyche” by saying that plants only have the nutritive part (including a capacity for self-generated motion of growth).

B2C2p2. Aristotle lists other parts of “psyche” that only certain living things have (perception, pain, appetite, imagination, desire and intellect) and raises the question of if some of these parts might exist independent of a body.

B2C2p3. Aristotle indicates that each type of body has its own appropriate “psyche” (a particular “psyche” can not exist in just any type of body, say by moving between different bodies).

Chapter 3
B2C3p1. Aristotle raises the question of if all animals have imagination.

B2C3p2: Aristotle raises the question of why it is that there seems to be an ordered series of abilities in living things from nutritive (in plants) to perception (in animals) starting with touch as the most common with other senses like vision in some animals and  imagination and reason the most rare.

Chapter 4
B2C4p1: Aristotle states his plan: to first examine each of the abilities associated with “psyche” (nutritive, perception, imagination and reason) and then identify the principle(s) general and common to them all.

B2C4p2: Aristotle notes that all living things obtain nutrients in order to reproduce.

B2C4p3: Aristotle identifies “psyche” as the cause of the behaviors of living things such the roots of plants growing down into the ground.

B2C4p4: Aristotle provides an outline of nourishment with reference to digestion of food and the production of heat.

Book Three
Your turn. Continue reading and add your summary comments here. This book turns more directly toward the question of man and the four different kinds of imagination.

title: Aristotle/On the Soul: Outline


text:
Wikiversity translations/7 September IRC

This was an attempt to make sense of German terminology concerning research and literature reviews.

From IRC (Freenode) #wikiversity-en
Log file opened at: 9/5/06 12:44:20 AM [edited for readability]

SB_Johnny has joined channel #wikiversity-en

JWSchmidt: hi SB_Johnny

guillom|away is now known as guillom SB_Johnny: Hi everyone

guillom: hi johnny

SB_Johnny: hi guillom

SB_Johnny: raining today... got any chores for me?

SB_Johnny: more translating?

guillom: not for the moment i think

guillom: unless you can translate from english to french :)

SB_Johnny actually *can* read both French and German, but he's a bit rusty.

guillom: don't mind

SB_Johnny: I might be able to go from French to English, but not English to French.

JWSchmidt: Wikiversity translations

wikiversil: http://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity_translations

guillom: thanks john, i didn't know this page

guillom: great indeed

Scope of research
SB_Johnny: I'll give this a shot: http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Scope_of_research/De#2

JWSchmidt: SB_Johnny: thanks

JWSchmidt: do you see the machine translation version

SB_Johnny: what's the destination page?

JWSchmidt: we need a good translation at Beta: "Wikiversity talk:Scope of research/En"

JWSchmidt: http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity_talk:Scope_of_research/En

JWSchmidt: http://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity_translations#machine_translation_.28not_adequate.29

SB_Johnny: oh, I see the problem. they would use "Interpretation" and "exegisis" for what we call "secondary research"

SB_Johnny: Exegesis

wikiversil: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exegesis

JWSchmidt: "Interpretation" and "exegisis" <-- so does that mean "literature review"?

SB_Johnny: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Textinterpretation

SB_Johnny: sort of. interpreting texts and drawing conclusions that are metadiscursive

SB_Johnny: "the September 4"... yup, he's German alright :)

SB_Johnny: there's not much sense translating that... it's really just a "what the fuck are you guys talking about?" entry. I'll try to explain on the talk page.

JWSchmidt: lol SB_Johnny: Actually, I can't find entries for either primary research or secondary research on wp... SB_Johnny: Original_research

wikiversil: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Original_research JWSchmidt: I put some references here: http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity_talk:Scope_of_research/En#Reading SB_Johnny: ok, now we just need someone to translate that into german :) SB_Johnny is a one-way translator

aschoeke
aschoeke has joined channel #wikiversity-en aschoeke: hi there SB_Johnny: hi! JWSchmidt: hello aschoeke SB_Johnny: hold on, finding the page aschoeke: got to learn for my java exam, but go ahead SB_Johnny: (aschoeke is a german speaker) SB_Johnny: http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Research/En SB_Johnny: http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Secondary_research/En SB_Johnny: because of this:  http://beta.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Scope_of_research/De#2 SB_Johnny: you'll see the problem :) SB_Johnny: even just a sentence or two explaining what we mean by primary and secondary research would do... they're rather confused by our use of the terms aschoeke: ok SB_Johnny: thanks! aschoeke: i"ll have a look SB_Johnny: ok. let us know if there's any trouble. :) aschoeke: well, in my opinion it is not that difficult aschoeke: There is actually a term for it in german aschoeke: but it isn't used that often ;) JWSchmidt: if we have the German word it might be possible to cite a source aschoeke: In Sociology you would talk of "der akademische Mittelbau" for original research. i think aschoeke: the problem is, that it is rather far away from the original word aschoeke: so i would suggest something like "forschung und lehre" :-/ aschoeke: as you divide the university also in reality JWSchmidt: Primary and Secondary research in the context of social science research (in English): http://ec.hku.hk/acadgrammar/report/resProc/research.htm aschoeke: ok SB_Johnny: ah yes, akademische Mittelbau. Unfortunately my German is very good for reading Husserl and Hegel, but not so good for chatting :) aschoeke: dont know aschoeke: is a bit more complicated SB_Johnny: I think the difference is mainly between Forschung and Textinterpretation SB_Johnny: or maybe Untersuchungen aschoeke: it looks like there is also a problem of empiric research and theoretical research envolved SB_Johnny: yes, that's the kernel. JWSchmidt: we could use a list of different types of research SB_Johnny: Primary = empirical (with data collection) aschoeke: JWSchmidt, wouldnt work aschoeke: nono aschoeke: that will not do SB_Johnny: Secondary = based on preexisting texts JWSchmidt: Wikiversity must decide on policy for which types of research are allowed aschoeke: as you can not divide empirical and preexisitng aschoeke: you need booth for primary SB_Johnny: right aschoeke: ok aschoeke: how about "aufbereitende und aktive Forschung" aschoeke: would be preparing and active research SB_Johnny: Aber ich glaube dass das sogennante "Primary Research" die sammlung des data auch impliziert aschoeke: yes SB_Johnny: ...weil diese sammlung im "Secondary Research" nicht impliziert. aschoeke: so it is a question of the word "aufbereitend" SB_Johnny: I think so, hold on SB_Johnny: yes, I think. how the materials for the research are collected and prepared. aschoeke: ok aschoeke: aufbereitend is misleading aschoeke: maybe vorbereitend ;) aschoeke: but that is a bit far away again aschoeke: next try: vergleichende und aktive forschung... may be that aschoeke: ? SB_Johnny: yeah. It's really just a difference in that secondary research doesn't involve the collection of raw data, but instead relies on the interpretation of already-written texts that have already analyzed the data SB_Johnny: are those expressions used in German? aschoeke: vergleichende forschung yes aschoeke: but i dont know of a counter part SB_Johnny: ah, that's it! SB_Johnny: There is no counterpart. Original research is just Forschung SB_Johnny: "Original" is simply implied. aschoeke: yes, i think so too SB_Johnny: cool. That makes things much easier then. aschoeke: cool :) SB_Johnny: Thanks so much! Would you mind dropping a note on the talk page there so they'll understand what we're trying to say? aschoeke: ok


text:
centralino

Noun

 * 1) telephone exchange
 * 2) switchboard

Usage notes

 * Smaller than a ; especially in an organization rather than a town.

title: centralino


text:
Wikipedia:WikiProject Spam/LinkReports/procrastination-definition.com

Links

 * procrastination-definition.com resolves to [//<IP_ADDRESS> <IP_ADDRESS>]
 * Link is not on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the domainredlist.
 * COIBot Monitorlist search for link procrastination-definition.com gives:
 * procrastination-definition.com (COI)
 * None of the mentioned users is on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the whitelist.
 * Link is not on the monitor list.
 * None of the mentioned users is on the blacklist.
 * Link is not on the whitelist.
 * Link is not on the monitor list.

Additions

 * Displayed all 8 additions.


text:
United States Government/The Judicial Branch

The Courts
The United States judicial system includes the Supreme Court of the United States and the inferior federal courts. The President nominates an individual to serve as a judge, after which the Senate must grant its advice and consent before the President can formally appoint the judge. A judge holds office during "good behavior", which is usually interpreted as meaning a life term.

The Supreme Court
The Constitution creates the Supreme Court, but permits Congress to set the number of Justices. Currently, the Supreme Court includes the Chief Justice of the United States and eight Associate Justices. The Supreme Court has original jurisdiction over limited categories of cases, such as cases between two or more states. It hears most of its cases through its appellate jurisdiction, in which it hears appeals from lower federal and state courts. It exercises its appellate jurisdiction selectively; four of the nine Justices must grant a writ of certiorari before a case can be heard.

The Court of Appeals
The United States is divided into twelve regional circuits, each of which has a Court of Appeal. Additionally, there is a Federal Circuit which hears appeals from certain special tribunals and courts. The regional circuits (which are officially known by a number only, except for the DC circuit) are as follows:
 * District of Columbia
 * First Circuit- Northern New England (Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island plus the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico)
 * Second Circuit- Southern New England (Vermont, New York, and Connecticut)
 * Third Circuit- Middle Atlantic (Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey plus US Territory Virgin Islands)
 * Fourth Circuit- Upper Southeast (Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina)
 * Fifth Circuit- Deep South (Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi)
 * Sixth Circuit- Eastern Great Lakes (Michigan, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee)
 * Seventh Circuit- Western Great Lakes (Wisconsin, Illinois, and Indiana)
 * Eighth Circuit- Midwest (Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Arkansas, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Nebraska)
 * Ninth Circuit- West (Alaska, Hawaii, Washington, Oregon, California, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, and Arizona plus US Territories Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands)
 * Tenth Circuit- Southwest (Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and New Mexico)
 * Eleventh Circuit- Lower Southeast (Alabama, Georgia, and Florida)

Each Court of Appeal includes a different number of members. The First Circuit has the fewest with six members, while the Ninth Circuit has the most with twenty-eight.

District Court
Every state is divided into one or more Court Districts (which are distinct from Congressional districts). The total number of districts is ninety-four.

Each district court includes a different number of members. The Eastern and Western District of Kentucky, the Eastern District of Oklahoma, and the Northern, Eastern, and Western District of Oklahoma, each have the fewest judges with one, while the Central District of California has the most with twenty-seven.

Other Courts
The Congress has established special bankruptcy courts and other courts to rule on specific matters.


text:
Portal:Earth sciences/DYK/7

 * ... that a world map by Gerardus Mercator attributes the Earth's magnetic field to a magnetic mountain (pictured) above the Arctic Circle?
 * ... that a team of archaeologists discovered a fossilized Han Solo in the rocks of China?
 * ... that forest rings had gone unnoticed by geologists until aerial photography became a common surveying tool in the 1950s?
 * ... that two researchers have argued that some cobbles should be called "very small boulders"?
 * ... that swarms of dykes have intruded into Uruguay?
 * ... that precarious rock formations were evaluated to estimate the peak ground acceleration of the 1952 Kern County earthquake?

Archive – Start a new article...

title: Portal:Earth sciences/DYK/7


text:
Cookbook:Hot Chocolate (Orange)

| Beverages

Orange hot chocolate is a twist on the old childhood favorite. Note that this hot chocolate is not sweet. Those who like it sweeter should use a chocolate with a higher sugar content, or add 1 tablespoon sugar with the chocolate.

Ingredients

 * 4 cups (1 liter / 1.1 quart) milk
 * 1 stick cinnamon
 * 4 oz (110 g) bittersweet chocolate, chopped (can substitute semisweet)
 * ½ tsp orange extract
 * ¼ tsp vanilla extract

Procedure

 * 1) Place the milk and cinnamon in a saucepan, and gently heat to just below a simmer, about 180 F.
 * 2) Add the chocolate, and stir while allowing to melt. Do not allow to come to a boil.
 * 3) When the chocolate has melted, strain the chocolate milk into another container, add the extracts, and whisk or blend until frothy.
 * 4) Transfer to mugs or heatproof glasses and serve.

title: Cookbook:Hot Chocolate (Orange)


text:
Max Svensson (footballer, born 1998)

Max Svensson (born 19 June 1998) is a Swedish footballer who plays for Kalmar FF. He is mainly a left winger.

Club career
He made his Allsvenskan debut for Helsingborgs IF on 16 July 2016 in a game against GIF Sundsvall. He moved to Willem II in July 2021 on a three-year contract.

On 4 July 2024, Svensson signed with Kalmar FF.

title: Max Svensson (footballer, born 1998)