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| title: "House Oversight: Estate Documents (Nov 12) (HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011786)" | |
| source: "House Oversight: Estate Documents (Nov 12)" | |
| sourceUrl: "https://www.justice.gov/epstein" | |
| date: "2026-01-01" | |
| category: "House Oversight" | |
| eftaNumber: "HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011786" | |
| ocrPages: 1 | |
| ocrChars: 2445 | |
| ocrElapsed: 0.0 | |
| parseTier: "external-legacy" | |
| engine: "engine undisclosed (ep-nov-12.greg.technology mirror)" | |
| externalSource: "greg-ep-nov-12" | |
| externalLicense: "not granted" | |
| externalCredit: "ep-nov-12.greg.technology" | |
| externalUrl: "https://ep-nov-12.greg.technology" | |
| / BARAK / 29 | |
| Minister. But fewer and fewer Israelis were enthusiastic about four more years of | |
| Bibi. But I also was keen to convey the substance of what my premiership would | |
| be about. Domestically, I spoke of the need to narrow gaps in education and | |
| opportunity - particularly, though not only, the continuing disadvantage of many in | |
| the Sephardi communities who had arrived in the early years of the state. I wanted | |
| to try to build bridges between the secular and religious as well. My hope was to | |
| begin to recreate the "One Israel" of my youth. | |
| In terms of policy, I believed my primary job would be deliver "security and | |
| peace" - in that order. I declared my commitment to continue, and build on, Oslo | |
| and to make a new push in negotiations with Syria. Deliberately following the | |
| model Philip Gould had used in Tony Blair's election campaign, we also | |
| distributed nearly a million copies of a six-point policy "pledge card". It included a | |
| promise to hold a referendum on any peace deal we reached with Syria or the | |
| Palestinians, as well as several domestic policy pledges, including an end to | |
| discrimination against Russian immigrants whose Jewish religious status had been | |
| called into question. | |
| Yet the most widely reported promise was that I would pull out all Israeli troops | |
| from Lebanon within a year. I realized that even among those who knew that made | |
| sense, voices would be raised both in the Knesset and the kiyra against | |
| withdrawing. As with the Bar-Lev Line before the 1973 War, the longer the | |
| "security zone" was in place, the more difficult that politicians had found it to say | |
| it was a mistake. Yet it had now been there for nearly two decades. The main | |
| argument for keeping it - that it protected the security of northern Israel - was | |
| undermined by the fact that thousands of Katyusha rockets had been fired over it. | |
| And in the low-grade war we were fighting against Hizbollah inside the security | |
| zone, around 20 Israeli soldiers had been dying each and every year. When I'd first | |
| visited our positions in south Lebanon in the early 1980s, chatted with the troops | |
| and asked them how they were doing, the invariable response was: we're OK. | |
| We're just worried about our young kids back home. Now, those children were | |
| manning the same outposts, facing the same danger, in a sliver of land on which | |
| we had no claim, which we had no desire to hold, and which was, at best, of | |
| questionable security value. | |
| * | |
| 315 | |
| HOUSE | |
| _OVERSIGHT_011786 | |