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| title: "House Oversight: Estate Documents (Nov 12) (HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011733)" | |
| source: "House Oversight: Estate Documents (Nov 12)" | |
| sourceUrl: "https://www.justice.gov/epstein" | |
| date: "2026-01-01" | |
| category: "House Oversight" | |
| eftaNumber: "HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011733" | |
| ocrPages: 1 | |
| ocrChars: 2858 | |
| ocrElapsed: 0.0 | |
| parseTier: "external-legacy" | |
| engine: "engine undisclosed (ep-nov-12.greg.technology mirror)" | |
| externalSource: "greg-ep-nov-12" | |
| externalLicense: "not granted" | |
| externalCredit: "ep-nov-12.greg.technology" | |
| externalUrl: "https://ep-nov-12.greg.technology" | |
| "single territorial unit" under Oslo. In essence, and very probably in name, this | |
| meant a Palestinian state. I wasn't opposed to that in principle, if it was in return | |
| for a full and final peace. But the Oslo process meant that we would be handing | |
| back land, and control over security, in an ever-larger portion of territory before | |
| we'd reached any so-called permanent-status agreement. In fact, before we even | |
| knew whether that would prove possible. It wasn't "land for peace." It was land | |
| for the promise, or maybe only the hope, of peace. It was the same problem | |
| Yitzhak had faced over the Americans' misuse of our "pocket deposit" on the | |
| Golan. I realized that, having come this far with Oslo, neither he nor the | |
| government was likely to back away from approving the Gaza-Jericho accord. | |
| But he did say he thought the points I'd raised were important, which I took as | |
| meaning he was comfortable with my raising it with the cabinet. | |
| I spoke near the end of the four-hour cabinet meeting to ratify the Gaza- | |
| Jericho plan. The ministers seemed attentive as I ran through the security | |
| concerns I'd raised with Rabin, even nodding when I compared the agreement's | |
| security provisions to "a piece of Swiss cheese, only with more holes." But then | |
| I said that I wanted to say a few words which I recognized were beyond my | |
| responsibility as chief of staff. "I'm speaking just as an Israeli citizen," I told | |
| the cabinet, "and as a former head of military intelligence." Referring to specific | |
| provisions in Oslo, and in the Camp David framework agreed by Begin and | |
| Sadat 15 years earlier, I said it was important for ministers to realize that, even | |
| though permanent-status issues were yet to be resolved, "you will be taking us | |
| nearly the whole way toward creating a Palestinian state, based on the | |
| internationally accepted reading of Camp David." The reaction to my comments | |
| was a mix of defensiveness and hostility. In the latter camp were ministers from | |
| Rabin's left-wing coalition partners, Meretz, who seemed especially angry | |
| when I quoted from Camp David. The Prime Minister motioned them for calm. | |
| "Ehud had a responsibility to talk about security questions, and we had a | |
| responsibility to listen. As for his additional remarks, they are not a surprise to | |
| me," he said. "He made these points to me, and I said he could repeat them here. | |
| It is right that he should raise them." He said there was no need for ministers to | |
| agree with me, but that it was proper that the points I'd raised should be heard. | |
| Many clearly didn't agree with me, or simply believed the Gaza-Jericho | |
| agreement still had to be ratified, which it was. But my remarks did lay the | |
| groundwork for my objection to the next, more far-reaching stage in the Oslo | |
| process barely a year later. By then, I was no longer chief of staff. I was a | |
| member of Rabin's cabinet. | |
| 262 | |
| HOUSE | |
| _OVERSIGHT_011733 | |